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Title: Some Early Records of the Macarthurs of Camden. Author: Edited by Sibella Macarthur Onslow. * A Project Gutenberg of Australia eBook * eBook No.: 1302011h.html Language: English Date first posted: May 2013. Date most recently updated: November 2014. Produced by: Ned Overton. Project Gutenberg Australia eBooks are created from printed editions which are in the public domain in Australia, unless a copyright notice is included. We do NOT keep any eBooks in compliance with a particular paper edition. Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing this file. This eBook is made available at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg Australia Licence which may be viewed online.
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Production Notes:
The Index to Letters and General Index have been added to the
Table of Contents. A few obvious typographical errors have been
corrected. Most of the punctuation remains unchanged, as do the
missing apostrophes. Captions of several illustrations have been
expanded in the body of the work.
SOME EARLY RECORDS
OF THE
MACARTHURS OF CAMDEN
SYDNEY
ANGUS & ROBERTSON LTD.
89 CASTLEREAGH STREET
1914
Printed by
W. C. Penfold & Co. Ltd., 183 Pitt Street, Sydney
for
Angus & Robertson Ltd.
London: The Oxford University Press
Amen Corner, E.C.
In editing the accompanying selections left by my dear father James Macarthur, of Camden Park, I am only carrying out a work which he had intended that we should perform together, when we were prevented by his very sudden death in 1867; and I wish to dedicate the volume to the cherished memory of my dear parents James and Emily Macarthur, and my uncle Sir William Macarthur, whose lives were devoted to the highest interests of Australia and of the beloved Empire to which we have the privilege of belonging.
Elizabeth Macarthur Onslow.
It is not intended that this volume, which was almost finished for publication by my Mother before she died in England in 1911, should be taken as a life of John Macarthur of Camden.
Its object is rather to place finally on record an authentic account of John Macarthur's connection with the introduction of Fine Wool into Australia, and of the keen interest he took in that industry and in all that concerned the welfare of the infant colony which he had adopted as his home.
It has been compiled chiefly from letters and authenticated copies of letters found at Camden Park, and from MS. notes left by James and William, the sons of John Macarthur. All of these papers have been literally reproduced throughout; but other papers have been used and books quoted, when necessary, to link up the original materials into a connected history.
The Dedication was written by my Mother shortly before her last illness. She left the editing of the book to me—a work I should have had difficulty in fulfilling, but for the very great help and encouragement of Dr. Frederick Watson, to whom I am most grateful, and through whom I have been enabled to complete the work my Mother had so nearly finished.
Sibella Macarthur Onslow.
Chapter | I. |
—Macarthur's Early Life and Voyage to Australia |
" | II. |
—Arrival and Early Days in the Colony |
" | III. |
—The Birth of the Fine Wool Industry |
" | IV. |
—The Fine Wool Industry in its Infancy |
" | V. |
—Macarthur and the Bligh Insurrection |
" | VI. |
—Macarthur and the Bligh-Johnston Proceedings in England |
" | VII. |
—Macarthur's Term of Exile |
" | VIII. |
—Transactions in New South Wales during Macarthur's Absence |
" | IX. |
—Macarthur's Return and Development of the Wool Industry |
" | X. |
—Macarthur as the Advocate of Reform |
" | XI. |
—The Growth of the Camden Estate |
" | XII. |
—The Making of the Market for Australian Wool |
" | XIII. |
—Life in the Colonies, 1824-1831 |
" | XIV. |
—John Macarthur's Last Years |
Appendix | ||
[Index to Letters] | ||
[General Index] |
John Macarthur, of Camden, New South Wales, who introduced the merino sheep into Australia and founded the Australian wool trade, was born in 1767 near Plymouth, in Devonshire. His father, Alexander Macarthur, a native of Argyleshire, N.B., had in 1745 with his brothers (it is supposed there were seven of them) joined the army of Prince Charles Edward, and of these he alone escaped from the field of Culloden. Being forced to quit Scotland in consequence of the part he had taken, he sought refuge in the West Indies, and after some years returned to England and settled in Plymouth, where he established a business * to which his eldest son ** James succeeded.
[* Believed to be that of Army Agent.]
[** Father of Hannibal Macarthur, Esq., of the Vineyard, N.S.W.]
John, after receiving such education as a private school in the country ordinarily afforded in those days, entered the army as an ensign in 1782, but at the close of the war, in 1783, he was placed on half pay, and being thus left without active employment, he went to live at a farm house near Holsworthy, on the borders of Cornwall and Devonshire.
There he took a lively interest in the rural occupations around him, at the hunt showed himself a bold and accomplished horseman, and spent much time in the perusal of such books as he could obtain, especially works on English and Roman History and the general principles of Law. About this time he married Elizabeth, the daughter of a country gentleman named Veale, who lived near Holsworthy, and contemplated retiring from the Army for the purpose of being called to the Bar; but the pay sheets of the London Record Office show that on April 30th, 1788, he was gazetted to the 68th Foot (the Durham Regiment) and on June 5th, 1789, he was appointed Lieutenant in the N.S.W. Corps which was being formed for service in the newly established convict settlement founded under Governor Phillip in 1788.
Mrs. J. Macarthur's letters to her mother, Mrs. Veale, will show that she was a true helpmate to her husband, and one cannot fail to be impressed by the cheerful and enterprising spirit in which she accepted her life of exile—for such it was at that time—and for which our pioneer women are so justly praised. But her letters will speak for themselves.
In October, 1789, when she was in her twenty-first year, she wrote to her mother, announcing their intended departure for New South Wales.
Letter from Mrs. John Macarthur to Mrs. Veale
In my last letter I informed you, my dear
Mother, of my husband's exchange into a corps destined for New
South Wales, from which we have every reasonable expectation of
reaping the most material advantages. You will be surprised that
even I who appear timid and irresolute should be a warm advocate
for this scheme. So it is, and believe me I shall be greatly
disappointed if anything happens to impede it. I foresee how
terrific and gloomy this will appear to you. To me at first it
had the same appearance, while I suffered myself to be blinded by
common and vulgar prejudices. I have not now, nor I trust shall
ever have one scruple or regret, but what relates to you.
Do but consider that if we must be distant from each other, it is
much the same, whether I am two hundred, or far more than as many
thousand miles apart from you. The same Providence will watch
over and protect us there as here. The sun that shines on you
will also afford me the benefit of his cheery rays, and that too
in a country where nature hath been so lavish of her bounties,
that flowers luxuriantly abound, in the same manner as with
culture fruits will do hereafter.
By the last accounts from Port Jackson—where the new
settlement is established—we learn that wheat which has
been sown, flourished in a manner nearly incredible, and that the
settlers are making rapid progress in buildings, so that by the
time our corps arrives everything will be made comfortable for
their reception.
The new settlement is an immediate object with Government, and
every effort will be made to promote its success.
Your affectionate daughter,
In the same year Macarthur and his wife embarked for Port Jackson in the second fleet, (the first fleet having brought out Governor Phillip and the first establishment in 1788), taking with them, on what was then deemed an adventurous, if not perilous voyage, an infant son, afterwards General Sir Edward Macarthur.
The passage to Sydney was long, and attended with much discomfort, the ships (two of which, the Neptune and Scarborough, sailed in company) being shamefully and inadequately provided by the contractors with provisions and necessaries for the convicts, which caused sickness and the loss of many lives.
The ships touched at the Cape of Good Hope for supplies, and while there Macarthur contracted a severe attack of rheumatic fever and lumbago from over-exertion in the hot sun, followed by a drenching in the surf in his endeavours to embark and bring oft to the ships a party of soldiers who had been ashore on leave, and who were, many of them, in a state of intoxication.
From this illness he was for some weeks in much danger, and to it he attributed the painful attacks of flying gout and nervous depression from which he suffered much in after life, and which with increasing years became more severe.
A graphic account of the voyage is given in Mrs. John Macarthur's Journal, which was found in a torn condition amongst the papers of her daughter Lady Parker at Sheen, Surrey, in 1888, and in the letters to her mother which follow.
Mrs. John Macarthur's Journal.
Friday, 13th November, 1789: I took leave of my
friends in London, and accompanied by Mr. Macarthur, hired a
Gravesend boat from Billinsgate which conveyed us to the
Neptune at Long-reach.
Saturday, 14th: The ship drop'd down to Gravesend. at which place
we lay till the Tuesday following, and then sailed for the Downs
where we arrived on the Thursday. We remained in the Downs
Friday, and some part of Saturday, and I was much struck with the
formidable and romantick appearance of the Cliffs of Deal and of
Dover. On this day (Saturday) a disagreeable circumstance
occurred. Mr. Gilbert, Master of the Ship, of whom indeed we had
heard but an indifferent character, took an opportunity of
manifesting himself in such a light to us, as precluded all
further communication between him and Mr. Macarthur. In the
afternoon of this day we proceeded down the Channel with a fair
wind and at different times had in sight several vessels.
On Monday, 23rd, after laying-too all night, supposing the ship
to be near Plymouth, our astonishment was very great on
discovering that we were so far west as the Lizard Point. I could
not help viewing the coast of Cornwall, inhospitable as it
appeared, but with sensible regret at the thought that I was
about to take a long leave of it. We had here a distant prospect
of St. Michael's Mount, but not near enough to form any idea of
the grandeur of its appearance when taken in a better view. The
wind not being favourable towards our return, it was not till
Friday, 27th, in the morning, that we found ourselves safely
anchored in Plymouth Sound. Here I must pay a tribute to dear
Devon. I have ever heard admired the agreeable variety of objects
in general to be discovered throughout this county, but surely
the entrance to Plymouth by sea must surpass every other and I
think there cannot be a beholder but what must be delighted in
contemplating the variety of beautiful scenes that on every side
surround him. In the afternoon of the day that we arrived at
Plymouth, Mr. Harris, our surgeon, and Mr. Macarthur went ashore;
at their return, which was early in the evening, I gathered from
some distant hints that a duel had taken place between Mr.
Gilbert and Mr. Macarthur. To describe my feelings on the
occasion would now be a difficult task, though they were by no
means so acute as reflection hath since rendered them, many
disagreeable circumstances then pressing on my mind suffered not
one principle to actuate me wholly. I therefore did not so
seriously consider what I now think of with trembling, the
unhappy consequences that might have arisen from so presumptuous
a meeting, nor can I be sufficiently thankful to the Almighty
disposer of events that a more lasting cause does not oblige me
to consider it with horror.
On Sunday 29th November, accompanied by Capt. Moriarty, I took a
post chaise, and reached Launceston that night, and the next
morning, about 11 o'clock, I arrived at my mother's. My time was
so limited by Mr. Gilbert's report of the Ships sailing, that I
could only allow myself two nights at Bridgerule. Wednesday
morning I was obliged to take leave of it, and returned to
Plymouth, where I arrived between 9 and 10 o'clock at night, not
much enlivened by the short interview I had with my friends, and
considerably depressed with the Idea of parting with my only
surviving parent, perhaps for ever. I found Mr. Macarthur at
Plymouth, waiting to take me on board, and late as it was, we
were under the necessity of going, as an official message had
been sent by Mr. Gilbert to inform the officers that the ship
would sail at 3 o'clock in the morning. It was afterwards known
that he had not the slightest intention of going, and of course
could have no view in reporting what he did but that of
harrassing us. Captain Nepean went off to the ship in the same
boat with us. We had no sooner arrived on board than a compleat
scene of uproar and confusion presented itself. Captain Gilbert
had insulted a centinal on his post and struck him; the soldier
showed a disposition to defend himself and make Mr. Gilbert
suffer for his imprudence; this led to a great bustle, and the
ship's arms were taken out and loaded and arranged on the stern
gallery. Three naval lieutenants in possession of the cabin with
blunderbusses lying on the table. In this order we found things
on board, and Mr. Gilbert had thought fit to take himself quickly
on shore instead of preparing for sea. Captain Nepean dispatched
Mr. Harris immediately to London with an account of these riotous
proceedings to his brother,* and about 3 o'clock in the morning I
retired to rest after the variety of fatigues and alarms of the
preceding day. We did not leave Plymouth until Thursday, 10th
December, from whence we proceeded to Portsmouth, and anchored in
Stokes Bay.
[* Secretary to the Admiralty.]
Sunday, 13th.—We there found the
Scarborough and Surprize, two transports that were
to accompany us, ready for sea. Soon after our arrival here, we
learnt that Mr. Gilbert's conduct had displeased the owners of
the ship, and the truth was soon assured by a Mr. Trail being
appointed in his room. Heartily glad was I when he made his exit
and we congratulated ourselves with the thought that such another
troublesome man could not be found and consequently our change
must be for the better. Experience, however, soon taught us a
very disagreeable truth, Mr. Trail's character was of a much
blacker dye than was ever in Mr. Gilbert's nature to exhibit.
Everything was now disposed in order for sea and we only waited
for a fair wind. Captain Hill, Mr. Prentice, and Mr. Harris, who
was the surgeon in the Surprize, Mr. Townsend, and Mr.
Abbott in the Scarborough, and in the Neptune
Captain Nepean, Mr. Macarthur, and Mrs. Trail was on board with
her husband, and Mr. Shapcote, the agent for the fleet, was also
in our ship, but as they all lived together, and Captain Nepean
with them, we seldom benefited by their society. The wind
continuing to blow westerly, an attempt towards sailing was not
made until Tuesday, 5th January, we then had a few hours' fair
wind which first took us to Spithead, where we were again obliged
to anchor.
Friday, 8th, we again loosened "every sail to the breeze", and
proceeded to sea. Towards night the wind began to prove
faithless, and before the next morning blew directly against us,
so as totally to impede our course. The next day (Sunday) and
night we continued to beat about, hoping that a favourable change
would take place, but on Monday morning appearances were so
extremely hazardous that prudence dictated the shortest way back
again, and our head was once more turned towards that shore we
had so recently quitted with an idea of not seeing it again for
some years to come. We passed through the Needles and anchored at
the Mother bank on Tuesday about noon. The evening and succeeding
day was so dreadfully tempestuous that we had great reason to be
thankful at our being safely in harbour. We remained at the
Motherbank until Sunday, 17th January, when a fine clear easterly
wind springing up we soon got under sail and proceeded down the
Channel with very fine weather. On Wednesday, being near the Bay
of Biscay, the wind shifted to the south, and it began to be very
tempestuous, that night and the succeeding day it blew
exceedingly hard, and now, for the first time, I began to be a
coward. I could not be persuaded that the ship could possibly
long resist the violence of the sea which ran mountains high. On
Thursday, towards evening, the wind considerably abated, and the
next morning it was a perfect calm, but the sea continued greatly
agitated by a swell. On the 25th January, we were again favored
with a fair wind, and a small vessel was seen at a distance with
French colours. About this time my poor little boy was taken very
ill, and continued in the most pitiable weak state during our
passage to the Cape. Added to this my servant was attacked by a
fever that raged among the women convicts, and I had hourly every
reason to expect that the infection would be communicated to us.
as our apartments were so immediately connected with those of the
women. We were, however, fortunate enough to escape from this
evil. I have omitted to observe that when Captain Nepean accepted
of accommodation in the upper cabin, he thought himself at
liberty to dispose of the part allotted to him in the great cabin
as best suited his inclinations, adopting that very generous
maxim "every man for himself," in consequence of this idea and a
request from the owners of the ship, he gave permission for one
half the cabin to be partitioned off for the reception of female
convicts, leaving the other half to us. Mr. Macarthur, who saw
the inconvenience that would arise from this arrangement, strove
by every means to prevent it. He pointed out to Captain Nepean
"that Government had contracted for a cabin for the mutual
benefit of the officers ordered to sail in that ship, and that
there was no particular allotment for any officer," that,
therefore, if he had the means of obtaining better
accommodations, and had no use for those prepared him by
Government, it was highly indelicate, if not unjust, to think of
introducing a set of people to the possession of what was
prepared for him. and to the participation of what was assigned
to us. But in this instance, as in many others, reason unassisted
by power proved unavailing. A slight partition was erected, which
was thought fully sufficient to separate us from the set of
abandoned creatures that were to inhabit the other part, and the
only satisfaction or concession that Mr. Macarthur could obtain
for this cruel encroachment upon our rights was a promise and
assurance that a passage, which from our quarter gallery
communicated with the upper cabin, should always be open for our
use and even for our servants. This assurance, trifling as it may
appear, was to us an inestimable advantage, as the division in
the cabin had rendered the common passage to the deck totally
dark, and added to this, it was always filled with convicts and
their constant attendants, filth and vermin. The altercations and
little disputes that the concluding of this business occasioned
created a coldness between Captain Nepean, the master of the
ship, and Mr. Macarthur, and at last terminated in a cessation of
every kind of intercourse, except on duty with the one, or on
business with the other. Thus, unhappily situated, we determined
patiently to submit to the unpleasantness we could not remedy,
and cheered ourselves with hope of a speedy voyage, not doubting
but that things were at the worst. In this conclusion, however,
experience proved we had vainly flattered ourselves.
Many of the soldiers frequently complained that a part of their
ration was purloined, and as often as they did, Mr. Macarthur
considered it his duty to report it to Captain Nepean. The first
time, Captain Nepean replied "Trail does everything to oblige me,
and I must give up some points to him." Subsequent informations
on the same subject were answered "I will see into it." It would
be an injustice to Captain Nepean to suppose that he did not
mention it, as there is every reason to conclude he did, from the
monstrous and unprovoked insults that always ensued. I had made
it a practice every fine evening to go up through our quarter
gallery to the stern gallery to walk or sit with Mr. Macarthur.
and I also took the same road whenever my inclinations led me to
the deck—the common passage, as I have before observed,
being rendered impassable. But of these enjoyments I was suddenly
deprived by the door of the gallery being closely nailed up on
Saturday, 30th January without their deigning to assign any
reason for so doing—we have since been told it was to
prevent Mr. Macarthur from listening—a suggestion infamous
and unfounded as it was, I shall ever be persuaded originated in
the person, who of all others in the ship ought to have been most
forward in suppressing it. Mr. Macarthur immediately wrote an
official letter to the agent, complaining in the strongest
language of the injustice of this transaction; in answer to which
he was told verbally (a written answer being refused) "that he
should not quarrel with Trail for any man," Captain Nepean also
said "that the master of the ship had a right to do as he
pleased." Without a hope of relief, T was fain to content myself
within the narrow limits of a wretched cabin, for to add to the
horrors of the common passage to the deck. Captain Nepean ordered
it to be made a hospital for the sick, the consequence of which
was that I never left my cabin till I finally quitted the ship.
Thus precluded from the general advantages that even the convicts
enjoyed—air and exercise—no language can express, no
imagination conceive the misery I experienced. Approaching near
the equator (where the heat in the best of situations is almost
in supportable) assailed with noisome stenches, that even in the
cold of an English winter, hourly effusions of oil of tar in my
cabin could not dispel, two sides of it surrounded with wretches
whose dreadful imprecations and shocking discourses ever rang in
my distracted ears. a sickly infant constantly claiming maternal
cares, my spirits failing, my health forsaking me, nothing but
the speedy change which took place, could have prevented me from
falling a helpless victim to the unheard of inhumanity of a set
of monsters whose triumph and pleasure seemed to consist in
aggravating my distresses. To a person unacquainted with the
innumerable insults and cruelties I was necessitated to bear
with, this may appear the language of passion, resentment, or of
heart, desiring revenge, but it will be admitted to be the
conclusions of truth and of justice when it is known in addition
the wrongs I have already recited that we were deprived of a part
of our little ration, and insultingly told we should have less if
they thought proper; that a constant watch was set over our
servant when getting our daily allowance of water lest the seamen
who had the serving of it (knowing our situation) should be
induced by motives of humanity to make some small addition to the
scanty pittance, and once (so low were we reduced by the
connivance of the only person we could look to for support) that
the servant was publicly stopped on the deck, with execrations
and abuse, and the water examined, although at this time they
were expending 50 gallons a day for their stock, and an unlimited
quantity for their own use, and our whole allowance for every
purpose was only 5 quarts. But to conclude as ungrateful a
subject as ever exercised the patience or wounded the feelings of
humanity, I will proceed to the last adventures we were concerned
in in this detested ship. Mr. Macarthur, when his duties called
him to visit the soldiers, always crept through the only passage
now left us, often endangering a limb by tumbling over boxes and
other lumber that this place was made the repository of, and
frequently contracting heaps of the vermin with which it was
infested. The immediate cause of our leaving the Neptune
is now to explain.
On the 10th February Mr. Macarthur had just come on deck when the
sergeant complained to him of an attempt made to cheat him of
several pounds of the men's allowance of meat, which he had
scarcely heard when the chief mate of the ship (who was close by)
exclaimed he was a d—d rascal. Mr. Macarthur, roused at the
insult offered to the man, told the mate with some severity that
the sergeant would do well to punish him for his insolence. In
return Mr. Macarthur received every kind of abuse that can be
supposed to flow from ignorance and brutality. Angered to an
extreme degree, but unable to redress himself, Mr. Macarthur sent
for Captain Nepean and related the whole affair, when, strange to
tell, he was highly censured for interfering in the business, and
told by Captain Nepean "that he was sufficient to redress any
wrongs offered to the men, without the assistance of any one."
This fresh insult, the knowledge of what we were hourly
suffering, and the contemplation of what we had to expect in
future, determined Mr. Macarthur to apply for a remove on board
the Scarborough. The request was gladly complied with by
Captain Nepean, happy to get rid of a person he thought a
troublesome examiner of the iniquitous practices of the people he
considered his Friends.
On 19th February a favourable day presented itself, and we
removed with all our little baggage, rejoiced at an escape from
tyranny, insult, and every species of oppression. We were in the
latitude of 6 degrees N. when our remove took place, and it being
quite a calm day Edward and I suffered greatly from the heat, but
this was an inconvenience I thought lightly of after what I had
been taught to bear. In the Scarborough we shared a small
cabin with Mrs. Abbott. Marshall, the master of the ship, was a
plain, honest man, and disposed to make things as comfortable for
me as was in his power.
On 22nd we passed a French Guineaman bound to Martinico with
slaves. We crossed the line on 25th with a light wind, and on
14th April, after experiencing a severe gale of wind, anchored
safely in False Bay. False Bay is about 20 miles distant from the
Cape Town. At the head of the Bay there is a small town which has
a pleasing appearance. The houses are all uniformly whitewashed
on the outside, and the doors and windows painted green. The
inhabitants are all such as make a practice of preying on the
shipping; not excepting the Governor himself, who scruples not to
supply the wants of any at the moderate profit of about 500 per
cent. The manners of the people, if I may be allowed to judge,
from what I saw, are as unfriendly and rude as the appearance of
their coast. The country which presents itself to the sea is
extremely mountainous and you see nothing but massy rocks and
tremendous precipices; within them, however, the soil is fruitful
and well repays the labour of the husbandman. I one day took a
walk to what is called the Company's Garden, a piece of ground
totally appropriated to the use of the Dutch East India Company,
and stored with vegetables. It is situated about a mile and a
half from the town. The intermediate space is uncultivated and
presents Africa in its native dress, every shrub and flower I
saw, being new, was interesting. Whether my admiration was
excited by novelty or the effect of a long voyage, I cannot
determine, but I thought at the time I had never in England seen
so charming an assemblage from the most laboured production of
art. I forgot to mention that in our voyage from Portsmouth to
the Cape, Mr. Prentice was put in arrest by Captain Hill. At
False Bay Captain Hill was put in arrest by Captain Nepean. A few
days before we quitted False Bay, Mr. Macarthur was attacked with
a violent and very alarming fever. It continued to rage till
every sense was lost and every faculty but life destroyed, and my
little boy at that time was so very ill that I could scarcely
expect him to survive a day. Alone, unfriended, and in such a
situation, what do I not owe to a merciful God for granting me
support and assistance in these severe moments of affliction. I
was greatly indebted to the attention and kindness of Captain
Reid, who commanded an Imperial East Indiaman that then lay in
the Bay with us. He visited Mr. Macarthur frequently and supplied
me with a few little comforts that afterwards were of the
greatest service.
I was also very much obliged to Captain Marshall for his * . . .
behaviour, particularly on this occasion and here . . . add my
obligations cease. I do not recollect . . . officers made me the
slightest offer of . . . indebted to them ever.. .. .. ..
[blank line]
after we sailed but continued intermittant for a long time, for 5
weeks I was obliged to have one and some times two soldiers sit
up every night, and all the rest I took myself was laying my head
on a locker, till at length one of the.. .. .. ..
gave me up his cabin.. .. .. ..
Our passage to the South.. .. .. ..
be truly called a tempestuous one.. .. .. ..
we performed it.. .. .. ..
and it was not till this time that Mr. Macarthur.. .. .. ..
recovered to walking without assistance. It.. .. .. ..
feel the heavy hand of sickness.. .. .. ..
[* The manuscript is torn or undecipherable.]
My Dear Mother,
I have the happiness to inform you that we arrived safe, and are
anchored in the bay, from whence I date this on the 14th of this
month, after a fine passage of just twelve weeks and three days,
from the time we sailed from Portsmouth. I wish I could also add
that we arrived in perfect health, but my poor little boy is a
melancholy proof, at this period, of the contrary. He has been
very sickly throughout the Passage, and unless a very speedy
change take place I am well convinced he will shortly cease to be
an inhabitant of this world. I believe I told you in Devonshire
that he had nearly cut one of his teeth; I was, however,
exceedingly mistaken, for he hath not yet cut any, although they
appear very firm in the Gums, and I am in hopes that if once one
or two had made their appearance, he might yet recover and get
strength. He is not near so large as children generally are at
four months old, although he is now upwards of twelve. He is very
sensible, very lively, and affords us much pleasure, but the
trouble we have had with so delicate a little creature is
indescribable, and I wonder my own health hath not suffered more
from the attention I have been obliged to pay him. I may justly
say with regard to him "that God tempers the wind to the shorn
lamb."
Mr. Macarthur has enjoyed a remarkably good share of health ever
since we left England, and I trust will continue to do so. I was
nearly tired with the length of the passage before we got into
port, and stood in need of refreshment very much, but now with
the benefit of fresh meat and plenty of fruits and vegetables, I
am quite recovered, and assure my beloved Mother that I never was
in better health, and am in very good spirits which are only
damped by poor Edward's illness.
You will expect some account of my voyage, but I scarcely know
where to begin or what to tell you. I mean to write Miss Kingdon
those particulars. It will be needless for me to repeat the same
in both letters, particularly as I have but little spare time,
being busy in seeing all our linen washed and got up, and in
laying in stock and refreshments to take with us to Botany Bay. I
am also advised by our surgeon to spend as much time as possible
on shore, in order to get very strong and prepared for the
remainder of the voyage. We are to stay here eight days longer
and no more. To-morrow I go on shore to board during that time. I
am to pay a dollar and a half a day, and live with a genteel
private family. Mr. Macarthur cannot quit the ship entirely, but
will visit me on shore every day. You can have no idea of the
extravagant charge of the inhabitants for almost all they sell.
As an instance of these impositions I must tell you that they
charge the ships for a cabbage 1s. 6d. each. Their bread is not
good, being fermented with leaven. Fruit is to be had in great
abundance. The grapes are fine, beyond what I can describe to
you; you have no idea to what a pitch of luxuriance they arrive.
It is here the season of autumn, and apples, pears, and such
fruits are now just in perfection. We get wine for about 1s. the
bottle.
The Dutch live very well at their own tables. I like their
houses, they are spacious and airy, and their slaves keep them
remarkably clean. A man's riches are here determined by the
number of his slaves. If you go to a genteel house you will see a
dozen of them attending in the hall. I had the honor to be
received by the Governor, when the officers paid their respects
to him, and was met by his daughter, who was dressed after our
mode, but as she could not speak English, nor I Dutch, we could
only exchange dumb civilities.
The face of the country is very romantic. Our prospect is bounded
by mountains, the lowest of which is much higher than any I ever
saw before. Such walks as I have taken have been very amusing. In
every plant I see something new; these works of nature at the
foot of the mountains represent a beautiful shrubbery, where
innumerable beautiful flowers and plants delight the eye and
regale the senses.
I have not yet seen any of the original inhabitants of this
coast—the Hottentots—there are some, I am told, who
reside about the mountains. They are a harmless set of Beings and
hurt no one. I have just given you this short account of the Cape
of Good Hope, of which you have heard so much, little thinking
that your daughter would ever write to you from thence.
I will now tell you of a few circumstances about our passage. We
sailed from England with a fair wind, which carried us to the Bay
of Biscay. We were there for the space of two days, and in the
night had so heavy a gale of wind that I was most terribly
alarmed. They told me, however, there was no danger; after this
storm we soon got into fine weather and constant fair winds. I
was much pleased with the variety of different fish and seabirds
which every day presented themselves; but learnt with regret that
we were not to touch at Madeira or at Rio di Janeiro. We had,
consequently, no hopes of getting into Port in less than three or
four months. I wrote to you from Portsmouth that we had a lady
going out with us, the wife of the Captain Trail. She appeared a
very agreeable woman, but her husband proved himself a perfect
sea-monster; so much so, that I requested Mr. Macarthur to
exchange duties with one of the officers in one of the other
ships. It was accordingly so arranged, and when about six degrees
from the Equator, on a very warm day, when it was quite calm, Mr.
Macarthur, myself, Edward, and our servants left the
Neptune and embarked on board the Scarborough,
commanded by Captain Marshall. Lieut. Townsend was taken in the
Neptune in place of Mr. Macarthur, and we found on board
the Scarborough an officer of the Troops. Lieut. Abbott,
who from this time lived with us. This exchange took place on the
19th February, and hath proved in every respect satisfactory to
me. Captain Marshall, one of the Captains who commanded a
Transport in the First Fleet that went to New South Wales. and
staid in the Colony four months. He, therefore, frequently amuses
us with accounts of the place, and in what state he left it, and
upon the whole they are flattering. He is a very humane man, and
I am under the greatest obligation to him for his more than
common attention to me and Edward. He accommodates us with
everything in his power of which he thinks we stand in need,
preventing my very wishes. He has left a wife and three children
in England, of whom he speaks in the tenderest terms.
If it pleases the Almighty that we arrive in safety at Port
Jackson, I shall write you a long letter by Captain Marshall, but
that letter you must not expect till next June, as the ship is
under a charter to bring tea home from China for the East India
Company. She therefore will from Port Jackson go on to China, and
from thence return to England, which makes the home passage very
long. Whether I may meet with a vessel that returns by the
nearest way from Port Jackson to England is very uncertain,
indeed I believe it very improbable, and therefore you must not
expect it. I hope you will receive this letter in four months
from the date, by which time and long before, I trust we shall be
comfortably settled in our New World. If we have a good passage
from hence we hope to be at Port Jackson in seven or eight weeks
from this time. You may be sure that I shall write to you by
every ship that returns, and I pray that you will punctually
write to me. The Guardian, a 44-gun ship, quite new, that
was fitted out by Government at an amazing expence for New South
Wales, being laden with provisions and a variety of valuable
stores for the Colony, is now a wreck at the Cape. The
particulars which I have learnt are these—It being summer
she had a good passage from England to this place, where she
staid the usual time for water and refreshments, and then
proceeded on her voyage, but instead of going the usual track
from hence to Port Jackson, the Lieutenant who commanded her took
her quite a different one, and proceeded round by Cape Horn,
where, according to his account, he fell in with islands of ice,
which entirely impeded his passage and tore his ship almost to
pieces, so that with great difficulty he brought her back to this
place. No lives have been lost, and the provisions have been
lodged in Store Houses at Cape Town for the use of which the
Dutch have the conscience to charge £60 a day, with the cost of
unloading her cargoe, and the daily expence of keeping the stores
on shore, it is said she is already $60,000 in debt at the Cape,
and soon will be as many more. I have now to desire my particular
remembrances to all my friends; and first of all, let me notice
my Grandfather. I have in some sort a presentiment that impels me
to believe I shall yet see him again. Be that as it may, a man
arrived at his years, living regularly, and so perfectly weaned
from the things of this world, will meet death as a friend when
he shall appear. Tell him, with my love, that I have not
forgotten his counsel to have ever present to my mind the duty
due by us to our Maker.
Macarthur and his wife landed at Port Jackson at the end of June, 1790, the first married military officer and the first educated woman to make the infant colony their home.
The young settlement, founded in January, 1788, by Governor Phillip, was in a state bordering on famine, the weekly ration being 2½ lbs. of flour, 2 lbs. of rice, and 2 lbs. of salt pork. The Governor himself received no more than a convict, and the arrival of the Neptune and Scarborough did not bring the looked-for relief.
Mrs. Macarthur held the unenviable distinction of being the only lady invited to Government House, where the entertainments were not very grand. At that time, owing to the famine, it was part of the routine duty of the A.D.C. to put "N.B." upon the invitation card reminding gentlemen to bring their own rolls. But upon Mrs. Macarthur's card there was a note from the Governor himself that there would "always be a roll for Mrs. Macarthur."
From this condition the Settlement was in some degree relieved by the arrival, in 1791, of ten vessels under the convoy of H.M.S. Gorgon. Farming and gardening, too, began to yield some small return of grain and vegetables, but the difficulties and disappointments of the first attempts to subdue an untried soil and climate seem almost incredible.
Under Governor Phillip (1788 to 1792) Macarthur lived happily, devoting himself to his profession and to gardening. During Grose's administration (1792 to 1794) those officers who were disposed to participate in the efforts to raise food from the land, received grants of 100 acres, and as an encouragement to further exertion 100 additional acres were promised to the first who should clear and cultivate 50 acres; but this promise would seem to have been a verbal one, as there is no record of it other than in James Macarthur's notes.
Macarthur's first grant was dated February 12th, 1793. He won the prize in this honourable contest, and on April 1st, 1794, received his second grant of 100 acres, thus acquiring a property of 200 acres adjoining the township of Parramatta, 12 miles to the W.N.W. of Sydney, and this was called after his wife "Elizabeth" Farm.
There for many years he passed a happy and most active life. During Governor Grose's administration, besides military work—a detachment being stationed at Parramatta—he had the superintendence of the farming establishment which was formed by the Government at Toongabbe, a few miles from his residence, where a large number of convicts were employed.
To this novel and difficult duty he devoted himself with his wonted energy, undergoing at times great bodily fatigue in all weathers, which brought on an attack of illness similar to that from which he suffered on the voyage out.
In addition to these duties, he attended to the Improvement of "Elizabeth Farm," his wife also taking an active and intelligent part in the agricultural, horticultural and pastoral pursuits there.
On relinquishing his post at Toongabbe, he acted as Paymaster of the Regiment, continuing, however, to live at "Elizabeth Farm," where a comfortable brick cottage had been built, with garden and orchard, well stocked with vegetables, fruit and flowers. Maize, wheat, barley and millet of good quality were grown on the arable land, which was not of the best, and white clover began to show itself on the lower grounds in place of native grasses, while valuable domestic animals, sheep, cattle, and horses, to say nothing of poultry, were collected and successfully bred.
These letters from Mrs. Macarthur to her mother and her friend Miss Kingdon give an interesting account of her life during the early years of the settlement.
To Miss Kingdon.
At length we have a prospect of communication
once more with our friends by letter. The Gorgon, so long
wished for, and so long expected, is not yet arrived, and by her
unaccountable delay, has involved us all in the most mysterious
uncertainty, and clouded our minds with gloomy apprehensions for
her safety. I hope you will have rec'd my letter, dated August,
1790, which I sent by the Scarborough transport, by way of
China. I wrote to my mother by the same ship, and a second letter
to her, dated a few weeks after the first, I sent by the
Neptune, who sailed, I think, some time in August. By
those letters I think you will be informed of every material
circumstance relative to our voyage and of what happened to us
after our arrival till the ship sailed.
I told you of the unfortunate loss of the Syrius, a King's
ship, that had been stationed here from the first settling of the
Colony. She was wrecked on Norfolk Island. The ship's company,
who all escaped with life, but not altogether without hurt,
remained on the Island, and the Supply, a small brig, that
sailed from this place with the Syrius, returned with the
news of her sad fate.
The provisions of the Colony, at that time, being at a very low
ebb, it was deemed necessary to take some step lest supply might
not arrive from England in time to prevent a threatened famine.
Every individual of this Colony was reduced to a very short
allowance, and the little brig was dispatched to Batavia under
the command of Lieutenant Ball, there to take up a Dutch ship,
and purchase a certain quantity of provisions for this place,
with which it was to be freighted and dispatched hither with all
possible expedition. A few weeks after the Supply sailed,
the first ship, Lady Juliana, arrived, and brought an
account of the loss of the Guardian, occasioned by falling
in with islands of ice. This ship arrived on the 3rd June, and
came timely to prevent very great distress.
On the 21st June the Justiana arrived, a store ship, and
on the 29th our fleet was safely anchored in the Cove. As all
those ships were under contract to return by way of China to take
home Tea for the East India Company, and there being at that time
no ship stationed here, no way was left to convey a relief to the
inhabitants of Norfolk Island, but by ordering some of those
ships to touch there in their way to China. The Justiana
and Surprize received orders, for that purpose reimbarked
a certain proportion of provision for the island. We had every
hope that the supplies might arrive in time to prevent any fatal
consequences; yet, as we could have no certainty of that, and
till some ship should first arrive here that might be dispatched
to know the particulars of their fate, our minds were never
perfectly easy on their account. At that time there was, with the
Syrius's company, the Marines, and convicts, near 700
persons on the Island, and I can truly say that for upwards of
six months I never passed a day without reflecting on them with
pain and anxiety. Week after week stole away, and month after
month with little diversity. Each succeeding sunset produced
among us wild and vague conjectures of what could be the cause of
the Gorgon's delay, and still we remained
unsatisfied—indeed all our surmises have nearly worn
themselves out and we are at a loss for new ones—time the
great resolver of all events alone can determine this seeming
mystery to us.
On the 20th October a general cry prevailed through the Garrison
of the Flags being hoisted (which is a signal of a ship appearing
off the Harbour). I was preparing myself to receive Mrs. Grose
and Mrs. Paterson, being fully persuaded it was the
Gorgon, however I was soon undeceived, as it proved to be
the Supply from Batavia; she had a very quick passage but
had experienced a very sickly one. Mr. Ball very soon called upon
us, and complemented me with many little comforts procured at
Batavia, which were truly acceptable. He brought us an account of
a ship, an English man-of-war, answering very nearly the
description of the Gorgon that had been spoken to
somewhere about the Equator, and was bound for this port. This
intelligence was brought to the Cape of Good Hope, and from
thence to Batavia. If this was the Gorgon (which yet I
hope not) I tremble to think what may have been her fate. The
Dutch ship, laden with the provisions for the Colonies, was not
ready to sail when Mr. Ball quited Batavia. She did not arrive
till the 17th December. In the dispatches of the Dutch schelander
to Govr. Phillips is mentioned something of a Spanish War having
been declared against England in May, 1790. The particulars are
not well explained, or perhaps I should say, not well understood,
as the letter is written in Dutch, and no one here understands
enough of the language to transcribe it correctly. This Dutch
ship is taken up by the Govr. to go to England to convey home the
officers and men of the Syrius, and acquaint the British
Government with the present state of the Colony. She is ordered
to sail the 20th of this month, but more of this by and bye.
On the 21st of January the Supply was
sent to Norfolk Island to bring hither the Syrius ship's
company, and learn the state of affairs at that place. She
returned on the 25th of February with the officers and men in
health, and brought a good account of the health of every
individual left behind. This circumstance removed some
considerable anxiety from our minds; but it proved our fears had
been but too well grounded, as when the Supply arrived
they had not more than ten days' provisions in the store, at a
full allowance, and from the 14th of last May, till the 18th of
July, they were reduced to the scanty pittance of 3 lbs. of flour
and 1½ lbs. of beef for a week. At this time a most merciful
relief came to their assistance. It had been observed on a high
hill in the island (which they have named Mount Pitt) that many
seabirds frequented it. An endeavor was made to take some of
them, which was successful, and by attending more particularly to
the time of their appearance and their favourite haunts they were
discovered in the greatest abundance. It was the season in which
they laid their eggs, and both birds and eggs were taken in such
quantities as occasioned the small allowance of meat they had
issued before to be stopped, and, however wonderful it may appear
to you, yet true it is, that those birds for many weeks, were the
chief subsistence of seven hundred men, and they were so easily
taken that after sunset it was impossible to walk on the Mount
without treading on them, and sometimes towards evening, they
have been observed hovering in the air in such innumerable flocks
as considerably to exclude the light from admiring spectators.
But now the melancholy truth of their visible decrease became
more and more apparent. Their flights were directed to other
quarters and at length few remained. But before hope was quite
extinguished, a ship appeared and brought them a long expected
supply. Believe me, my dear friend, that in writing these
faithful traits of the pitiable situation of the inhabitants of
Norfolk Island, a chill seems to overpower my faculties; my mind
has so truly entered into their distresses that a dread comes
over me, which I am unable to describe, but it is succeeded by so
firm a reliance on the merciful dispensations of an Almighty,
whose hand I think we may here trace without presumption, that I
can only admire in silence.
As I have been on the subject of Norfolk Island, I think I may as
well finish with it at once. Norfolk Island is about 332 leagues
east of Port Jackson, about 6 leagues in circumference; every
access to it is dangerous, being environed on one side with a
reef of rocks, and on the other with steep perpendicular cliffs.
There is no place round the island where a ship can anchor with
safety on account of a violent surf, which rises at times so
suddenly that a spectator placed on the shore at an elevation of
10 or 12 feet will yet have the horizon frequently excluded from
his view in the course of five minutes. In this surf it was that
the Syrius was lost. The soil is universally admitted to
be capable of producing everything that could be wished; it is
rich even to luxuriance. The island has a most charming
picturesque appearance from the drawings I have seen, and what I
have heard corresponds with it. The Pine Trees (which are
designed to furnish the British Navy in the East Indies with
masts) are very lofty and majestic, some rising to 200 and others
to 220 feet high, upwards of an hundred feet clear of branches
and from 28 to 36 in circumference. There are various other trees
fitted for domestic purposes, and some which add greatly to the
beauty of a landscape, such as the Fern, the Cabbage, and Banana
or Plantain, the two latter bearing a very pleasant fruit. The
flax plant, of which so much has been said, has not hitherto been
of any essential service; a few yards of canvas has been
manufactured, a specimen of which will now go to England by the
Dutch ship. The Birds of the island are but few, amongst the
number are a very fine Pidgeon and a delicate little Dove; they
are in general so tame that they may be knocked down with a stick
and sometimes caught by the hand. There is not a single quadruped
on the island, but a bat, and no venomous reptile whatever. The
climate has been found extremely healthy, and I think, in some
instances, preferable to this. It lies some degrees nearer the
Equator, but being a small island and at a considerable distance
from any other touch of land, it is not in the summer subject to
such hot winds, but on the contrary, constantly refreshed with a
breeze from the sea, and the winter (if indeed it deserves that
appellation) is not cold enough to make it necessary to sit by a
fire, and a constant succession of vegetation is kept up
throughout the year. They have seldom any thunder or lightning;
what has been observed was always very distant and of short
duration. I have before remarked upon the goodness of the soil,
notwithstanding which, there are some evils peculiar to it, which
have rendered the labours of the cultivator in general
ineffectual. Those evils are a blight, a destructive grub, and a
caterpillar more pernicious than the other two. The crops of corn
and vegetables that have had the good fortune to escape these
pests have ripened and produced an increase equal to the most
sanguine wishes of the cultivator. The last season, when in the
midst of their distress, they were cheering their hearts by
contemplating the flourishing cornfields, that caterpillars made
their appearance, they were observed to come from the hills, and
in such quantities that every attempt to counteract their baneful
influence proved ineffectual; they retreated not, till they had
done so much mischief that enough corn did not ripen to sow the
land this year. What is somewhat remarkable, the caterpillars
from the cornfields directed their course to the sea (in such
abundance that the beach was covered with them) and they were
seen no more. Those are the accounts of Norfolk Island down to
February last, and are what I have learnt from some of the navy
officers belonging to the Syrius.
The Supply is to be sent to Norfolk Island again in the
course of a few days with three of our officers and a party of
soldiers to relieve the same number of Marines at Norfolk, a
Captain Hill, Lieutenant Abbott, and a Mr Prentice are fixed on
for this purpose.
I shall begin my relation now of things more immediately
occurring to myself. It will be unnecessary to go over the
chit-chat of my last letter, such as the state of our house, the
attentions we meet with, etc., etc.
We passed our time away many weeks cheerfully if not
gaily—gaily indeed it could not be said to be. On my first
landing everything was new to me, every Bird, every Insect,
Flower, etc.; in short, all was novelty around me, and was
noticed with a degree of eager curiosity and perturbation, that
after a while subsided into that calmness I have already
described. In my former letter I gave you the character of Mr.
Dawes, and also of Captain Tench. Those Gentlemen and a few
others are the chief among whom we visit. Indeed we are in the
habit of intimacy with Captain Tench that there are few days pass
that we do not spend some part of together. Mr. Dawes we do not
see so frequently. He is so much engaged with the stars that to
mortal eyes he is not always visible. I had the presumption to
become his pupil and meant to learn a little of astronomy. It is
true I have had many pleasant walks to his house (something less
than half a mile from Sydney), have given him much trouble in
making orreries, and explaining to me the general principles of
the heavenly bodies, but I soon found I had mistaken my abilities
and blush at my error. Still, I wanted something to fill up a
certain vacancy in my time which could neither be done by
writing, reading or conversation. To the two first I did not feel
myself always inclined, and the latter was not in my power,
having no female friend to unbend my mind to, nor a single woman
with whom I could converse with any satisfaction to myself, the
Clergyman's wife being a person in whose society I could reap
neither profit or pleasure. These considerations made me still
anxious to learn some easy science to fill up the vacuum of many
a solitary day, and at length under the auspices of Mr. Dawes I
have made a small progress in Botany. No country can exhibit a
more copious field for botanical knowledge than this. I am
arrived so far as to be able to class and order all common
plants. I have found great pleasure in my study; every walk
furnished me with subjects to put in practice that Theory I had
before gained by reading, but alas, my botanical pursuits were
most unwelcomly interrupted by Mr. Macarthur being attacked by a
severe illness. In December he got better, and in January we were
removed into a more convenient house.
I shall now introduce another acquaintance, Mr. Worgan, to you, a
gentleman I have not hitherto named. He was surgeon to the
Syrius, and happened to be left at this place when that
ship met with her fate at Norfolk. It is not improbable this
Gentleman may himself deliver this letter to you. He is well
known to Doctor.*. . . . I assure you in losing him a very
considerable branch of our society will be lopped off. I shall
now tell you of another resource I had to fill up some of my
vacant hours. Our new house is ornamented with a pianoforte of
Mr. Worgan's, he kindly means to leave it with me, and now, under
his direction, I have begun a new study, but I fear without my
Master I shall not make any great proficiency. I am told,
however, that I have done wonders in being able to play off "God
Save the King", and Foot's minuet, besides that of reading the
notes with great facility. In spite of musick I have not
altogether lost sight on my botanical studies. I have only been
precluded from pursuing that study by the intense heat of the
weather which has not permitted me to walk much during the
summer. The months of December and January have been hotter than
I can describe; indeed insufferably so. The thermometer rising
from an hundred to an 112 degrees is, I believe, 30 degrees above
the hottest day known in England. The general heat is to be
borne, but when we are oppressed by the hot winds we have no
other resource but to shut up ourselves in our houses and to
endeavor to the utmost of our power to exclude every breath of
air. This wind blows from the north, and comes as if from an
heated oven. These winds are generally succeeded by a
thunderstorm so severe and awful that it is impossible for one
who has not been a witness to such a violent concussion of the
elements to form any notion of it. I am not yet enough used to it
to be quite unmoved; it is so different from the thunder we have
in England. I cannot help being a little cowardly, yet no injury
has ever been suffered from it except a few sheep being killed
which were laying under a tree that was struck by the lightning.
A thunderstorm has always the effect to bring heavy rain which
cools the air very considerably. I have seen very little rain
since my arrival, indeed I do not think we have had a week's rain
in the whole time, the consequence of which is our garden
produces nothing, all is burnt up; indeed, the soil must be
allowed to be most wretched and totally unfit for growing
European productions, though you would scarcely believe this, as
the face of the ground at this moment, when it is in its native
state, is flourishing even to luxuriance, producing fine Shrubs,
Trees, and Flowers which by their lively tints afford a most
agreeable landscape. Beauty, I have heard from some of my
unlettered countrymen, is but skin deep. I am sure the remark
holds good in New South Wales, where all the beauty is literally
on the surface, but I believe I must allow it has symetry of form
also to recommend it, as the ground in all the parts that have
been discovered is charmingly turned and diversified by agreeable
vallies and gently rising hills; but still, these beauties are
all exterior. Many Gentlemen have penetrated far into the
country, but they find little difference in the appearance of the
soil. Some rivers have been discovered, to one of which the
Governor has given the name of the Hawkesbury; it is a very noble
one, and empties itself into the sea at a harbour which Captain
Cook in his voyage named Broken Bay. Another river has been
discovered which some call the Nepean, another the Tench, and a
third the Wogan; it is supposed by some that these three are one
and the same river, only have been lighted upon by explorers at
different distances from its source. If the British Government
think fit to continue the Colony, these rivers may be of great
utility, particularly in dry seasons, as all the fresh water we
have near Sydney is very inconsiderable, though we cannot say we
have hitherto wanted water.
[* Illegible.]
I have not yet seen the famous settlement of Rose Hill. I wanted much to have paid it a visit before the ship sailed, but have now given up the idea; the weather is yet too warm, and Rose Hill has not the benefit of sea breezes so much as we have at Sydney. All the ground works and farming schemes are carried on at Rose Hill, tho' the headquarters are here. The last harvest was a very **. . . . one, the wheat and barley not yielding thrice the quantity that was sown. The Indian corn returned something more, but it was altogether a poverty-struck harvest. It is very likely my next letter to you may be dated from Rose Hill. Captain Nepean has an idea that the Governor will remove the remainder of his detachment and men thither, as soon as the Barracks are completed, which are already half-finished. After the three officers I have already named for Norfolk are gone there will only remain at Sydney Cove, Captain Nepean, Mr. Townson, Mr. Macarthur, and the surgeon, Mr. Harris. This would indeed be a very small society if it were in danger of losing the Marine officers, but that cannot be the case till the remainder of the Corps arrive. We shall be well pleased to remove anywhere with Captain Nepean; he is truly a good hearted man, and has, I believe, a great friendship for Mr. Macarthur.***
[** Illegible.]
[*** There is no record of how the reconciliation between Nepean and the Macarthurs came about.]
You will observe I have made no excursion of any
consequence. Perhaps you will wonder how I should make any in a
country like this. I will tell you how. The Harbour of Port
Jackson is universally allowed to be the finest in the known
world, from the mouth of which to Rose Hill they call 16 miles in
a straight direction, then it is so beautifully formed that I can
conceive nothing equal to it, branching out into a number of arms
and coves, forming little islands and points of land, so
agreeable and romantic that the most fanciful imagination must
tire, and I think allow himself to be outdone and yield the palm
to reality and simple nature. In a Harbour so formed, and of such
extent, a number of pleasant little water parties might be made
to some of these islands or bays, and a number I yet promise
myself, but, hitherto, from Mr. Macarthur's long confinement, and
since his recovery, from the heat of the weather, I have been
enabled to put but one in execution, and that was to a Bay near
the harbour's mouth, about six miles from Sydney. We passed the
day in walking among the rocks and upon the sands very agreeably.
I looked carefully for some shells for you but could find none
better that what you get at Bude or Widemouth. Above this Bay,
about half a mile distance, is a very high hill which commands an
extensive view of the wide ocean, on it is placed a Flag-staff
which can also be seen at Sydney. When a ship appears the Flag is
hoisted, by which means we have notice of it much sooner than we
otherways could have; it also conducts the vessel into the
harbour. There are a few huts near the Flag-staff with people in
them appointed to keep a look-out, and from thence the spot has
derived the general name of Look-out.
Of my walks round Sydney the longest has not extended beyond
three miles, and that distance I have, I believe, only ventured
upon twice: once to a farm which Captain Nepean has for his
Company, to which we sent our tea equipage and drank tea on the
turf, and once to a hill situated between this and Botany Bay
where I could command a prospect of that famous spot. Nor do I
think there is any probability of my seeing much of the inland
country until it is cleared, as beyond a certain distance round
the Colony there is nothing but native paths, very narrow and
very incommodious. The natives are certainly not a very gallant
set of people, who take pleasure in escorting their ladies. No;
they suffer them humbly to follow Indian file like. As I am now
speaking of the natives. I must give you an account how we stand
with them. In order to give you an idea of this part of our
political Government it will be necessary to carry the account
back to a period some months previous to my arrival. In the
winter, 1789 (which you will recollect is summer in England) a
dreadful small pox was discovered amongst the natives. How the
disorder was introduced cannot be discovered. They were found
lying in a miserable state, some dead and others dying, nor is it
to be wondered at that this disorder should in general be so
fatal to them when we consider they are not in possession of a
single palliative, nor have any means of procuring nourishment
for themselves when their strength no longer permits them to
pursue their usual avocations of fishing, hunting the Kangaroo
and other little animals on which they live. Amongst the unhappy
objects that were discovered was a Boy and Girl. These were
brought in, and from the humanity of the Clergyman, who took the
Girl, and of the principal surgeon, Mr. White, who took the Boy,
they were both saved. The Girl whom I mentioned to you in my
former letters by the name of Abaroo or Baroo (for it is
difficult to catch their exact pronunciation, more so to give you
an idea of it by letters) appears to be about 11 years old. The
Boy (named Nauberry) about 9. After they began to learn English
and to make us understand them, it was imagined from their
communication that if a man or two could be brought to reside
with us, that some valuable information might be obtained
respecting the interior parts of the country. With this view the
Governor left no means untried to effect an intimacy with them,
but every endeavor of that sort, as before, proved ineffectual.
They accept of his presents as children do playthings; just to
amuse them for a moment and then throw them away disregarded.
Despairing to gain their confidence by fair means, the Governor
ordered that two men should be taken by force. This was done; the
poor fellows, I am told, exhibited the strongest marks of terror
and consternation at the proceeding, believing they were
certainly meant to be sacrificed. When they were taken to the
Governor's House and immediately cleaned and clothed their
astonishment at everything they saw was amazing. A new world was
unfolded to their view at once. For some days they were much
dejected, but it soon gave way to cheerfulness. They were then
admitted to the Governor's table, and in a little time ate and
drank everything that was given them. They now walked about the
settlement as they liked, only with a man who was appointed to
attend them that they might not escape into the woods, but, as
they showed no apparent inclination to do that the vigilance of
their keeper by degrees abated, which the older of the two (named
Coleby) soon observed, and in a very artful manner one night made
his escape. The one who remained, and called himself Bannylong,
till May, 1790, and then took himself off without any known
reason, having been treated with the most uniform kindness, and
appeared highly pleased with our people and manners, taking it a
great compliment to be called White Man. In the time he was here
he acquired English enough to make himself understood in common
matters, and furnished our people with the native names for
animals, birds, fish, etc. From this time till after our arrival
nothing was known respecting them, as the natives whenever they
met with any of our people were more shy than ever, and could not
be brought to a parley. Nauberry and Abaroo still remained easy
and happy, expressing no wish to return to the woods. On the 7th
Sept., Captain Nepean and several other Gentlemen went down the
Harbour in a boat, with an intention of proceeding to Broken Bay
to take a view of the Hawkesbury River. In their way they put in
at Manly Cove, a place so called from the spirited behaviour of
the natives there at the Governor's first landing. At this time
about 200 natives were assembled feeding on a whale that had been
driven on shore. As they discovered no hostile intentions our
party, having arms, went up to them. Nauberry was in the boat and
was desired to inquire for Bannylong; and Coleby, when behold
both gentlemen appeared, and advancing with the utmost confidence
asked in broken English for all their old friends at Sydney. They
exchanged several weapons for provisions and clothes, and gave
some whalebone as a present for the Governor. Captain Nepean,
knowing this news would be very pleasing to the Governor,
dispatched a messenger to inform him of it, and proceeded on
towards Broken Bay. The Governor lost no time, but as soon as he
was acquainted with the above circumstances, ordered a boat, and
accompanied by Mr. Collins, the Judge Advocate, and a Lieut.
Waterhouse of the Navy, repaired to Manly Cove. He landed by
himself, unarmed, in order to show no violence was intended.
Bannylong approached and shook hands with the Governor, but
Coleby had before left the spot. No reason was asked why
Bannylong had left us. He appeared very happy, and thankful for
what was given him, requesting an hatchet and some other things
which the Governor promised to bring him the next day. Mr.
Collins and Mr. Waterhouse now joined him, and several natives
also came forward. They continued to converse with them with much
seeming friendship until they had insensibly wandered some
distance from the boat, and very imprudently none of the
Gentlemen had the precaution to take a gun in their hand. This
the Governor percieving deemed it prudent to retreat, and, after
assuring Bannylong that he would remember his promise, told him
he was going. At that moment an old man advanced whom Bannylong
said was his friend, and wished the Governor to take notice of
him. At this he approached the old main with his hand extended,
when on a sudden the savage started back and snatched up a spear
from the ground and poised it to throw, the Governor, seeing the
danger, told him in their tongue that it was bad, and still
advanced, when, with a mixture of horror and intrepidity, the
native discharged the spear with all his force at the Governor.
It entered above his collarbone, and came out at his back nine
inches from the entrance, taking an oblique direction. The
natives from the rocks now poured in their spears in abundance so
that it was with the utmost difficulty and the greatest good
fortune that no other hurt was received in getting the Governor
into the boat. As soon as they returned to this place you may
believe an universal solicitude prevailed, as the danger of the
wound could by no means be ascertained until the spear was
extracted, and this was not done before his Excellency had caused
some papers to be arranged lest the consequences might prove
fatal which happily it did not, for on drawing out the spear, it
was found that no vital part had been touched. The Governor,
having a good habit of bodily health, the wound perfectly healed
in the course of a few weeks. Since then a convict game keeper
has been killed by a spear, but it seems in some measure to have
been owing to his own imprudence. Bannylong came many times to
see the Governor during his confinement, and expressed great
sorrow, but the reason why the mischief was done could not be
learnt, since that period the natives visit us every day, more or
less. Men, Women, and children, they come with great confidence,
without spears or any other offensive weapons. A great many have
taken up their abode entirely amongst us, and Bannylong and
Coleby, with their wives, come in frequently. Mrs. Coleby, whose
name is Daringa, brought in a new born female infant of hers for
me to see, about six weeks since. It was wrapped up in the soft
bark of a tree, a specimen of which I have preserved; it is a
kind of mantle not much known in England I fancy. I ordered
something for the poor woman to eat, and had her taken proper
care of for some little while. When she first presented herself
to me she appeared feeble and faint; she has since been regular
in her visits. The child thrives remarkably well, and I discover
a softness and gentleness of manner in Daringa truly interesting.
We do not in general encourage them to come to our houses. as you
may conceive there are some offensive circumstances which makes
their company by no means desirable, unless it be those who live
wholly with us. A good deal of their language (if it may be so
called) is now understood, but we can learn nothing from them
respecting the interior part of the country. It seems they are as
much unacquainted with it as ourselves. All their knowledge and
pursuits are confined to that of procuring for themselves a bare
subsistance. They chiefly abide about the sea coast, the women
appear to be under very great subjection. They are employed in
the most laborious part of their work; they fish and also make
the lines and hooks, and indeed seem very little otherway than
slaves to their husbands. They weave their lines from the bark of
a certain tree, which we call May from the perfume the flower has
which strongly resembles the White thorn that blows in that month
in England. Their hooks they grind into form from a shell; they
perform this with great dexterity upon any rough stone. Their
canoes are made of the bark of some of their gum trees, taken off
in a particular form for that purpose. These they paddle about
the caves and bays very dexterously. The weapons they use are a
spear, a wooden sword, a stone adze or axe, and a fish gig; the
latter is wholly used in spearing the fish in the water. The
spears which they aim and discharge with wonderful ingenuity at a
great distance are some of them most dangerous weapons, having
many barbs in them and sharpened shells, but they are still under
such terror of our firearms that a single armed man would drive
an hundred natives with their spears, and we take care not to
venture walking to any distance unarmed, a soldier or two always
attending when we make any excursion. I have never yet met a
single native in the woods.
I told you in my last letter I thought their dialect pleasing;
some of their names I think much so. I will give you a few native
names, and begin with the men: Arrabason, Volahoa, Iminwanga,
Boldarry, Werong, Watteval, Erroniba. Female names: Milbah, Bood,
Barangiroo, Cadeniang, Mooningooru, Worigan, Crewboar. Mr. Dawes,
who has studied their language or jargon a good deal, has
endeavoured to learn what their notions are of the Deity. It is
not discovered that they worship the sun or any of the heavenly
bodies, and yet they say all who die go up to the clouds. Mr.
Dawes thinks they have a tradition of the Flood amongst them They
say one man and one woman was saved in a *. .
.. .. .. .. be traced
It is not wonderful.. .. .. ..
flood as all nations.. .. .. ..
have (more or less.. .. .. ..
account of the natives.. .. .. ..
the ship was under.. .. .. ..
.. .. has however been detained a week longer.. ..
[* Manuscript torn.]
My spirits are at this time low, very low, to-morrow we lose some valuable members of our small society and some very good friends. In so small a society we sensibly feel the loss of every member, more particularly those that are endeared to us by acts of kindness and friendship. From this circumstance and my former letters you may be led to question my happiness, but this much I can with truth add for myself, that since I have had the powers of reason and reflection I never was more sincerely happy than at this time. It is true I have some wishes unaccomplished, but when I consider this is not a state of perfection I am abundantly content.
At length I sit down to assure my dearest Mother
that I am in perfect health, and to add to the pleasure of this
circumstance both Mr. Macarthur and my little Edward are in the
full enjoyment of this blessing, and we only want to complete the
measure of it, to hear that you are equally happy and well. I
hope you have received all my former letters regularly. The first
was written to you from the Cape of Good Hope, the second from
this place giving an account of the voyage, of Mr. Macarthur's
dangerous illness and surprising recovery, and of my being in
consequence of fatigue and anxiety thrown into premature labour
and delivered of a little girl who lived but for an hour.. .. ..
..
[blank line]
In the little friendly meetings that we have in Sydney "The banks
of the Tamar" is a general toast. Many of the officers having
friends and connections in Devon and Cornwall, the remembrance is
pleasing to all. In my last letter I mentioned there being a
select number of officers here who had been very attentive to us,
and I am happy to say that we still experience the same attention
from them, and however much I may want female society, Mr.
Macarthur can have no reason to complain. The Governor ** has
been in the habit of sending us some little thing or other every
day.
[** Governor Phillip.]
Since the Supply returned from Batavia I
have received from her commander, Mr. Ball, many articles at very
moderate prices, besides a number of things which he had the
goodness to present to me.
We have not attempted anything in the farming way. Our neighbours
*** succeed so badly, that we are not encouraged to follow their
example. The Government Farm did not this year in grain return
three times the seed that had been sown. This great failure is
attributable to a very dry season, but it is a general opinion
that this country is not well adapted for corn.
[*** Probably the Military Officers, as at that date Ruse was farming successfully.]
The grape thrives remarkably well. The Governor
sent me some bunches this season as fine as any I ever tasted,
and there is little doubt but in a very few years there will be
plenty. We have also very fine melons They are raised with little
or no trouble, the sun being sufficient to ripen them without any
forcing whatever, and bringing them to a great size and flavour.
One day after the cloth was moved, when I happened to dine at
Government House, a melon was produced weighing 30 lbs. We have
need of cooling fruit, in the warm season particularly, when the
hot scorching winds set in, but which, however, are followed by
what is termed the sea-breeze, and this keeps down the
temperature of the air, but when they are overpowered by the hot
wind the heat is excessive.
The same woman is with me that had charge of Edward when I
visited you from Plymouth. He has become very amusing to me. He
prattles a little, but is backward with his tongue as he has
always been in every other respect.
I hope Mr. Pitt has given Mr. Macarthur promotion, and that by
this time he has a Company, in which event our thoughts will be
in some measure turned again towards "Old England". I have yet
great hopes of seeing my grandfather once more. Tell him so, and
that he need be under no apprehension for my religion.****
[**** This letter concludes with the most affectionate remembrances to relations, connections and friends at Bridgerule, Holdsworthy, and Whitstone.]
No less than twelve ships the last spring
season, and some of them performed the voyage in little more than
three months.
In June Mr. Macarthur and myself were removed to Rose Hill with
Captain Nepean's Company, at which place we remained until about
a fortnight since. Mr. Macarthur was again ordered to Sydney with
the command of a detachment of about 60 men.
Rose Hill, now named Parramatta, save only a small piece of
rising ground on which the Governor has a house, which still
retains the name of Rose Hill, is where every exertion is making
to carry on cultivation, and where the principal part of the
convicts are placed. But as Sydney has the advantage of the cove,
and is nearer to the sea, it will have the convenience of first
communicating with such vessels as may arrive, and it will be the
most desirable place for an officer's family for years. In other
respects Parramatta may have advantages, particularly to such as
wish to cultivate the land, but officers have so little
encouragement in this respect, that few will in future attempt
it, as evident impediments are thrown in the way to check their
undertaking it.
The Governor has said that we shall not again be moved until
Major Grose arrives. I hope that may soon take place, as until
then we have no prospect of being settled. Captain and Mrs.
Paterson were with us after their arrival here but a few days, as
they were ordered to Norfolk Island.
Lieut.-Governor King, who commands that settlement, brought out
his lady with him. She was born in Devonshire. Her name was
Coombe, and she resided many years at Bideford. Pier stay here
being very short I saw but little of her, and I had reason to
believe her possessed of a great share of good nature and
frankness; a pleasant consideration should it be my fortune
hereafter to visit Norfolk Island. She expects shortly to be
confined. Captain Parker, commander of the Gorgon. brought
his wife with him, a very amiable, intelligent woman; we have
spent many pleasant days together. One of the agents of
Transports has also his wife with him, so that our little circle
has been of late quite brilliant. We are constantly making little
parties in boats up and down the various inlets of the Harbour,
taking refreshments with us and dining out under an awning upon
some pleasant point of land or in some of the creeks or coves, in
which for twenty miles together, these waters abound. There are
so many ladies in the Regiment that I am not likely to feel the
want of female society as I at first did.
Edward grows a strong healthy child, and from
being a great deal of trouble to me ceases to be almost any at
all. He prattles everything, and is quite Papa's darling.
We are at present here rather in an unsettled state, which is not
very agreeable in any country, and is particularly unpleasant
here. I hope when Major Grose arrives we shall not have this evil
to complain of.
A company of Marines is to remain here until the remainder of the
New South Wales Corps comes out.
Several of the ships that have arrived with convicts are about to
engage in a whale-fishery.
The Spermaceti whale abounds on this coast, and the success of
these vessels in this fishery will doubtless be the means of
establishing a more frequent communication with England.
My last letter was by the Atlantic, the
ship which conveyed Governor Phillip from Port Jackson, when I
mentioned that our prospects in this country were considerably
brightened up, and that Mr. Macarthur had a handsome addition to
his income by having the payment of a Company, and transacting
the business of Paymaster to the Regiment. Since that period
Major Grose has appointed him to inspect or superintend the
public works. What advantage may accrue from this is at present
uncertain, but the Major in his despatches to Government has
strongly recommended them to confirm the appointment, and to
annex to it such a salary as they may conceive equal to the
importance of the trust.
The Major has also given us a grant of 100 acres * of land on the
banks of the river close to the town of Parramatta. It is some of
the best ground that has been discovered, and 10 men are allowed
us for the purpose of clearing and cultivating it.
[* Known by the name of Elizabeth Farm.]
I have one more gift to speak of—it is a
very fine cow in calf, of which I am very proud, and for this
also we are indebted to Major Grose, and to a family in this
country in its present situation it is a gift beyond any value
that can be placed upon it. As Mr. Macarthur's concerns demand
that the greater part of his time should be passed at Parramatta,
I think it very probable that in the course of the ensuing winter
we may remove our family there. I have the pleasure to inform you
that we enjoy our health uninterruptedly. Edward's grown, and
improves even beyond our sanguine expectations, and little
Elizabeth is able to walk by one hand, though not 10 months
old.
We are in expectation of Captain and Mrs. Patterson from Norfolk
Island.
On the 7th May last I was happily brought to bed of a very fine Boy, to whom I have given his Father's name John. He, with the other two, Edward and Elizabeth, are in perfect health, and promise fairly to become everything we could desire.
In November last myself and family all removed
to Parramatta, where Mr. Macarthur had been the greater part of
his time since the departure of Governor Phillip, on account of
the employment he holds under Government.
I write to you now from our own house, a very excellent brick
building, 68 feet in length and 18 feet in width, independent of
kitchen and servants' apartments. I thank God we enjoy all the
comfort we could desire. but to give you a clearer idea of our
situation I shall make free to transcribe a paragraph out of a
letter of Mr. Macarthur's, addressed to his brother, which is now
before me.
"The changes that we have undergone since the departure of
Governor Phillip are so great and extraordinary that to recite
them all might create some suspicion of their truth. From a state
of desponding poverty and threatened famine that this settlement
should be raised to its present aspect in so short a time is
scarcely credible. As to myself, I have a farm containing nearly
250 acres, of which upwards of 100 are under cultivation, and the
greater part of the remainder is cleared of the timber which
grows upon it. Of this year's produce I have sold £400 worth, and
I have now remaining in my Granaries upwards of 1,800 bushels of
corn. I have at this moment 20 acres of fine wheat growing, and
80 acres prepared for Indian corn and potatoes, with which it
will be planted in less than a month.
"My stock consists of a horse, 2 mares, 2 cows, 130 goats,
upwards of 100 hogs. Poultry of all kinds I have in the greatest
abundance. I have received no stock from Government, but one cow,
the rest I have either purchased or bred. With the assistance of
one man and half a dozen greyhounds, which I keep, my table is
constantly supplied with wild ducks or kangaroos. Averaging one
week with another these dogs do not kill less than 300 lb.
weight. In the centre of my farm I have built a most excellent
brick house, 68 feet in front and 18 feet in breadth. It has no
upper story, but consists of four rooms on the ground floor, a
large hall, closets, cellar, etc.; adjoining is a kitchen, with
servants' apartments, and other necessary offices. The house is
surrounded by a vineyard and garden of about 3 acres, the former
full of vines and fruit trees, and the latter abounding with most
excellent vegetables.
"This farm being near the Barracks, I can without difficulty
attend to the duties of my profession."
Mrs. John
Macarthur to her friend Miss Kingdon.
Once again, my much loved friend, it is
permitted me to sit down under a conviction that the letter I am
about to write will be received by you with pleasure. By the
capture of a ship off the coast of Brazil we were left without
any direct intelligence from Europe for twelve months. We firmly
believed that a Revolution or some national calamity had befallen
Great Britain, and we should be left altogether to ourselves,
until things at home had resumed some degree of order, and the
tempest a little subsided. These fears, however, have by a late
arrival proved without foundation.
This country possesses numerous advantages to persons holding
appointments under Government. It seems the only part of the
Globe where quiet is to be expected. We enjoy here one of the
finest climates in the World. The necessaries of life are
abundant, and a fruitful soil affords us many luxuries. Nothing
induces me to wish for a change but the difficulty of educating
our children, and were it otherwise, it would be unjust towards
them to confine them to so narrow a society. My desire is that
they should see a little more of the world, and better learn to
appreciate this retirement. Such as it is the little creatures
all speak of going home to England with rapture. My dear Edward
almost quitted me without a tear. They have early imbibed an idea
that England is the seat of happiness and delight; that it
contains all that can be gratifying to their senses, and that of
course they are there to possess all they desire. It would be
difficult to undeceive young people bred up in so secluded a
situation, if they had not an opportunity given them of
convincing themselves. But hereafter I shall much wonder if some
of them make not this place the object of their choice. By the
date of this letter you will see that we still reside on our farm
at Parramatta, a native name signifying the head of a river,
which it is. The town extends one mile in length from the
landing-place, and is terminated by the Government House, which
is built on an eminence, named Rose Hill. Our farm, which
contains from 400 to 500 acres, is bounded on three sides by
water. This is particularly convenient. We have at this time
about 120 acres in wheat, all in a promising state. Our gardens,
with fruit and vegetables, are extensive and produce
abundantly.
It is now spring, and the eye is delighted with the most
beautiful variegated landscape. Almonds, apricots, pear and apple
trees are in full bloom. The native shrubs are also in flower and
the whole country gives a grateful perfume. There is a very good
carriage road now made from hence to Sydney, which by land is
distant about 14 miles, and another from this to the river
Hawkesbury, which is about 20 miles from hence in a direct line
across the country. Parramatta is a central position between
both. I have once visited the Hawkesbury, and made the journey on
horseback. The road is through an uninterrupted wood, with the
exception of the village of Toongabie, a farm of Government, and
one or two others, which we distinguish by the name of
Greenlands, on account of the fine grass, and there being few
trees compared with the other parts of the country, which is
occasionally brushy, and more or less covered with underwood.
The greater part of the country is like an English park, and the
trees give it the appearance of a wilderness or shrubbery,
commonly attached to the habitations of people of fortune, filled
with a variety of native plants, placed in a wild irregular
manner. I was at the Hawkesbury three days. It is a noble fresh
water river, taking its rise in a precipitous range of mountains,
that it has hitherto been impossible to pass; many attempts have
been made, although in vain. I spent an entire day on this river,
going in a boat to a beautiful spot, named by the late Governor,
"Richmond Hill", high and overlooking a great extent of country.
On one side are those stupendous barriers to which I have
alluded, rising as it were immediately above your head; below,
the river itself, still and unruffled; out of sight is heard a
waterfall whose distant murmurs add awfulness to the scene. I
could have spent more time here, but we were not without
apprehensions of being interrupted by the natives, as about that
time they were very troublesome, and had killed many white people
on the banks of the river. The soil in the valley of this river
is most productive, and greatly superior to any that has been
tilled in this country, which has induced numbers to settle
there, but having no vessels there is at present much difficulty
in transporting the produce to Sydney. Our stock of cattle is
large; we have now fifty head, a dozen horses, and about a
thousand sheep.
You may conclude from this that we kill mutton, but hitherto we
have not been so extravagant. Next year, Mr. Macarthur tells me,
we may begin. I have now a very good dairy, and in general, make
a sufficiency of butter to supply the family, but it is at
present so great an object to rear the calves, that we are
careful not to rob them of too much milk. We use our horses both
for pleasure and profit; they alternately run in the chaise or
cart.
Mr. Macarthur has also set a Plough * at work, the first which
has been used in the country, and it is drawn sometimes by oxen
and at others by horses. The ground was before tilled with the
hoe. These details I am sensible have no other interest than as
far as they serve to show the progressive state of this yet
infant settlement.
[* The first Plough used in the Colony.]
Mr. Macarthur once superintended the
agricultural concerns of the Government, but since the arrival of
Governor Hunter he has declined further interference. By the
kindness of the commanding officer of the Regiment we are
permitted to reside here, and there being a good road, as I have
before observed, to Sydney, Mr. M. is enabled to attend to all
his duties at headquarters, although at times upon very short
notice. Myself, or one or more of the children, occasionally
accompany him. As the distance is convenient, our stay is
prolonged as business or pleasure require, or we return the same
day, but as our family is large we do not choose to be long
absent from home together.
Mr. Macarthur has frequently in his employment 30 or 40 people
whom we pay weekly for their labour. Eight are employed as
stock-keepers, in the garden, stables and house; and five more,
besides women servants; these we both feed and clothe, or, at
least, we furnish them with the means of providing clothes for
themselves. We have but two men fed at the expence of the Crown,
altho' there are persons who contrive to get twenty or more,
which the Governor does not or will not notice.
You will wonder how a return is made for the daily expence which
it must appear to you we incur.
In the first place, some thousands of persons are fed from the
public stores, perhaps between three or four thousand, all of
whom were formerly supplied with flour from England to meet the
demand for bread. But since so many individuals have cleared
farms and have thereby been enabled to raise a great quantity of
grain in the country, which at the present time is purchased by
the Commissary at 10s. a bushel, and issued for what are termed
rations, or the proportionate quantity due to each person instead
of flour. In payment for which the Commissary issues a receipt,
approved of by the Government; and these receipts pass current
here as coin, and are taken by Masters of Ships and other
adventurers who come to these parts with merchandise for sale.
When any number of these have been accumulated in the hands of
individuals they are returned to the Commissary, who gives a Bill
on the Treasury in England for them. These bills amount to thirty
or forty thousand pounds annually. How long Government may
continue so expensive a plan it would be difficult to foresee.
Pigs are bought upon the same system, as would also sheep and
cattle, if their numbers would admit of their being killed. Beef
might be sold at 4s., if not 5s. the lb. A good horse is worth
£140 to £150. Be it ever so bad it never sells for less than
£100. A cow is valued at about £80. An English cow that was the
property of Colonel Grose sold for £100. From this statement you
will perceive that those persons who took early precautions to
raise live stock have at present singular advantages.
We have fattened and killed a great number of hogs in the year,
which enables us to feed a large establishment of servants. These
labourers are such as have been convicts, and whose time of
transportation has expired. They then cease to be fed at the
expence of Government, and employ themselves as they please. Some
endeavour to procure a passage home to England; some become
settlers, and others hire themselves out for labour. They demand
an enormous price, seldom less than 4s. or 5s. a day. For such as
have many in their employment it becomes necessary to keep on
hand large supplies of such articles as are most needed by these
people, for shops there are none. The officers in the Colony,
with a few others possessed of money or credit in England, unite
together and purchase the cargoes of such vessels as repair to
this country from various quarters. Two or more are chosen from
the number to bargain for the cargo offered for sale, which is
then divided amongst them, in proportion to the amount of their
subscriptions. This arrangement prevents monopoly, and the
impositions that would be otherwise practised by masters of
ships. These details which may seem prolix are necessary to show
you the mode in which we are in our infant condition compelled to
proceed.
I have had the misfortune to lose a sweet Boy of eleven months
old, who died very suddenly by an illness occasioned by teething.
The other three, Elizabeth, John, and Mary are well. I have
lately been made very happy by learning the safe arrival of
Edward in England. We often remember and talk over in the evening
the hospitalities which we have both received in Bridgerule
Vicarage, and happy shall I be if it is ever permitted me to mark
my remembrance more strongly than is expressed in these
lines.
If you are in the habit of visiting the Whitsline family I pray
that you will kindly remember me to them. The benevolence of the
Major's heart will dispose him to rejoice at the success which
has attended us, and that the activity which was very early
discernable in the mind of Mr. Macarthur has had a field for
advantageous exertion. How is it, my dearest friend, that you are
still single? Are you difficult to please? or has the war left
you so few bachelors from amongst whom to choose? But suffer me
to offer you a piece of advice: abate a few of your scruples, and
marry. I offer in myself an instance that it is not always, with
all our wise foreseeings, those marriages which promise most or
least happiness prove in their result such as our friends may
predict. Few of mine, I am certain, when I married thought that
either of us had taken a prudent step. I was considered indolent
and inactive; Mr. Macarthur too proud and haughty for our humble
fortune or expectations, and yet you see how bountifully
Providence has dealt with us. At this time I can truly say no two
people on earth can be happier than we are. In Mr. Macarthur's
society I experience the tenderest affections of a husband, who
is instructive and cheerful as a companion. He is an indulgent
Father, beloved as a Master, and universally respected for the
integrity of his character. Judge then, my friend, if I ought not
to consider myself a happy woman.
I have hither in all my letters to my friends forborn to mention
Mr. Macarthur's name, lest it might appear in me too
ostentatious. Whenever you marry look out for good sense in a
husband. You would never be happy with a person inferior to
yourself in point of understanding. So much my early recollection
of you and of your character bids me say.
The following are a few extracts from Miss Kingdon's letters:—
Once more I take my pen to address my dear Mrs.
Macarthur, the loved companion of my early hours—and she
whose friendship in maturer life I have still set a greater value
on, here I expect you to exclaim, why then do I not oftener hear
from you? No reason, should you have for this question, were it
not for the uncertainty of my letters ever reaching you of the
many I have sent, as yet I have heard of but one that ever was
received. T'is long since I had the pleasure of hearing from you
but the many favourable accounts I have read in the public papers
of N.S.W. have afforded me great satisfaction, often do I wish
that it were in my power to visit you. I have formed so
favourable an opinion of your situation that nothing but the
dread and danger of the voyage prevents my wishes from being
realized, but as in all probability they never can be, I hope the
time is not far distant that will restore you and Mr. McArthur
with your family to your native country. Your friends in the
neighbourhood make frequent enquiries for you but of late I have
not had it in my power to give them any information, but will now
endeavour to give you some of them. . . . .
I now give you some account of the fashion, particularly of the
ladies dress, but you know my inability to discuss the
subject—There is no such thing as a waist-stays are quite
an unnecessary part of female dress—The petticoats are up
to the shoulders, and below the feet. Hats are still worn small,
but indeed dress as you will you are not thought particular
unless you have a long waist, and it is very seldom that we see
two people whose garments are made the same. Tis quite
fashionable to write on coloured paper, but you my dear friend
will I hope excuse my using plain white, indeed this place will
afford no other. I must also beg you to excuse my writing in
haste as it was not till last night Farmer Bond informed me that
he could send a letter, and I am engaged every day till he must
have it.
I need not speak of your Mother as she intends writing you.
All here join in best respects to yourself and Mr. Macarthur and
love to your little ones tho' unknown, and believe me
sincerely
It is impossible for me to express, my dearest
friend, the satisfaction I have received from the perusal of your
late letters—a thousand thanks to you for mine. There was
but one sentiment in it that I could not approve—and that
implies a doubt whether or not I might receive your letters with
pleasure, but let me hope, that you could not for a moment be
serious on the subject—were we not from childhood brought
up together as intimate friends? and whatever attachments may be
formed afterwards—it is my opinion they are seldom as
lasting or well grounded as those friendships which have
continued from early life. Sincerely do I hope that nothing may
ever intervene, to lessen a regard—I trust we at present
have for each other. Through you I shall hope for Mr. Macarthur's
friendship, yet I half fear him, for when we are so happy as to
see him in your native country, I doubt not that he will laugh at
the old maid, it is an odium we must all bear, though I think
undeservedly, at least the ridiculers should first point out what
these unfortunate females are to do who have not an offer from a
person they can approve. But why, my dear friend, do you tax me
with being over nice? Let me assure you you have no reason for
it. I honour the marriage state, and had a proper opportunity
offered, should not have declined it, what then would you have me
do? not surely be so eccentric as to reverse the matter, and make
an offer (if you would) I have not courage, nor vanity enough to
pursue the scheme, unless indeed I had a vast deal of the ready,
now so much looked after, and indeed so absolutely necessary, but
having neither youth wealth or beauty to recommend me, I shall
endeavour to make myself contented with the state I am in, you
have my grateful thanks however for your kind advice, though it
is not granted me to follow it. . . .
And now my dear Mrs. M. let me congratulate you on your happier
fate, it ever was my opinion that Mr. M. would make an excellent
husband, if he met with a woman whose disposition and
accomplishments suited him, in that respect how fortunate, and
how fortunate for you, that you met with a man possessed of good
sense and sensibility. God grant that your present happiness may
be continued to you. I saw your little Edward after his arrival
in England—he is a charming boy—he was allowed to
spend but a week with us, and dear little fellow was so loth to
depart, that though we wished for his longer stay we were obliged
to join in persuading him to go. He then, though so young, would
walk with my father the whole morning, in pursuit of a hare, and
come in covered with dirt—yet ask if he could not go again
tomorrow. . . . .
On Hunter succeeding to the Governorship in 1795 Macarthur enjoyed his personal confidence, until a coolness arose. Hunter determined to buy wheat from the Hawkesbury settlers to an extent much in excess of the requirements of the Government, hoping that this would act as a bounty on its production. Macarthur strongly advised against this course, arguing in vain that this was a false and dangerous principle which would lead the settlers to look always to the Government for support, to regard it as bound to buy their wheat and maize for the public stores, and thus prevent them from relying on their energies to develop the resources of the country by the production of such other crops as might be suited to the soil and climate.
Macarthur also urged the necessity of introducing free settlers, of fitting character, in sufficient numbers to become masters and superintendents of the convicts. This principle Hunter strongly advocated in his despatches to the Home Government. But at that time the state of affairs in France absorbed all thought and energy at home, so that poor despised Botany Bay met with very little attention, though, later on, a few settlers were in consequence induced to come out. Notwithstanding Macarthur's warning, the Governor continued to buy wheat and to draw large drafts on the Treasury. The grain was nearly all lost by the weevil and fly moth, and from heating in overcharged granaries.
So severely was Governor Hunter censured for this by the Secretary of State that it led to his resignation.
The coolness between the Governor and Macarthur evidently passed away at a subsequent date, because James Macarthur, the third son, writing to Judge Therry, says—"I well remember that from 1810-14, while a boy at school near London, I repeatedly accompanied my father to see Governor Hunter, with whom he parted on perfectly friendly terms, as he did with Governor King and his family, and with General Grose and Colonel Paterson."
Mrs. Macarthur's letter of September 1st, 1795, contains the first reference to the flock of sheep, which was occupying so much of her husband's attention at Elizabeth Farm, where he initiated the interesting experiment of crossing hair-bearing ewes from the Cape of Good Hope and Bengal and sheep of English breed, with a view of producing wool.
For, while the infant Colony was struggling for existence in its fourth year, before it had succeeded in raising for itself food sufficient perhaps for a week's consumption, when the inhabitants from the Governor downwards were reduced to less than half rations of miserable provisions, and when even guests, invited to the Governor's table, were requested to bring their own bread, the idea was first entertained by Macarthur of changing the ill-organized community into a wealthy flourishing colony by the production of fine wool.
Although quite a young man he had the sagacity to comprehend that a petty population, established at so vast a distance from other civilized parts of the globe, could have no prospect of ultimately succeeding unless by raising as an export some raw material, which would be produced with little labour, be in considerable demand, and be capable of bearing the expense of a long sea voyage; that, only by the production of some such commodity, whatever might be the natural fertility of the country, could it hope to escape the alternations of abundance and scarcity even of bread.
He reasoned that the surplus of grain in years of abundance would, for want of an outlet, so reduce the prices to the cultivator, as to dishearten him and throw the land out of cultivation, the very excess thus causing subsequent want; whilst the community would possess no means within itself of purchasing supplies from other countries, and would remain a body of paupers or sink into a state of semi-civilisation—that to procure supplies in regular and sufficient quantity it was necessary to create an export, and that as quickly as possible.
This for a young subaltern was a bold and original view of the circumstances of the infant colony then wholly dependent on the Mother Country even for its dally bread.
He could imagine no article so completely fulfilling the necessary conditions as fine wool, and his setting earnestly to work to produce this made him an object of ridicule to his comrades, who were profiting by raising meat, and subsequently of opposition and oppression from his superiors.
At first he had but a few hair-bearing sheep from Bengal and the Cape, but acquired from the captain of a transport from Ireland some coarse woolled Irish sheep; and later (in 1797) with the aid of Captain Waterhouse and Lieutenant Kent, R.N., the first merino sheep were added to his flock.
It is perhaps well here to quote Macarthur's evidence on the matter before Commissioner Bigge in 1820.*
[* Appointed as Commissioner to enquire into the state of N.S.W. under Gov. Macquarie.]
Q. How many years is it since you first began to
pay attention to the Breed of Sheep?
A. More than Twenty-six years. In the year 1794, I purchased from
an officer Sixty Bengal Ewes and Lambs, which had been imported
from Calcutta and very soon after I procured from the Captain of
a Transport from Ireland, two Irish Ewes and a young Ram. The
Indian Sheep produced coarse hair and the wool of the Irish Sheep
was then valued at no more than 9d. per lb. By crossing the two
Breeds I had the satisfaction to see the lambs of the Indian Ewes
bear a mingled fleece of hair and wool—this circumstance
originated the idea of producing fine wool in New South Wales. In
the year 1796 (I believe) the two sloops of war on this station
were sent to the Cape of Good Hope, and as their Commanders were
friends of mine, I requested them to enquire if there were any
wool-bearing sheep at the Cape. At the period of their arrival at
the Settlement there was a flock of Merino Sheep for sale, from
which about twenty were purchased. Of these I was favoured with
Four Ewes and Two Rams, the remainder were distributed amongst
different individuals who did not take the necessary precautions
to preserve the breed pure and they soon disappeared—Mine
were carefully guarded against an impure mixture, and increased
in number and improved in the quality of their wool. In a year or
two after I had an opportunity of augmenting my flock by the
purchase from Colonel Foveaux of 1200 Sheep of the common Cape
Breed. In 1801 I took to England specimens of the pure Merino
Wool, and of the best of the crossbred, and having submitted them
to the inspection of a Committee of Manufacturers, they reported
the Merino Wool was equal to any Spanish wool and the Crossbred
of considerable value. Thus encouraged I purchased Nine Rams and
a Ewe from the Royal Flock at Kew, and returned to this country
determined to devote my attention to the improvement of the Wool
of my flocks. I only landed here Five Rams and One Ewe of the
Sheep purchased from the Royal Flock. It is from these sources
alone that my present stock has been raised.
The purchase of Foveaux's flock and his land, near Toongabbe, for the sum of £2000, considerably augmented Macarthur's means of bringing to a successful issue the undertaking of his life, which, even at this early period, he was confident would be of national importance.
As regards immediate pecuniary gain, his plan of crossing with Spanish blood was open to objection in as much as it diminished the weight of the carcase, meat being then very dear, while the merino was also a less prolific race than the Cape sheep. Many, therefore, laughed in their sleeves and said "his wits were a-wool gathering."
But he had determined to adopt New South Wales as his country and therefore persevered in his efforts to produce in it a great article of export, without which he knew it must continue for years obscure and despised—a mere penal settlement.
In 1801, Macarthur, while in temporary command of the New South Wales Corps, during Lieut.-Colonel Paterson's absence, became involved in a bitter quarrel with Governor King, who had succeeded Hunter, the cause of which would appear to have been some legal proceedings, in which a Lieut. Marshall was charged with misappropriation of a deceased officer's property.
The affair culminated in Macarthur receiving a challenge from Colonel Paterson, who was wounded in the ensuing duel; and in consequence Governor King ordered Macarthur to England under arrest, for trial by court-martial.
The Advocate-General of the British Army, however, reported that it was impossible to investigate the case in England, and recommended that Macarthur should be remanded to New South Wales, with orders to join his regiment, and expressed his opinion that, under the circumstances, it was probable Governor King would not be desirous of bringing him to trial.
Many letters and despatches referring to the episode are to be found in the N.S.W. Historical Records, Vol. IV., but amongst the Camden Park papers the only allusion to it is in the following passage in a letter written in 1859 by James Macarthur which contains notes on the life of his father to Judge (afterwards Sir Roger) Therry, for use of the latter in writing his book "Reminiscences of N.S.W. and Victoria." "With Governor King he (Macarthur) was on good terms, and was living quietly at Parramatta when the officers of the regiment became involved in a controversy with the Governor in which, although in the right, they mismanaged their case so that King was getting the best of it. They appealed to my father for aid in their need, which he very reluctantly consented to afford, as the character of the regiment was to some extent involved in the dispute. Taking up the case for them, he re-stated the whole matter and placed it on its true footing. On this a truce was patched up between Governor King and Colonel Paterson, the C.O.; and my father considered that he had been made a sort of scape-goat, and that revelations had been made to Governor King which ought not to have been made. Colonel Paterson challenged my father and was wounded in the arm, on which my father was placed in arrest. After a few days he was ordered to return to his duty, but demanded a court-martial, which was refused. The whole matter was represented to the Horse Guards, my father being sent home under arrest, still insisting on his right to public enquiry. Out of this case arose a general order to the Army, denying what had been looked upon as the right of officers placed under arrest to demand a court-martial."
The voyage to England was made via India, and the ship being dismasted in a typhoon was obliged to seek shelter at Amboyna, where she was delayed for some time. This led to Macarthur forming an acquaintance with Sir Robert Farquhar, who was at the time under the censure of the Indian authorities for having made an unsuccessful attack upon a Dutch settlement in close proximity. He was about to write an apologetic letter to the Governor-General and Council, and mentioned the matter to Macarthur, who said: "If you write such a letter you will be laid on the shelf for life. Tell them they are not fully aware of the position of the Dutch Settlement, or the circumstances which led to your attacking it, that you are convinced of the necessity for taking it, and that you are determined to renew the attack. Having thus written, do so, and mind you take the place."
His advice was followed with success, and Farquhar in consequence was applauded and promoted. This was the foundation of the friendship which subsequently existed between the Farquhar and Macarthur families. Sir Walter Farquhar, Sir Robert's father, was at the time physician to the Prince of Wales (afterwards George IV.), and his near relative Mr. Watson (afterwards Watson Taylor) was Private Secretary to Lord Camden, who was then Colonial Minister.
Sir Walter at once realised the serviceable advice Macarthur had given his son, and received him on the most friendly and confidential footing, making his house and family, as it were, a home for Macarthur and his children, two of whom (Elizabeth, his eldest daughter, and John, his second son) had accompanied him for the purpose of their education. His eldest son, Edward, had been sent to England some years previously for the same reason.
From Amboyna the voyage was accomplished by changing ships, and embarking in a homeward bound East Indiaman, which touched at St. Helena, where the Lord Valentia placed in Macarthur's charge an extensive and very valuable collection of natural history specimens from Africa for Sir Joseph Banks, to whom he also gave him a strong letter of recommendation.
The natural history cases caused much trouble on arrival in London, but were safely delivered at Sir Joseph's residence. A dry note of acknowledgment was the only return.
"Whether this was accidental," writes James Macarthur, "or whether Sir Joseph Banks had been prejudiced against him by Colonel Paterson (who had been a botanical collector for Sir Joseph, as well as Governor King, and kept up a correspondence with him), I cannot say, but my father was indignant at the treatment . . ."
How this resentment was shown, and what followed, will be seen later.
This visit of Captain Macarthur to England enabled him to bring to the notice of the Privy Council and those interested in the woollen industry, his views as to the possibilities of Australia for the production of fine wool, and the results of his own efforts and experience in Its growth. Samples of his wool had previously been sent to England and he had not neglected to bring others with him; and he now exerted himself to place the infant Australian wool industry upon a firm foundation, both by inducing the British Government to grant facilities for establishing it in N.S.W., and by interesting the manufacturers in the new source of supply, thus assuring a market.
At one time he thought of the formation of a public company to undertake the enterprise in N.S.W., but finally carried the matter through with his own resources.
The cloth manufacturers were at that time seeking some changes in the Statute Law for regulating the employment of artisans in that important staple. It was material to their case to show that fine wool, then imported chiefly from Spain, in comparatively small quantities—from 3,000,000 to 4,000,000 lbs. a year—was, like cotton, capable of unlimited production.
Having inspected Macarthur's samples of wool, and heard his explanatory statements, they induced him to place before the Privy Council a statement of the capabilities of Australia for the growth of fine wool.
The Privy Council, impressed with the importance of the subject thus brought before them, recommended it to the attention of the Colonial Minister, Lord Camden.
Macarthur in his evidence at Johnston's Court Martial (page 177) thus related how his views were brought before the Privy Council.
In the beginning of the year 1804 * some of the most eminent manufacturers of woollen cloth in England saw by accident some specimens of the wool I had raised in New South Wales, its quality was so fine that it induced them to find me out, and to make particular enquiries how and in what manner this wool had been raised.
[* Macarthur must have meant 1803.]
On my communicating to them all I knew upon the
subject they expressed a decided opinion that the colony of New
Holland might with proper encouragement be enabled in time to
supply the woollen manufacturers of this country with the whole
quantity of fine wool which was then with great difficulty
obtained from Spain, and such was the importance which they
attached to this that they signified their determination to
communicate their opinion to Government by Memorial which was
soon afterwards done.
In consequence of these memorials being sent in I was directed to
attend a Privy Council before whom I was particularly examined as
to the state of my flocks and their probable improvement. The
Privy Council were so satisfied of the importance of the
undertaking that they recommended to the Secretary of State that
it should be encouraged. . . .
Amongst the papers at Camden Park the following correspondence is preserved and is endorsed in King's handwriting "Copies of Papers respecting the Growth of Fine Wool in N.S. Wales, Sept., 1805, Report, etc., by Capt. McArthur," the marginal notes being apparently King's also.
Copy of a Letter from the Deputies appointed to attend the Progress of the Woollen Bill for repealing certain Laws relative to the Woollen Manufacturies.
Sir,
During our Attendance here on the Subject of the Woollen Bill we
have been fortunate enough to learn that there is at this time a
Breed of Spanish Sheep in the Colony of New South Wales. Desirous
of course to ascertain a fact which if true was so highly
important to the Manufacturing interest we procured without delay
an interview with Captain McArthur the Proprietor of the Flock in
question and who had brought Samples of the Wool over with him.
We have the satisfaction to state that the Wool is of very
superior Quality equal to most which comes from Spain, and from
the Statement of Captain McArthur we are persuaded the Quality is
improving, and that the Quantity may with proper attention so
materially increase in a few years the Supply of the
British Market as greatly to reduce the price of the Article and
in time render us perfectly independent of Spain for a Supply. If
Government will afford him the necessary encouragement Captain
McArthur undertakes to return to the Colony without delay and
promote the object to the utmost.
We have on behalf of the Clothing Interest laid the matter before
Lord Hobart, and Captain McArthur has also had an interview with
Administration on the subject. Government we are happy to say are
disposed to give it every encouragement, but in order to impress
it firmly on their Notice and give the Application complete
Effect it has been suggested to advise the Clothiers to present a
Memorial Expressive of their Approbation of the Plan and their
conviction of its importance. A step of this sort we have no
doubt would carry the point in the most immediate and successful
manner. We therefore beg to recommend you directly to call a
Meeting of the Clothiers in your district, laying the Subject
before them, and if they approve the Measure get their signatures
to a Memorial as proposed. We would not by any means dictate to
you the Terms in which it should be drawn up, knowing you to be
fully competent on the occasion, but having bestowed considerable
Attention on the Subject we enclose a Form containing the Heads
of the Plan which can be put into any shape you approve. As we
shall have left Town before your reply can reach us here Your
Memorial should be forwarded in due Form to the Treasury. But as
the Season is now far advanced and the Adjournment of Parliament
may shortly be expected when the Members of Administration will
be leaving Town we would recommend promptitude in your
proceedings.
Addressed to the Manufacturers in different parts of the Kingdom.
In consequence of the preceding Circular Letter, Memorials were presented to Government in almost every part of the Kingdom, praying that every encouragement might be given to promote the undertaking.
Form of the Memorial proposed in the preceding Circular Letter.
To the Right Honourable
The Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury
May it please Your Lordships
We the undersigned Woollen Manufacturers of the Town of
in
the County of
most
respectfully beg to solicit Your Lordships attention to a subject
which they flatter themselves will interest you by its
importance, and they rely with Confidence on that uniform Zeal
which Your Lordships have ever expressed for the benefit of the
Country for the encouragement of the same.
The great importance of our Woollen Manufacturers their rapid
increase of late years and the propriety of affording every
encouragement to a source of so much national Wealth and
Consequence are too obvious to need a mention here, but while the
Topic causes us so much exaltation both as Britons and Commerical
Men, We cannot forbear also stating to your Lordships facts of a
Contrary Nature, and which if a timely Remedy be not applied may
ultimately cause great injury if not destruction to a very
Material Branch of our Woollen Manufacture—that of fine
Cloths. These Cloths are made entirely of Spanish Wool (an
Article for which this Country annually pays to Spain more than
one Million and a half) and so great for some years past has been
the increasing scarcity and advanced price of Spanish Wool that
not only are large Orders frequently rejected for want of the raw
Material to furnish the Supply but the exorbitant price of what
is to be had and the contingent expences of the Trade make it
almost impossible for us to supply the Continental Markets with
any Profit to ourselves. If we add to these Considerations the
Apprehensions we entertain that our Watchful and implacable Foes
the French (who have already by their influence over Spain
monopolized some of the most valuable kinds of Spanish Wool) may
eventually try to exclude us totally from that source of Supply,
We confess ourselves alarmed for the existence of this Branch of
our Manufacturers and our eager anxiety for the adoption of any
means of security and relief.
Under these circumstances we learnt with equal surprize and
pleasure from the Gentlemen of our Committee who were attending
the Progress of the Woollen Bill through Parliament that Spanish
Wool of Superior Quality and to a considerable Quantity was
produced in our Colony of New South Wales and that it only needed
the Patronage and countenance of Government to become an Object
of the highest national Importance, so as in Time and that not a
very distant Period to render us in a great measure independent
of Spain for a Supply.*
[* Not a doubt can be entertained of the fine quality of the wool as far as it has been perfectioned in N. S. Wales, but the quantity is by no means considerable altho' the Sheep are daily increasing.]
To detail to Your Lordships the great and innumerable advantages to be derived from the success of such an Object is unnecessary. We therefore merely presume in the most respectful Manner to state the Facts, satisfied that we may rely with Confidence on your decision.
STATEMENT of the Improvement and Progress of the Breed of Fine Woolled Sheep in New South Wales.
The Samples of Wool brought from New South
Wales, having excited the particular attention of the Merchants
and principal English Manufacturers, Captain McArthur considers
it his Duty respectfully to represent to His Majesty's Ministers,
that he has found from an experience of many years, the Climate
of New South Wales is peculiarly adapted to the increase of fine
woolled Sheep; and that from the unlimited extent of luxuriant
Pastures with which that Country abounds, Millions of those
valuable Animals may be raised in a few years, with but little
expence than the Hire of a few Shepherds.
The Specimens of Wool that Captain McArthur has with him, have
been inspected by the best Judges of Wool in this Kingdom, and
they are of opinion that it possesses a softness superior to any
of the Wools of Spain and that it certainly is equal in every
valuable property to the very best that is to be obtained from
thence.
The Sheep producing this fine wool are of the Spanish kind, sent
originally from Holland to the Cape of Good Hope, and taken from
thence to Port Jackson.
Captain McArthur being persuaded that the propagation of those
Animals would be of the utmost Consequence to this Country
procured in 1797 three Rams and Five Ewes;** and he has since had
the Satisfaction to see them rapidly increase, their Fleeces
augment in Weight, and the Wool very visibly improve in Quality.
When Captain McArthur left Port Jackson in 1801, the heaviest
that had then been shorn, weighed only Three pounds and a half:
but he has received Reports of 1802, from which he learns that
the Fleeces of his Sheep were increased to Five pounds each; and
that the Wool is finer and softer than the Wool of the preceding
year. The Fleece of one of the Sheep originally imported from the
Cape of Good Hope, has been valued here at Four shillings and
sixpence per pound, and a Fleece of the same kind bred in New
South Wales is estimated at six shillings a pound.
[** Very correct.]
Being once in possession of this valuable Breed, and having ascertained that they improved in that Climate he became anxious to extend them as much as possible! he therefore crossed all the mixed bred Ewes of which his Flocks were composed, with Spanish Rams.* The Lambs produced from this Cross were much improved but when they were again crossed, the change far exceeded his most sanguine Expectations. In four Crosses he is of opinion no Distinction will be perceptible between the pure and the mixed Breed. ** As a proof of the extraordinary and rapid Improvement of his Flocks, Captain McArthur has exhibited the Fleece of a Coarse Woolled Ewe that has been valued at Ninepence a pound, and the Fleece of her Lamb begotten by a Spanish Ram, which is allowed to be worth Three shillings a pound.
[* He certainly has bestowed great attention on this object.]
[** Very probable.]
Captain McArthur has now about Four Thousand Sheep *** amongst which there are no Rams but of the Spanish Breed. He calculates that they will with proper care double themselves every Two Years and a half, and that in Twenty Years they will be so increased as to produce as much fine Wool as is now imported from Spain and other Countries at an Annual Expence of One Million eight hundred Thousand pounds Sterling. To make the principle perfectly plain upon which Captain McArthur founds this Expectation he begs to state that half his Flock has been raised from Thirty Ewes purchased in 1793 out of a Ship from India and from about eight or ten Spanish and Irish Sheep purchased since. The other half of his Flock were obtained in 1801 by purchases from an Officer **** who had raised them in the same time, and from about the same Number of Ewes that Captain McArthur commenced with. This Statement proves that the Sheep have hitherto multiplied more rapidly than it is calculated they will do in future: but this is attributed to the first Ewes being of a more prolific kind than the Spanish Sheep are found to be: for since Captain McArthur has directed his attention to that Breed he has observed the Ewes do not so often produce double Lambs.
[*** See Note—Capt. McArthur's Report dated October, 2nd, 1805.]
[**** Col. Foveaux.]
As a further Confirmation of the principle of Increase that Captain McArthur has endeavoured to establish and which he is positive time will prove to be correct, he would refer to the General Returns transmitted from New South Wales. In 1796 (since when not one hundred Sheep have been imported) 1,531 were returned as the Public and Private Stock of the Colony. In 1801, 6,757 * were returned; and although between those periods all the Males have been killed as soon as they became fit, yet there is a surplus over the calculation of 633.
[* No. 7,046 in Statement of Annual Increase.]
Captain McArthur is so convinced of the practicability of supplying this Country with any quantity of fine Wool it may require, that he is earnestly solicitous to prosecute this as it appears to him important Object, and on his Return to New South Wales to devote his whole Attention to accelerate its complete Attainment. All the risk attendant on the Undertaking he will cheerfully bear. He will require no pecuniary Aid—and all the Encouragement he humbly solicits for, is the protection of Government, permission to occupy a sufficient Track of unoccupied Lands to feed his Flocks,** and the Indulgence of selecting from amongst the Convicts such Men for Shepherds as may from their previous occupations know something of the Business.
London, 26th July, 1803.
[** See Note in Capt. McArthur's Report dated October 2nd, 1805.]
It may be well to notice here that years after, in the twenties, when Macarthur was attacked by the "Australian", a newspaper, for his erroneous calculation on the probable increase of wool in New South Wales, he sent these memoranda to his son John, in England, to enable him to reply to any press notices.
When I returned to England in the year 1803, I was called upon by a Committee of Manufacturers who had heard of my wool and requested to show them the Samples. I immediately gave them an order for its delivery from the India Warehouse, and they obtained the case containing the Fleeces and took it to their Committee Room. The wool being examined was highly approved and the different kinds valued at the amounts I stated in my Memorial. They then informed me that England imported annually from Spain Wool to the value of £1,800,000, and appeared anxious for my opinion how long it might take to produce Wool to that value in N. S. Wales. I replied it was impossible for me to say. I was then asked when I commenced breeding Sheep and with what number I had begun. I stated that I had purchased 30 Bengal Ewes in the year 1793—and that I had added to my flock another bred by General Foveaux from about the same number of Ewes and established about the same period with my flock that I had also added eight or ten Irish and Merino Sheep by purchase, and that from those 70 Sheep my Flock had increased in 10 years to 4,000 Head, altho' all the wethers had been sold for slaughter as soon as they became fit. This led to a calculation and it was seen that if 70 Sheep had increased in 10 years to 4,000 Head—the latter number might with similar care and the same success increase in 20 years to more than 13,000,000, but as thirteen Million of Sheep appeared to be an enormous increase another data was resorted to. In Collin's Hist. of N.S. Wales the Returns of Stock in the Colony was published and from these Returns it appeared that in 1796 the whole of the sheep in the Colony amounted to 1,531. The next Return was dated 1801 five years after, when the return of Sheep was 6,737 head and I know that in the period between the two returns not 100 Sheep had been imported. From these returns then it appeared that the Sheep had more than multiplied fourfold in five years, and it was decided it might safely be assumed that a Flock of Sheep of all ages and sexes in their ordinary proportions, might be expected to double itself in two years and a half—taking that for granted—it appeared that such a flock as mine with sufficient pasturage and proper protection might multiply in 20 years to a number sufficient to procure Wool annually to the value of £1,800,000—estimating the average at 4s. a lb.
It was also assumed on the authority of the late
Lord Somerville and Dr. Parry, that four Crosses with Merino Rams
would improve the Cross bred Sheep to an equal state of fineness
with the true bred Merino. Experience however has since taught me
that Ten Crosses would not produce that effect—and I
quickly determined after my return to the Colony, that I had made
a great mistake in my calculations and that attributable to the
change which crossing had made in the Constitutions of the Sheep.
The Thorough bred India—Cape Sheep—and Merinos lived
to a great age, they had been allowed to breed twice a
year—and the Bengal Sheep always bred twice—the Cape
Sheep frequently did so but as the cross with the Merino blood
advanced the young sheep became delicate and sickly and the Ewes
seldom lived to rear more than three Lambs—often not more
than one, and the Lambs were as tender as their Mothers and
suffered great mortality. This created such a prejudice against
the Merino Sheep that few people would use the Rams but continued
to breed with the original hair bearing Rams, and it was not till
many years after that I discovered the great tenderness of the
mixed bred sheep did not proceed from the Merino blood, but from
a general law of nature that almost always causes a deterioration
of constitution where crossing is persevered in more than two
generations. Luckily I was not frightened by this ill success but
continued to use Merino Rams—the consequence has been that
when my Sheep became deeply mixed with Merino Blood they slowly
regained constitution and I have now the satisfaction to find the
mixed bred sheep as hardy and long lived as the unmixed Merinos.
The Colonists are also becoming daily more sensible of this
remarkable fact, and are now turning their attention to the
improvement of their Wool. Those Flocks, however, that are but
little improved, will have to undergo the same trial that mine
have sustained—and the losses of these proprietors will be
great.
If I add to these facts the continued persecution of Governors,
my absence from the superintendence of my flocks and the want of
sufficient pasturage—I shall stand fully acquitted of
intended misrepresentation.
To return to Macarthur's efforts in England—From July, 1803, till the following spring the matter appears to have rested, but in September, 1803, Sir Joseph Banks wrote in reply to enquiries from Mr. Fawkener at the Office for Trade, Whitehall:—
That the N.S.W. wool he had seen was not equal to the best of old Spain, that he had no reason to believe that the climate and soil of New South Wales was better fitted for wool growing than those of other temperate climates, and that he was confident the grass of New South Wales was coarse and very different from that of Europe, upon which sheep thrive best. That he feared that Macarthur had been too sanguine and that it would be found that sheep did not prosper well there. That the freight from New South Wales would add much to the price of the wool, and he finally recommended that no special encouragement be given Macarthur's project which as yet was a mere theoretical speculation.
In February, 1804, Macarthur again urged his scheme, this time by proposing the formation of a public company, and he wrote to Nicholas Vansittart, who afterwards became Lord Bexley, one of the Secretaries of the Treasury in Addington's administration.
Sir,
The attention which you did me the honor to pay to my
Representation respecting fine Wool, produced in New South Wales
on the practicability of producing there an unlimited supply of
that valuable commodity has induced me to trouble you with the
Copy of a Plan for establishing in this Country a Company, on
whose exertions Government may be more disposed to rely, for the
management of such an important object, than if it were to remain
the undivided property of an Individual.
I presume the respectability of the Evidence, contained in the
Memorials * that have been presented from many of the most
respectable Merchants, and from almost all the most eminent
Manufacturers of Woollen Cloths in the Kingdom, must have
entirely satisfied your mind of the superior fineness of the Wool
and of the advantage that would be derived from its Importation
into this Country. I therefore hope I do not take too great a
liberty in respectfully requesting you will be pleased to lay the
enclosed Plan before the Lords of the Treasury for their
Lordship's Consideration, and as far as it may appear to deserve
it, as an object of public utility, that you will have the
goodness to favor it with your support.
[* See ante, p. 67.]
Perfectly sensible of the impropriety of tresspassing upon your attention by an attempt to detail the high Expectations of success, which the best informed persons entertain, if the breeding Flocks of fine woolled Sheep be sanctioned by Government, and be vigorously prosecuted in New South Wales, or to enlarge upon the advantages which the Colony will receive, from a profitable employment of its Convicts, and from an increase of animal food, for want of which it has hitherto suffered so much—I will no longer detain you, than to state that several Members of Parliament, and many Merchants of the highest Character are willing and desirous to lend their assistance to establish and become Members of the proposed Company.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
Nicholas Vansittart, Esq. &c., &c., &c. |
Proposal for Establishing a Company to Encourage the Increase of fine woolled Sheep in New South Wales.
It having been represented to Captain Macarthur
that objections have arisen to conferring Grants of Land upon any
Individual to the extent required for feeding his Flocks of Sheep
and their increase, it has occurred to him that if he were to
dispose of his Right in the Sheep to a Company of respectable
persons residing in this Country, all objections to give the
encouragement he has solicited from Government might be waved. He
therefore proposes that as many persons as may be most approved
do form a Company, and that they subscribe a sufficient sum to
purchase all his Sheep, at the price they were selling, to be
slaughtered, when the last Returns were sent from New South
Wales—which was about five pounds per Head. That as the
present number cannot be correctly ascertained, they be
calculated as Four Thousand and that all which may be delivered
over that number be received at half price.
That the sum subscribed be vested in some Public Fund, under the
Management of Trustees and not be liable to any Claim from
Captain Macarthur, until he shall have remitted to the Company
Wool, or money arising from the sale of old Sheep, equivalent to
the payment he may require from the Subscription.
That the Subscribers shall not be called upon to make any
additions to their original Subscription, on account of Expences
or any contingencies, but that the expences unavoidably attendant
on the care and increasing of the Sheep be defrayed by occasional
sales of old ones.
That Captain Macarthur, as he has obtained permission to retire
from the Army shall return to New South Wales, and undertake the
management of the Sheep, and be allowed a fair percentage on the
clear Returns and the Interest of the Capital subscribed by the
Company as his Reward.
That Captain Macarthur do retain in his own Right a sufficient
number of Shares to secure to the Company his utmost attention in
promoting the intended object.
That the Company do exert themselves to obtain from Government
the indulgence of such Grants of Land. as the Sheep may from time
to time require, with permission to select Shepherds from amongst
the Convicts. And to satisfy Government that no narrow or selfish
views of Monopoly influence the Promoters of this Undertaking,
but that their principal object is to create an abundant Supply
of fine Wool for our Manufacturies at a Moderate Rate, and to
relieve the Country from its present dependence, on Foreign
Nations for that valuable Commodity, it is proposed that the
Company shall engage to distribute amongst the Settlers in New
South Wales, in any manner the Government may please to direct, a
certain portion of the Animal Increase of their Sheep, at a
stipulated price.
That the required indulgence being obtained by the Company the
whole risk and responsibility shall be borne by Captain
MacArthur.
London, 30th Jan., 1804.
Macarthur then addressed the following Memorial to the Committee of the Privy Council, appointed for the consideration of all matters of Trade and Foreign Plantation. The marginal notes appear to be by Governor King, and were probably written in 1805, when King received the papers from England.
The Memorial of Captain John Macarthur.
To The Right Honourable the Lords of the
Committee of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council
appointed for the Consideration of the Matters of Trade and
Foreign Plantations.
Most Respectfully states:
That as some doubts have been expressed of the
practicability of increasing the production of Fine Wool in New
South Wales to the extent that has been described in the
Memorials which have been presented to the Right Honourable the
Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury, Your Lordship's
Memorialist feels it incumbent upon him respectfully to endeavour
to remove those Doubts by a repetition of the Principle Facts
contained in the Representation he has already had the honor to
make, and to accompany it with such further Explanations and with
a Reference to such Evidence as he humbly hopes may be considered
conclusive.
In the year 1797 Your Memorialist procured from the Cape of Good
Hope Three Rams and Five Ewes of the Spanish Breed of Sheep, and
being persuaded that these Animals might be of great consequence
to the Colony in New South Wales he paid particular attention to
preserve the Breed pure.* He had soon the satisfaction to see
them increase and the Fleeces of their Offspring improve in
fineness and augment in weight.
[* Very Correct.]
Having ascertained these Facts and being desirous to extend the growth of Fine Wool as much as possible he caused all the mixed bred Ewes of which his Flocks were composed to be crossed with Rams of the Spanish kind. The Lambs produced from this Cross were clothed with Wool infinitely superior to that of their Mothers, but when the Cross was repeated again the Improvement became greater than his most sanguine expectations had induced him to calculate upon **—in so much that he is of opinion no distinction will be perceptible in four Crosses betwixt the pure and the mixed Breed.***
[** He has paid great attention to this object and I believe this statement to be correct.]
[*** Probable.]
When Your Lordships Memorialist left Port Jackson in 1801 his Flocks consisted of more than Two Thousand Sheep,**** the whole of which had been bred from about Fifty Ewes in a little more than Seven Years—and by the Returns that he has received of 1802 his Flocks are increased to Three Thousand. He has not yet received any Accounts of the Year 1803, but he concludes there must then have been about Four Thousand, beyond which he has no expectation they have much increased as most of the Lands contiguous to his Farms have since his Departure from the Colony been appropriated for Cultivation.
[**** Including those purchased from Major Foveaux and others.]
Your Lordships Memorialist brought with him to
England as Samples Fleeces shorn from the Sheep imported from the
Cape of Good Hope; Fleeces shorn from their progeny bred in New
South Wales; and Fleeces shorn from Sheep of the mixed Breed,
whose Dams bore nothing but Hair or coarse Wool. When these
Samples were shown to the most eminent Manufacturers and
Merchants concerned in the Woollen Trade, they all concurred in
Opinion that the worst specimens of the mixed Breed would be
valuable here, and the specimens of the finest kind bred in New
South Wales were much superior to the Wool of the original Sheep
imported from the Cape of Good Hope, and that they were equal to
the very best we ever receive from Spain. Indeed some of the
Manufacturers declared the Wool to be superior to Spanish Wool in
many respects, and that if they could procure a sufficient supply
it would enable them to surpass all other Countries in the
Manufacture of the best Woollen Cloths. But of these Opinions
perhaps it would be superfluous to say more, as the numerous
Memorials presented to the Lords of the Treasury from the
Manufacturers and Merchants must contain more decisive Evidence
than any other Testimony that can be offered on the Subject.
Your Lordships Memorialist is entirely convinced from the Number
of Sheep * that have been already bred in New South Wales, and
from the Improvement which he has witnessed in the Quality of the
Wool, that Millions of Sheep may be raised in that Country, and
that in a few years the present Stock by proper attention may be
so increased as to produce a greater quantity of fine Wool, than
we are now obliged to purchase from Spain—and which he has
ascertained by the proposals of some eminent Ship Owners, may be
brought hither from New South Wales at no greater Freight than is
paid for the Freight of Cotton Wool from the East
Indies—namely three pence per pound in time of War and
three halfpence in Peace.
[* See Note in Capt. McArthur's Report of October 2nd, 1805.]
It is impossible any one can feel more anxiety than Your Lordships Memorialist not to advance a single assertion that he is not convinced to be correct and his anxiety extends to a desire of removing every doubt and of answering every objection that can be urged by a reference to the best Evidence the nature of the Case will admit. He declares that all the Sheep which have been bred in New South Wales have been raised in the Woods upon the Natural Grasses. These grasses are in all seasons rich and abundant,** and when they become too rank they are burnt off, and are almost immediately succeeded by a young and sweet herbage which the Sheep greedily eat and keep bare. The Tracts of Land adapted for Pasture are so boundless that no assignable limitation can be set to the number of fine woolled Sheep which may be raised in that Country with but little other expence than the Hire and Food of the Shepherds.*** The Native Woods instead of making the Grass sour are generally so open as not to deteriorate its quality, whilst they at the same time afford a salutary Shelter from the Scorching Rays of the Sun in Summer and from the chilling Cold of the Wind in Winter. To this the extraordinary softness that the Wool is found to possess may be attributed, for perhaps nothing can more contribute to preserve and improve the fineness of Wool, than keeping Sheep in a mild and equal temperature, and screening them as much as may be possible against the natural inequalities of Seasons.
[** Correct throughout.]
[*** See Note in Capt. McArthur's Report dated 2nd October, 1805.]
To prove these Facts Your Memorialist would
respectfully intreat to refer to Captain Hunter the predecessor
of Governor King and to Captain Waterhouse of the Royal Navy who
was many years in New South Wales. Indeed your Memorialist
solicitous to remove all suspicion of the Correctness of his
Statements wrote to the latter Officer some time ago upon the
Subject, and he has now the honor to subjoin a Copy of his Letter
with a Copy of Captain Waterhouses reply. He has also annexed the
Names and Address of several respectable Officers and Gentlemen
who have had opportunities to make their own Observations upon
the Pasture in New South Wales, and who have seen how well Sheep
thrive upon them.
With such a prospect of becoming useful to his Country, as the
foregoing facts afford, Your Lordships Memorialist has long
entertained an Ardent desire to return to New South Wales and to
devote his whole attention to the increase and improvement of his
Flocks—And having understood that His Majesty's Ministers
were more disposed to approve of the Undertaking being carried on
by a Company than by an individual he had the Honor to submit a
plan for the formation of the Company to the Right Honourable the
Lords Commissioners of the Treasury.
Your Lordships Memorialist respectfully hopes that the Statement
he has now given and the Evidence he has referred to in
Corroboration of it will remove every doubt and he persuades
himself that under no possible circumstance an attempt to supply
this Country with Fine Wool, the production of its own Colony can
appear to Your Lordships impolitic or in any degree hazardous.
For as your Memorialist requires no pecuniary Aid, the hazard
would be all his own, and even for a moment supposing him to be
mistaken which however he cannot in justice to himself admit to
be possible founded as his Opinions have been upon so many years
successful experience, yet the infant Settlement of New South
Wales could not but derive great advantage and security from such
an abundant Supply of animal Food as must indisputably be
raised.
Your Memorialist will no longer trespass upon Your Lordships
attention than to say That if your Lordships shall be pleased to
sanction him in the undertaking on behalf of a Company, he will
submit to Your Lordships consideration the names of the many
respectable persons who have offered their assistance and
declared their willingness to form a Company.
But should Your Lordships more approve making the experiment on a
small scale upon the individual account of your Memorialist, he
will most cheerfully commence it with an allotment of Ten
Thousand Acres of Land * and permission to select thirty Convicts
for Shepherds.
[* Has had 5,000 acres in addition to 3 he held before and he selected 36 convicts.]
Your Lordships Memorialist would choose the Land Ten miles from any of the Settlements where there is Cultivation, and he would engage in return for the Indulgence to supply the Public with all the Sheep it might be proper to kill, at a stipulated Price, by which means Your Lordships Memorialist humbly presumes the Expenses of Government in that Colony would be very much diminished in a few years.**
London, May 4th, 1804.
[** Capt. McArthur has had 5,000 acres in a situation of his own choice (see Letter to Earl Camden, July 20th, 1805), but no offer has been made of supplying mutton at a stipulated price; on the contrary he has killed great quantities and got from 1s. 3d. to 2s. 6d. a pound from individuals.]
(Enclosure No. 1.)
A Letter from John Macarthur to Captain
Waterhouse of the Royal Navy.
My Dear Sir,
Your polite and obliging attention in communicating the very
valuable observations you made in New South Wales, on the
improvement of the Wool, produced by the Spanish Breed of Sheep
that you introduced into that Colony, and your remarks on the
extraordinary improvements that you discovered in the Wool of the
Sheep produced from Spanish Rams and Ewes bearing nothing but
Hair or very coarse Wool, has induced me, once more to take the
liberty of troubling you for your opinion on a disputed point,
which it is of the utmost importance to me to put out of Doubt,
and which I am persuaded Your Testimony will most effectually
do.
It has been urged here that the Natural Pasture in New South
Wales is so rank and coarse that Sheep cannot eat it, and that
unless land be cleared for the purpose, and artificial grasses
raised for the support of Sheep they cannot be bred in that
Country to any very considerable extent.
Now, as you, my dear Sir, have kept and bred sheep in New South
Wales, as you are perfetly well acquainted how your own, and the
General Stock of Sheep, in that Colony were always fed, during
the time you were there, and as you know as much of the Country
as any man, who ever returned from it, you will very much oblige
me. and materially serve the great object I have so long been
endeavouring to establish, if you will have the goodness to state
whether your Sheep were not constantly depastured in the Woods,
on the Native grasses, whether such is not the universal mode of
feeding Sheep there, and whether from Your observations in the
interior parts of the Country you have visited, you have any
doubt of the practicability of increasing Sheep in that Colony to
almost any extent if due care and attention be paid to them, and
the undertaking liberally encouraged by Grants of sufficient
Allotments of Land.
On reviewing this letter I feel almost ashamed of having
trespassed so much upon your attention, but I hope and am
convinced that as the objects it relates to are connected with
the Public good, you will not murmur, or be displeased at the
troublesome task I have imposed upon you.
I am, &c.,
Captain Waterhouse, R.N.
(Enclosure No. 2.)
A Letter from Captain Waterhouse in
reply.
My Dear Sir,
I have been for some time constantly moving about which will I
hope account to You for my not having earlier answered your's of
the 4th, and is my only reason. The few Memorandums I made,
whilst at New South Wales, are at the Hermitage, therefore I
cannot answer so fully, as I could wish.
You observe "it has been urged that the Natural Pasturage of New
South Wales is so rank and coarse, that Sheep cannot eat it, and
that unless land be cleared for the purpose and artificial
grasses be raised for the support of Sheep they cannot be bred in
that Country to any considerable extent." In my opinion whoever
has advanced that observation has done so without well weighing
it.
The Universal mode of feeding Sheep in that Country has been by
driving them into the Woods, on the Natural Pasturage, and I
think I can affirm it has very fully answered the purpose, even
on a limited feeding; as you know that persons having Stock in
that Colony were fearful of letting the Keepers drive them off
their own premises, as many accidents might follow, by straying,
negligence, &c.; this of course much limited their feeding,
which I never recollect having heard complained of, as not fully
sufficient in this limited way. It is not in my recollection
having heard any person, while there, advance that artificial
grasses were necessary for feeding sheep. Some (I believe)
Yourself, did introduce in small spots clover, or other
artificial grasses, that it might be in the Country, but I did
not understand it was from any necessity for it, or that it was
apprehended there would be a necessity for it, for feeding Stock;
had that been the case I suppose it would have been attended
to—I will not be certain, but that when I left the Colony
there was not artificial grass sufficient to feed a Lamb a
week.
I am no Farmer, therefore, ought not to venture an observation,
but have understood that grass Lands require to be constantly cut
or eat to prevent it being coarse or rank. That from the state of
the Colony could not be done, and a substitute was made use of
(Fire) to get rid of the coarse and rank, which answered no
purpose; the Young grass springing up more luxuriantly for
it.
In the great heat during the Summer they were obliged to vary
their drives, generally to those places were the Woods were
closest, as the Pasturage was better for the shade afforded by
the Trees, and the shelter it gave the Sheep, which could not
have been so, had the Country been cleared. My opinion is from
slight observation, but I think the Pasturage infinitely better
the greater part of the year under the shade of the Trees than in
the more exposed parts.
With respect to the Pasturage of Sheep to a great extent, I have
frequently gone with Governors Philip and Hunter, and other
parties into the Interior of the Country, I speak I believe the
general idea, when I say that from Rose Hill or Parramatta to
Prospect Hill is good Pasturage, as the number of Sheep now fed
upon it prove; from thence to the River Nepean is still better.
Our Routes were each time different but I think the Pasturage
equally good. There were some high hills between Prospect Hill
and the River Nepean covered with good Pasturage, and in every
respect calculated for grazing, those I saw, both Winter and
Summer. The distance from Prospect Hill to Nepean River is about
22 Miles.
After crossing the Nepean River to the foot of what is called the
Blue Mountains, I am at a loss how to describe the Country
otherwise than as a beautiful Park, totally divested of
Underwood, interspersed with Plains, with rich luxuriant Grass,
but for want of feeding off rank, except where recently burnt;
this is the part where the Cattle that have strayed have
constantly fed—of course their own selection. I must
observe some of the Meadows bordering on the Banks of the Nepean
River are evidently at times overflowed from the River, but it is
not very common, and cannot be done, without sufficient time to
drive any Stock away, if common attention is paid. The extent of
the ground I mention as being so very fine, can easily be
ascertained from the Chart attached to the last account
(Hunter's) of New South Wales. The Blue Mountains extend from the
Southward of Botany Bay, considerably to the Northward of Port
Stephens. I have been upon the top of one of them Mount Hunter.
It is rocky but clothed with verdure fully fit for the feeding of
Sheep, and I think adapted for it. The Mountains run as far back
as the eye can see, all apparently of equally good Pasturage,
with some Stands of Water. See the Account given.
The extent of Pasturage for Sheep in this part of the Country is
too great for me to form any idea of. Of the possibility I have
no doubt, of the encouragement necessary, together with the
Allotments of Land, I am no Judge, but of the practicability I
have no doubt.
My dear Sir, here you have the ideas of a Sailor. Nothing but the
wish to serve so important a Business as you have undertaken
could have induced me to commit myself on a Subject, of which I
profess my ignorance, my whole Life having been employed at
Sea.
But you ask me how my Flock was managed. It was a small one;
short of a hundred, all the Spanish Breed and their Offspring. I
trusted implicitly to the Shepherd (whom you remember) and Your
occasional advice. They were driven into the Woods, after the Dew
was off the Grass, driven back for the Man to get his dinner, and
then taken out again until the close of the Evening; when they
remained in the Yard for the Night. During the three years I had
them, I do not recollect a complaint of want of Food, from the
Shepherd, but on the Contrary when brought home earlier than
usual, and finding fault with him for it, he said they were so
soon full that they had lain down for hours.
The uncommon success I had with them will prove the Pasturage. My
Farm being not 200 Acres, and by no means a specimen of the
general Pasturage of that Country. Of the increase of the Small
Flock I landed I gave you an account without noticing those I
parted with.
If these few observations hastily thrown together are of any use
to you it will give pleasure to My dear Sir,
Yours truly,
(Enclosure No. 3.)
Names and Addresses of Gentlemen who have been in New South Wales, who can give Evidence on the facts Captain Macarthur has represented.
Captain Hunter, R.N.
Captain Waterhouse, R.N., Hermitage, near Rochester
Captain
Prentice
Do.
Captain Townsen, Lydley Hayes, near Shrewsbury
Mr. W. Wilson, Monument Yard, London
Mr. Stewart, No. 147 Leadenhall St.
The second memorial bore fruit.
At the Council Chamber Whitehall
The 6th of July 1804.
Their Lordships took into Consideration a
Proposition from Captain Macarthur for encouraging the Breed of
Fine Woolled Sheep, in New South Wales together with the several
Papers, on the same subject.
Captain Macarthur attended, and stated that he had resided in New
South Wales, eleven years, and held Lands there, a very small
part only of which Lands were in cultivation, and that he
pastured the rest with Sheep and Cattle.
The following questions were then put to Captain
Macarthur:—
Q. What is the nature and quality of Land in New South Wales?
A. Rich and strong, so much so, that we are obliged to burn off the long grass, and feed the Sheep upon the Young Grass. There are different sorts of grass, some resembling the Couch Grass in this Country, another sort is a short Grass, of a succulent nature fit for feeding Sheep.
Q. Suppose those Lands on which Sheep are now fed were to be turned to purposes of Cultivation, are there other Lands further on, proper for the feed of Sheep?
A. I think there are and better calculated for the purpose, and to an unbounded extent.
Q. Were there others of the Settlers, who kept Sheep besides Yourself?
A. A considerable number, but I suppose my Flock amounted to one third of the whole.
Q. Were the Sheep belonging to the other Settlers of the same Quality as yours?
A. No. I know no other Person in the Colony, who has paid any attention to the Improvement of the Wool.
Q. Of what kind are your Sheep, and what is the kind of the Sheep in the Country?
A. The Sheep I first began to Breed from were of the Bengal Race, weighing about 6 lbs. per Quarter. I improved these by Rams, obtained from a Cross between the Cape Ewe and some Rams of the Spanish Breed. I cannot ascertain the particular Breed of the Rams, I afterwards obtained a number of Ewes of the Cape Breed; and these I continued to cross with Rams bearing Wool, by this means I obtained, which I conceived to be a fine Breed of Spanish Sheep—and bred as many of this pure Breed, as possible, and Crossed all the Ewes bearing coarse Wool, or being of the hairy sort, with Rams of this Spanish Breed. The Sheep of the Country is the hairy sort. I conceive—there exists a prejudice in the Colony, in favour of the Sheep bearing inferior Wool, founded on an Opinion that the Carcasses of such Sheep are more profitable.
Q. What do you conceive to be the best mode of encouragement to be held out to the Settlers with a view to promote the Breed of fine woolled Sheep?
A. To feed the Inhabitants on Mutton, rather than on Provisions sent from this Country; and to give a small additional price on the Carcasses of Sheep of the pure Spanish Breed, and Grants of Land to those who are inclined to engage in the Breed of fine Woolled Sheep.
Captain Macarthur stated that his Sheep weighed about twelve pounds a Quarter, and that he thought each sheep required about an Acre of Land to keep it. He also stated that no Grants have hitherto been made to any individual of greater extent that 1,200 Acres. These Grants are given in perpetuity. Captain Macarthur possesses about 4,000 Acres, part of which was purchased from a former Proprietor. He is preparing shortly to return to New South Wales, in any event a Civil Settler in the Colony. Being asked, as to the number of Settlers in the Colony—Supposes them to amount to about 1,000.
Q. Are there any animals in New South Wales destructive to Sheep?
A. None except the Native Dog,
which is an animal somewhat between a Fox and a Wolf. There are
not many of them, and they are so timid in their nature that they
will not approach the Sheep by day. Captain Macarthur was in the
habit of housing his Sheep every night by reason of the wetness
of the Climate, at certain periods of the Year.
Each of his Flocks have a yard and a Shed.
Q. Do the Natives mix with the Settlers?
A. They come amongst the Settlers familiarly, but have no fixed abode and live upon what they can find for themselves.
Captain Macarthur being asked whether, in case
it should be found objectionable to recommend the making a
Specific Grant of Land to him, any other measures could be taken,
for effectually encouraging the Breed of fine Woolled Sheep?
replied he is so convinced of the advantage, which would result
to the Country, that he should most cheerfully proceed in the
business upon receiving a Conditional Grant of Land until
Government shall be satisfied of the importance of the
measure.
If the object should not be found to answer the expectations of
Government such Grant to be resumable, but, in that event Captain
Macarthur expressed a hope that he should be indemnified, for the
expenses he must unavoidably incur in fencing &c.—which
he calculated would not exceed the sum of £1000.
11th July 1804.
John Prinsep Esq. attending was called in and examined as follows:—
Q. What would your object be, in carrying on a Trade with New South Wales?
A. My object would be to fish upon the Coast; and bring home the Wool, or other produce of the Country.
Q. In what manner and upon what freight did you propose bringing back Wool from New South Wales?
A. In the Ships sent out from this Country either to fish, or with Merchandize, or upon Contract with Government to carry out Convicts, and I proposed to bring Wool back upon a freight of £16 per ton in time of War and £8 in time of Peace.
Q. If a large quantity of Wool should be produced, in New South Wales, do you suppose their would be a facility in bringing it over to this Country upon that freight?
A. Certainly if we had free access to that Settlement, on the terms of an Act which I understood to be in contemplation, which allowed a Free Trade within the limits of Ten degrees North.
Q. What quantity then could you bring over if the Trade should be continued upon the present footing?
A. Equal to that proportion of the tonnage of the Vessel, employed to carry out Convicts, if such vessels were not permitted to proceed to India or China.
Q. Would it answer your Commercial purposes better to bring a Cargo of Wool Home at the freight above mentioned, than to send your Ship on to China, for a Cargo, if permitted to do so?
A. It would be certainly better to send the ship on to China, if permitted.
Mr. Prinsep then withdrew.
Governor Hunter, attending was called in and examined as follows:—
Q. You have been Governor of New South Wales?
A. I have.
Q. How long is it since you returned?
A. About three years.
Q. Is there a considerable quantity of grass land in New South Wales in Common and unemployed?
A. There is a very considerable quantity of Pasture Land both clear of Wood and covered with Wood, fit for Cattle and for Sheep. The Quality of the Grass appears to be excellent as the Hay made of it. is preferred by strange Cattle to that of their Native soil.
Q. Is the Grass of a coarse or a fine Pile?
A. Some coarse but a good deal of a fine Pile. It grows very luxuriantly and is sometimes three feet high.
Q. Is not the Climate favorable to Agriculture and for the Breeding of Cattle?
A. The Lattitude is 34° and it is a very fine Climate.
Q. Is it not subject to great Rains?
A. There are no periodical Rains. The Climate is variable, and the Pasture is good the whole year.
Q. Did you pay attention to the nature of the Sheep during your residence there, and particularly to the Wool?
A. The first Stock was from Bengal and from the Cape of Good Hope, with a few English Sheep. This Wool was hairy, but the Fleeces from the Cross Breed soon improved, and became very good. Cloth was made of it, which was very fit for the Clothing of the Convicts.
Q. Were there any Spanish Sheep?
A. Two Officers whom I sent to
the Cape of Good Hope, had an opportunity of making there a
purchase of some Spanish Sheep, which had belonged to Colonel
Gordon, an Officer, in the Dutch Service, well known and since
the introduction into New South Wales the Wool improved very
much. The Convicts have been fed by Government hitherto on Salt
Provisions, and the Grain of the Country. But a supply of
Provisions from this, or any Foreign Country will not long be
necessary, as the Colony will produce enough for its own
support.
The price of wheat was 10s. per Bushel as established by Governor
Philip, and this price procured a good supply.
Q. Do you know Captain Macarthur who has been in that Country?
A. I do, he has the largest Stock of Sheep in that Country, and has been very industrious in improving his Flock, and breed of Cattle; and with care, and attention I am of opinion that a great quantity of fine Wool may be produced, I have no doubt any offer he may make will be worth attending to.
Q. Do you apprehend that there would be any great objection to the making Grants of Land to Persons disposed to increase the Flocks of Sheep and Cattle?
A. There is so much Land that I conceive there can be no objection to such Grants. I made some larger than usual upon applications of that nature, and for that purpose.
Q. Are the Rains so violent as to injure the Sheep?
A. I have known it rain violently for a week. We always housed our Sheep. Captain Macarthur made an experiment of keeping his Sheep out, but he lost a good many by it.
The 14th July 1804.
The Lords of the Committee having resumed the
consideration of the several papers relating to the Breed of Fine
Woolled Sheep, &c., in New South Wales, and of the
Examination thereon of Captain Macarthur, John Hunter Esq.,
formerly Governor of that Colony, and John Prinsep Esq., a
Merchant of London, from whom a Proposition was some time since
received and has undergone some consideration, relative to the
opening a regular Trade with Port Jackson.
Their Lordships were pleased to order a Copy of the Memorial
presented by Captain Macarthur, and of a proposal submitted by
him to the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury, for
establishing a Company to encourage the increase of fine Woolled
Sheep, in New South Wales, he transmitted to Edward Cook Esq. for
the information of Lord Camden, with a letter stating that their
Lordships are of opinion, from the Evidence in the papers
relating to Captain Macarthur's Petition; from the opinion of the
Manufacturers of Cloth, stated in their Memorials, and from the
Examination of the Gentlemen before mentioned, that it is
probable Wool of very fine Quality, suited to the Manufacture of
fine Cloth may be produced in New South Wales, and brought to
this Country at a price which the Manufacturers of that Article
can afford to give for that material. That their Lordships also
conceive that without more knowledge than they now possess of the
nature and state of the Colony, and without full communication
with the Governor of the Settlement, inconvenience might arise
from recommending an unconditional Grant of Land to Mr.
Macarthur, or to a joint Company, or to any individual, as such
Grant might retard, or prevent the other Inhabitants of New South
Wales from turning their attention to the growth and improvement
of fine wool, or perhaps in other respects counteract the
improvement of the Colony.
That the Lords of the Committee however are of opinion that
encouragement ought to be held out to the inhabitants of New
South Wales to keep a breed of Sheep with fine Wool, and to
improve its quality as much as possible.
That the Committee are inclined to recommend that Mr. Macarthur's
plan should be referred to the Governor of New South Wales with
Instructions to give every encouragement to the growth of fine
Wool, and to report his Opinion, on the Petition of Mr. Macarthur
and on the Plan of a Joint Stock Company, and that he should be
further directed to state, also in what manner he conceives the
growth of fine Wool can best be encouraged, together with the
hopes he may entertain that a supply of that Article can be
afforded from New South Wales, and to what extent such supply is
likely to be obtained and within what space of time.
That the Lords of the Committee think it right to observe that a
Conditional Grant of Lands of a reasonable extent may be,
perhaps, with safety granted to Mr. Macarthur, for the Pasturage
of Sheep only, or to other Persons, provided a Power be reserved,
in such Grant to resume the same, at any future period, on giving
other Land of the Colony (with reasonable indemnification for
expenses incurred in fencing &c.) and that such additional
Grant would not Cramp the Cultivation of the Colony, or be
attended with bad effects in any manner at present apparent to
the Lords of the Committee.
That in addition to these encouragements it appears to the Lords
of the Committee that the Governor should be instructed to
provide Mutton, for the Food of the Convicts rather than to feed
them on Salted Provisions, and that it might equally tend to
encourage the Breed of Sheep with fine Wool, if it were
recommended to the Governor to purchase only that description of
Sheep for the purpose, or at least to give a preference to Sheep
of that description, over any other kind, and to give an advanced
price for the Sheep with fine Wool.
That many other ways may, however, occur to the Governor from his
local knowledge, of promoting an object so important to this
Country, and that he should be directed to state the same to Lord
Camden.
That from the information obtained from the Fleeces brought from
the Settlement in question, and from the description given of the
Climate of the Colony, the Lords of the Committee are led to
imagine, and entertain hopes that wool of a fine quality may be
produced in this Colony; and that as Wool of such fine quality is
much wanted and desired by the Manufacturers of Cloth in England,
it being mostly, drawn, at this time from a Country influenced,
if not dependent on France, their Lordships entertain no doubt
that it is well deserving the attention of His Majesty's
Government to encourage the Produce of fine Wool, in the Colony
of New South Wales.
Lord Camden was so impressed with the importance of the project and its prospects of success that he agreed with Macarthur that the latter should be permitted to sell his commission in the Army (in which he then held an advantageous position, being the Senior Captain of his Corps and in the prime of life) and receive a grant of 10,000 acres in the Cowpastures on which to graze his flocks, in consideration of his devoting himself to the production of merino wool in New South Wales.
In selecting the Cowpastures *—now Camden—Macarthur based his judgment upon that of the cattle which had strayed from Sydney soon after the arrival of the first fleet, and which had been found greatly increased in numbers in that district where they had remained and multiplied.
[* On the Nepean River about 40 miles S.W. of Sydney.]
In 1804, in accordance with his Agreement, he purchased at a sale at Kew several Spanish merino sheep from the Royal flocks of George III., and of these he landed in Sydney five rams and one ewe.
An account of the sale is given in the "Agricultural Magazine," August, 1804, from which the following extracts are taken.
Lot 1 was a ram labouring under a temporary
privation of sight which Sir Joseph Banks and Richard Stanford,
the King's Shepherd stated not to be very uncommon with these
sheep at this season, but from which there was no doubt he will
perfectly recover. The weight of his fleece was stated to be at
the last shearing 3 lbs 4 ozs. He was knocked down to Captain
Macarthur at £6 15s. After Sir Joseph had apprized him that an
old Act of Parliament stood in the way of exporting sheep from
this country, the Captain's object being to take the sheep which
he was then purchasing to New South Wales in about three weeks
time to add to the flock which he is raising near Botany Bay with
a degree of success which promises to be of the greatest National
importance. . . . .
Lot 6, a very lively sheep, was bought by Captain Macarthur at
£11. . . .
Lot 11, fleece 3 lbs 12 ozs of better wool than the last sold to
Captain Macarthur at 15 guineas. . . .
Lot 13, fleece 3 lbs. 4 ozs. was bought by Captain Macarthur at
16 guineas. . . .
Lot 15 a sheep at present blind, fleece 4 lbs 18 ozs was sold to
Captain Macarthur at 22 guineas. . . . .
Lot 22, fleece 4 lbs. 4 ozs. to Captain Macarthur at 21 guineas.
. . . .
Lot 30, a 4 tooth ram, fleece 7 lbs 2 ozs was sold to Captain
Macarthur for 27 guineas. . . . .
Lot 41 was sold to Captain Macarthur at 11 guineas. . . .
At this sale it will be noticed Macarthur met Sir Joseph Banks, who, writes James Macarthur in his notes, "at last, when his aid was needless, evinced a strong desire to promote and patronize the introduction of the merino sheep into Australia."
This overture Macarthur received as coldly as he himself had been received two years before when Sir Joseph's aid and countenance would have been of great importance to him.
Macarthur's cold reception of Sir Joseph Banks' proffered assistance was an indiscreet and impulsive act, and James Macarthur writes that his father in after life felt it to be so, and that he had by it confirmed any ill-feeling towards himself which might previously have been engendered in Sir Joseph's mind, but it certainly should not have provoked the resentment which Macarthur afterwards encountered and which well nigh proved fatal to his enterprise.
Sir Joseph was a naturalist of high repute at the time, and had accompanied Captain Cook on his first voyage to New South Wales, landing with him at Botany Bay, where he had recommended the founding of a settlement, on what was afterwards called in ridicule "Banks' Meadows!" (Botany Swamps) and he also advised the Bread Fruit expedition of the Bounty. He was moreover extremely wealthy, patronised scientific pursuits, gave déjeuners and soirées at which it was the fashion for travellers and men of letters to assemble, and was regarded by many as a Maecenas on a small scale.
A man of Macarthur's skill and ability should have known how to use such a man. To decline his proffered aid was to wound the great man's vanity on the tenderest point, but the great man should not have displayed such littleness as to avenge the slight in such a way as, had he succeeded, might have marred the best interests of N.S.W. For a Captain in the N.S.W. Corps to introduce an industry in that Colony of which Banks was the patron and quasi-founder, and to reject his aid therein was arrogance and presumption unheard of.
The sheep were about to be embarked on the Argo, a ship which Macarthur had bought, and on which he appropriately placed a Golden Fleece as figure head, when there appeared a paragraph in one of the morning papers to the effect that it was illegal to export sheep from England and that such breach of the law rendered the vessel liable to forfeiture, and the offending parties to such penalties as fine and branding on the hand, etc.
"On noticing this," writes James Macarthur, "my father went at 11 a.m. to Lord Camden's office in Downing Street, and met Sir Joseph leaving.
"He was at once admitted and informed that Sir Joseph Banks had been urging upon Lord Camden the impossibility of exporting sheep, and expressing his regrets.
"'But how is it to be got over?' said Lord Camden. 'Very simply, my Lord, by a Treasury Warrant," replied my father. 'To be sure,' said his Lordship, 'I ought to have thought of that without being told.' The Treasury Warrant was accordingly obtained and the sheep were put on board. My father was about to quit England when Lord Camden sent for him, and said that Sir Joseph Banks had been pointing out that 10,000 acres seemed an enormous grant. 'Would you, Mr. Macarthur, object to take 5,000 at first, with the understanding that the other 5,000 shall be given on the completion of your undertaking?' To this my father at once acquiesced."
In June, 1805, Macarthur arrived in Sydney, accompanied by Walter Davidson, a nephew of Sir Walter Farquhar, who received a grant of land in the Cowpastures, and by Edward and Thomas Wood, professional wool sorters, and his nephew Hannibal McArthur. He left his sons Edward and John at school in England: his daughter Elizabeth, whose health had suffered from the English climate, together with her governess. Miss Lucas, returned with him, and he also brought his merino sheep, and plants of the olive and vine.
He lost no time in presenting the following letters from Lord Camden to Governor King, and also a request for more servants.
Sir,
The Committee of His Majesty's Privy Council for the Matters
respecting Trade and Plantations having taken into consideration
the advantages that may accrue to this Country from the growth of
Fine Wool in New South Wales, have recommended to me to take
measures for the Encouragement thereof and they having further
represented that from the pains which had been taken by John
McArthur Esqr. in increasing and improving the Breed of Sheep in
New South Wales it would be expedient to promote his views by
such a Grant of Lands as would enable him to extend his Flocks in
such a Degree as may promise to supply a sufficiency of Animal
Food for the Colony as well as a Lucrative Article of Export for
the support of our Manufacturers at home, I am commanded by His
Majesty to desire that you will have a proper Grant of Lands fit
for the pasture of Sheep conveyed to the said John McArthur Esqr.
in perpetuity with the usual reserve of Quit Rents to the Crown
containing not less than Five thousand Acres.
Mr. McArthur has represented that the Lands he wishes to be
conveyed to him for this purpose are situated near Mount Taurus
as being peculiarly adapted for Sheep, and I therefore am to
express my wishes that he may be accommodated in this
Situation.
It will be impossible for Mr. McArthur to pursue this plan unless
he shall be indulged with a reasonable number of Convicts (which
he states to be not less than Thirty) for the purpose of
attending his Sheep and as Mr. McArthur will take upon himself
the charge of Maintaining these Convicts a saving will accrue to
Government and I doubt not you will provide him with such as
shall appear most suitable to his Object.
His Majesty's Government takes a peculiar Interest in forwarding
the Objects of this Letter I am therefore persuaded you will do
everything in your Power to promote its success, and I shall be
obliged for all such Observations as shall occur to you upon the
Subject and may tend to forward an Object so important for the
Colony.
I have the honor to be
Governor King
&c.
&c. &c.
Sir,
Mr. Walter Davidson Nephew to Sir Walter Farquhar will deliver to
you this Letter. It is his intention to become a Settler in New
South Wales, and as it is extremely desirable to encourage
Gentlemen of such connections to establish themselves in the
Colony—I am to desire you will cause a Grant of Lands of
not less than Two thousand Acres to be made to him in perpetuity
with the usual reserve of Quit Rents to the Crown and I further
recommend that the Lands to be located to him should be
contiguous to those to be granted to Mr. McArthur who can be of
use to him in the formation of his Establishment.
You will of course see the propriety of alloting to him such a
number of Convicts as may be necessary for his undertaking and I
request you would assist him with not less than six Head of
Horned Cattle from the Government Herd to be paid for out of the
returns of the Property.
I have the honor to be
&c. &c.
&c.
Camden.
Governor King
&c.
&c. &c.
Sir,
The Persons mentioned in the enclosed List have received
permission to accompany Mr. McArthur to New South Wales.
I have already signified to you His Majesty's pleasure with
regard to a Grant of Land to be made to Mr. Davidson, and I am
also to desire that the usual quantity of Land and every other
assistance hitherto granted to Settlers may be given to Alexander
Dollis who I have reason to think will be found a valuable
acquisition to the Colony.
Mr. John Anderson has been recommended to me in such a manner
that I am desirous he should receive every possible encouragement
and you will therefore put him in possession of any moderate
quantity of land he may require for the purpose of
Cultivation.
I have the honor to be
&c. &c.
&c.
Camden.
Governor King
&c.
&c. &c.
LIST.
Mr. Walter Davidson. | ||
Mr. John Anderson. | ||
Mr. Hannibal McArthur. | ||
Mr. Thomas Wood. | } } |
Young Men of respectable connections who go out to instruct persons in the Art of assorting Wool and finally to become Settlers. |
Mr. Edward Wood. | } } |
|
Miss Elizth. McArthur. | ||
Miss Lucas (her Governess). | ||
Alexander Dollis & Family, Shipwright. | ||
John Lawrence, Gardener. | ||
Thos. McBean & Family, House Carpenter. | ||
Thos. Edwards & Family, Servants. |
Capt. Macarthur's Application for the Men, June 20th, 1805.
Mr. McArthur feels great reluctance to obtrude
upon His Excellency the Governor a second request on the subject
of an increase of servants; but since his return to Parramatta,
he finds from the representations of Mrs. McArthur, that his
affairs are in the greatest disorder from the want of working men
and Shepherds, and that the safety of his Flocks is highly
precarious.
He hopes the Governor will excuse an urgency which under less
pressing circumstances, he begs to say he would most studiously
avoid.
Mr. Marsden has received a report containing the men's names now
in Mr. McArthur's employ, who belong to Government—the
number is sixteen.
Increased immediately to thirty all desired by Mr. McArthur—and six to Mr. Davison.**
Parramatta, 20th June 1805.
[** In King's writing.]
Governor King to Lord Camden.
Sydney, New South
Wales,
July 20th 1805.
My Lord,
By Mr. McArthur who arrived the 9th ulto, I had the honor of
receiving Your Lordship's Letters.***
[*** 31st Oct., 1804.]
It will be my Duty and Interest to pay the
Strictest Attention to His Majesty's Commands and Your Lordship's
Wishes in every point that can advance the Increase and
Improvement of the Breed of Sheep; for which a better foundation
could not be laid or the success more insured than by the
progressive Increase of that Stock throughout the Colony Mr.
McArthur possesses at least a third of the numbers, a
considerable part of which were reported at the last Muster to
bear Wool of the finest kind, and the rest as well as the other
Flocks are continually improving from the hairy Coverings of the
Original Breed hair bearing sheep of Bengal to Wool of different
qualities, principally owing to the introduction of a few Spanish
Rams some years ago.
Soon after Mr. McArthur's arrival we conversed together
respecting the Objects of this laudable and I hope successful
pursuits for the general Benefit of the Colony, as well as for
that of his Family, which he now regards as attached to the
soil—His having brought a Ship to be employed in the Whale
Fishery, I consider an Object worthy, laudable, and beneficial,
exclusive of his being able to export his increasing Wool to
England once in Eighteen Months or Two Years, and returning with
Articles of use and Comfort to sell the Inhabitants, nor ought I
to doubt from his Assurances that every expected benefit may be
derived from his exertions, as he certainly is very equal to
Conduct and promote the object he has so earnestly and I hope
successfully embarked in. To attain which he does and will
possess every local Advantage that a good Stock to begin with, a
good Climate and fine Natural Pasturage can offer.
Taking Your Lordship's Letter No. 1 as a data respecting the Land
to be located to Mr. McArthur wherein You do me the honor to
signify His Majesty's Commands that "I will have a proper Grant
of Lands fit for
"the pasture of Sheep conveyed to the said John
"McArthur Esquire in perpetuity with the usual
"reserve of quit Rents to the Crown containing not less
"than Five thousand Acres." And Your Lordship
having noticed that "It will be impossible for Mr.
"McArthur to pursue this plan unless he shall be
"indulged with a reasonable Number of Convicts (which
"he states to be not less than Thirty) for the purpose
"of attending his Sheep," and that "as Mr. McArthur
"will take upon himself the Charge of maintaining those
"Convicts, a saving will accrue to Government" and that
"You doubt not I will provide him with such as shall
"appear most suitable to his Objects."
I observed to Mr. McArthur that an Obedience to the Royal
Commands and Your Lordship's wishes would be my immediate and
decided Duty, according to the exact tenor of the above; but I
considered it necessary to offer to that Gentleman's
Consideration, the possibility that Your Lordship might not be
aware at the time of the Situation of Mount Taurus being on the
West side of the Nepean River and in the Centre of that part of
the Country called the "Cow Pastures", where the herds of Wild
Cattle generally resort for water in the long periods of extreme
drought so Common in this Country. I also observed that however
ready I was to order the 5000 Acres to be measured and granted to
him about Mount Taurus if he required it Yet I could wish the
final location might be deferred until Your Lordship could be
further consulted thereon. And in the meantime I offered to
locate by Grant, the same or a greater quantity in such a
situation as he might select on this and the East side of the
Nepean and to mark out 5000 Acres about Mount Taurus which I have
given him the enclosed official promise should not be located to
any other person or appropriated to any public or private purpose
until Your Lordship Commands are received thereon. This
arrangement Mr. McArthur very handsomely consented to—nor
have I any other Comment to make on this subject than by
respectfully referring Your Lordship to the reasons I had the
honor to submit to My Lord Hobart why that part of the Country
ought not for the present to be granted away. No part of the
Country is equally, or better adapted to facilitate Mr.
McArthur's pursuits nor have I a wish to offer any arguments
beyond those I have already stated to withhold Your Lordship's
beneficent Views for the prosperity of this part of His Majesty's
Dominions. In order to expedite Mr. McArthur's object of
exporting Fine Wool to England I have directed one hundred of the
finest wooled Ewes from Government Stock to be chosen by this
Gentleman to add to his own for which he is to pay Grain into the
Stores at the rate of Two pounds sterling for each Ewe. As I do
not consider it an object for Government to interfere in this
pursuit seeing that the greatest exertions will be made by Mr.
McArthur and notwithstanding every attention has been paid to
improve the Fleeces of Government Sheep Yet that Stock will
always be a reserve for supplying present and future Settlers
with proportions thereof, which will at once save the necessity
of purchasing to supply New Settlers who have Claims, and
preserve a residue for those deserving Characters who may be
allowed the advantage of Exchanging Grain for Ewes agreeable to
My Lord Hobart's acquiescence with my proposal on that
Subject.
The Number of Male Convicts assigned to Mr. McArthur for the Care
of his Stock &c. previous to his return was Sixteen since
then they have been increased to thirty exclusive of those hired
and retained in his Service who have served their Terms. Should
Mr. McArthur wish for an Increase they shall be assigned him when
more arrive from England but Your Lordship will observe by the
Number and Employment return that the Public Labour absolutely
necessary to be carried on, and in which Agriculture on the part
of the Crown is nearly given up will not allow of more being
assigned at present until more arrive.
I cannot but consider it a valuable acquisition and advantage to
the Interests of this Colony, when Settlers of such Description
and uncontaminated mind as Mr. Davidson come to it. Unfortunately
those who have already arrived, with the exception of a very few,
have generally been of that description, that many of them with
their numerous Families, still continue to be a burthen to
Government. Your Lordship has prescribed Two thousand Acres of
land for Mr. Davidson to which I shall add another, which shall
be granted to him adjoining the Ground Mr. McArthur may select on
this side of the Nepean and also adjoining that marked for Mr.
McArthur near Mount Taurus in case Your Lordship should see fit
to allow thereof. Referring to my letter No. I dated 14th August
1804 Your Lordship will observe the Arrangement I made respecting
Messrs. Luttrell and Riley, and in what their Allowances as Free
Settlers differed from those prescribed to the general
description of Free Settlers.
I now have the honor to send a Duplicate of that Statement with
the Allowances to Mr. Davidson and beg to suggest the propriety
of Instruction being sent with future Free Settlers of either
description as Your Lordship may deem them respectively entitled
to receiving which will be a decided guide exclusive of such
further occasional Accommodation as they may be deserving of
hereafter.
Of the different persons who were to embark with Mr. McArthur
stated in a List, only those named **** have arrived, the others
being left in England or on the passage.
[**** Mr. McArthur. Miss McArthur, Miss Lucas, Governess, Mr. Davidson, Mr. Hannibal McArthur, Mr. J. Wood,—. Wood.]
I have the honor to be,
with the greatest respect
My Lord,
Your Lordship's Most obedient
humble Servant
The Right Honble. Earl Camden
&c.
&c. &c.
By the same mail Governor King wrote to Sir Joseph Banks.
. . . . This naturally leads on to the commercial object and as the Staple is wool, or said to be so it is but fair to begin with the hero of the fleece.* After everything that is passed you may readily conceive that this arrival (although long expected) and the manner he was to be received, caused a little sensation and consideration. However, by the first boat I was informed that he had a letter from My Lord Camden to deliver to me himself. He soon after waited on me, and gave me a polite and highly satisfactory private [letter] from that worthy nobleman, pointing out his wish that as McA. was no longer a Military man, that everything might be settled, and an assurance of his support. Such a communication was not to be disregarded by me, and, whether right or wrong, the noble Advisers motives were of so honorable and public-spirited a nature, that I offered McA. my hand, who very gratefully received it, and he is now farmer, shipowner, etc. So much for our meeting after four years of suspence, and vicisitude, etc.
[* Evidently a reference to John Macarthur.]
King's reason for delaying the grant of 5,000 acres in the Cowpastures was that he thought the land there should be reserved for the wild cattle, and Macarthur wrote to Under-Secretary Cooke, drawing attention to King's "objection to granting me the tract of land at the Cowpastures, which Lord Camden was pleased to order I might have. As this is some of the best land yet discovered it would appear that Governor King is desirous to reserve it for the exclusive use of the wild cattle, but I hope that the peaceful and productive sheep will find in you an advocate that they may be indulged with a part, at least, of this healthy and luxuriant pasture.
"I feel more anxious to obtain this situation for my flocks on account of the high and dry mountains that lay behind it, because in the very wettest seasons sheep may be driven to pasture on them with perfect security, whereas on the contrary for want of such a resource the rot might seize upon the flocks (as it sometimes does) and destroy thousands."
He also wrote on the same date to Under-Secretary Chapman telling him of the friendly reception that was accorded him on his return.
Governor King, wishing to obtain information regarding the possibilities of wool production for transmission to Lord Camden, requested Macarthur and the Rev. Samuel Marsden ** to draft a series of questions to be answered by the various settlers. These with the answers he forwarded to England.
[** The Revd. Samuel Marsden was appointed Chaplain to N.S.W. in 1793, and arrived there in 1794, aged 40 years.]
Sir,
In compliance with the request Your Excellency has been pleased
to make to us, we have the honour to transmit herewith such
queries as appear to us calculated to draw forth a true and
correct statement of the present condition of the Sheep Flocks in
this Colony, and of the improvements that have been, or that may
be reasonably expected hereafter.
We have reason to think that no regular system has been adopted
by the generality of persons, who keep sheep and that much of the
improvement which has been experienced in many Flocks, is solely
to be attributed to the fertility of the Soil, and the salubrity
of the Climate.
As Your Excellency must naturally be anxious, that the
information you do receive, should be as correct as possible we
respectfully beg leave to suggest the expediency of having every
Flock inspected by Mr. Wood, the Professional Gentleman who came
out in the Argo; and that he be accompanied by either two,
or three respectable Gentlemen, who should be instructed to
propose the Queries, and receive the answer of each person.
This mode of enquiry might stimulate the different Sheep
Proprietors to more particular care hereafter in the management
of their Flocks, as the opinion of Mr. Wood on the value of the
different Wools must necessarily have great weight with many who
are nearly altogether misinformed upon the subject and might very
powerfully operate to remove prejudices, which if persisted in
may long retard the increase of fine Woolled Sheep in this
Colony.
We have the honor to be,
Your Excellency's Most Obedient
Humble Servants,
John McArthur.
Samuel Marsden.
His Excellency Governor King,
&c.
&c. &c.
Q. 1. Have you any true bred Spanish Sheep in your Flock?
Q. 2. Do you endeavour to preserve the Spanish Breed of Sheep pure and unmixed with other Breeds?
Q. 3. What other Breed of Sheep have you that produce Fine Wool?
Q. 4. What Rams have you had in your Flocks and from whom and from what Country did you obtain them?
Q. 5. Do you think breeding the Pure Spanish Sheep will be as profitable to you as if you bred other kinds?
Q. 6. Do you think the Wool of all kinds of Sheep improves in this Colony?
Q. 7. How many sheep do you possess at this time?
Q. 8. How long do you suppose it will be before your Whole Flocks will be Increased to twice their present number?
Q. 9. What means have you adopted to improve the Carcase and Fleece of your Sheep?
Governor King to Lord Camden.
Sydney, New South
Wales,
October 10th 1805
My Lord,
In Obedience to Your Lordships desire as communicated by your
Despatch dated the 30th October 1804, I have been anxious to
obtain every correct information respecting the Increase of
Sheep, and improvement of the Wool. The most eligible mode
appeared to be that of requiring Answers from the Sheep-holders
to a series of Questions, and to examine the different Fleeces on
the Sheeps backs, which has been very accurately done by the
Revd. Mr. Marsden, and a person who came with Mr. McArthur said
to be a professed Wool-sorter.
From those answers, and their consequent reports which I have the
honour to enclose, there can be no doubt of our Sheep increasing
at least in an equal degree with that Species in any part of the
World, which I do not doubt the Return of the Increase during the
last Five years may confirm—And that the change from Hair
to Wool of different degrees of fineness has been and continues
ameliorating beyond belief.
As the observations of the Revd. Mr. Marsden, Mr. McArthur, and
the other principal Sheep breeders are more diffuse and
explanatory on this subject than the other avocations of my duty
can allow me to be from practical experience, I must request Your
Lordships reference to those Documents; I shall therefore only
remark that being well convinced from the period of my taking
this Government, of the great advantage that might be derived by
the improvement of the Fleeces, I procured as soon as possible
Two Rams of the half Spanish breed from Mr. McArthur, and two
from the Revd. Mr. Marsden in 1801, which have produced a total
change in Government Flock from Hair to Wool of a tolerable
degree of fineness—A number of those Ewes have been
distributed to Settlers and others, who have still improved the
Fleeces by acquiring Rams nearer to the Real Spanish
breed—Except keeping those retained by Government in that
improving state, and considering them as the Stock from whence
Industrious Individuals and New Settlers are occasionally
supplied the wool was not considered an object for Government to
attend to beyond supplying the Manufactory established for the
employment of Women, the Aged, Cripples, and Infirm part of the
Inhabitants. Experience having pointed out the fallacy of
appropriating Public Labour and Expence in works of that nature,
which thrive so much better when conducted by the Individual who
has an interest in its produce, and whose situation unconnected
with other duties, enables him to watch and turn the various
changes to an improving productive account—To accomplish
exporting the finest Wool from hence to England; the advanced
state of perfection Mr. McArthur's Flocks have acquired by former
Rams he procured, (said to be Spanish) and those Rams and Ewes he
purchased from His Majesty's Sale in 1804, will certainly enable
him to make an early trial, which must increase in a Compound
proportion Yearly; And from the attentive Sollicitude he bestows
on the object, I hope he may succeed.
However desirable and beneficial in the end to the Colonist and
English Manufacturer, if all those holding Sheep would confine
their breed to the Spanish as they can hereafter provide
themselves with Rams, Yet I am well convinced that compulsion
would among many produce an opposite effect.—That all have,
and are aiming to get half or whole bred Spanish Rams—South
Down, other English or Irish Rams into their Flocks is
sufficiently obvious, and what is now wanting to the general
perfection of the finest Spanish Wool, I have little doubt may be
accomplished, without the intervention of Authority in a few
years, which may be hastened when the advantage of rearing
Spanish Sheep in preference to other kinds is more generally
known and adopted, and more particularly if Individuals are
convinced that weight of Mutton and fineness of Wool are not
incompatible with each other, which is not the general opinion
here—and another apprehension is that the Spanish are not
so hardy, as the other kinds, altho' I have heard of no
conclusive reason for that persuasion—which is generally
entertained by many of the Sheep Farmers among the Settlers and
others, particularly those whose present numbers have originated
from perhaps a single Ewe; many of this class cannot afford to
keep a large flock, altho' the means of feeding them has been
much facilitated by the extensive Common Lands which have been
granted in each District; therefore the Settler disposes of his
overplus Males to the Butcher who is satisfied with weight of
Carcase, which gives the Settler immediate means to provide the
necessities of his Family, and the Butcher a profit; not
regarding the distant advantage to be derived from having the
finest Wool by changing his present breed to the Spanish, which
no argument can convince the greater part of the Sheep Farmers,
may yield an equal quantity of Mutton with the South Down or
other Breed—Fortunately this is an evil that only attaches
to the Males, as killing Ewes has ever been expressly
forbid—Experience and observation may complete that which
has so successfully commenced, and is proceeding as well as can
be with the aid of a good Climate and the finest natural
Pasturage which abounds in very extensive tracts throughout this
Country, and in the situation Mr. McArthur has obtained about
Mount Taurus in the Cow Pasture Plains.*
[* Eminently so.]
Respecting the number of Sheep in these Settlements ** and the probable time it will take to double their numbers the following short Statement which includes the Sheep belonging to Government and Individuals, will shew:—
[** Viz., Sydney, Parramatta, Hawkesbury and other districts.]
In July 1804 there were of all ages and Sexes | 14501 |
In August 1805 | 20617 |
——— | |
Living Increase | 6116 |
Killed and sent away | 1652 |
——— | |
Total Increase in the Year exclusive of
2000 Dead
|
7768 |
which is 518 more than the increase of half the
number in 1804 may it not therefore be reasonably presumed that
the number in 1806 will be increased far beyond half the number
of what there was in 1805 exclusive of the increase upon the
increase of 1804 and as the greater proportion are and will be
Ewes, the increase will therefore be proportionably
greater—What the yearly increase, has been since 1800 may
be observed in the Annual Returns of the Settlers' General Muster
in August last.
From what I have had the honor of stating at different periods,
and the above Observations joined to the accompanying Reports, I
have reason to think that a very considerable progress will in
time be made by the exertions of Mr. McArthur and those who raise
Sheep, in attaining the desirable object of Mr. McArthur's views
in exporting fine Wool to England, to facilitate which Your
Lordship will observe that no accommodation on my part has been
or will be wanting.
I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect,
My Lord,
Your Lordships,
Most obedient Humble
Servant,
This letter is in a clerk's writing, but the date is in Governor King's, as are also the notes and the annexed statement which appear in pencil on the margin, and King endorsed "Rough Copy, etc.," but the signature to the letter is not King's.
Individual Answers which nearly comprise the tenor of the whole respecting the Breed and Produce of Sheep and Wool in New South Wales, August to Septr. 1805.
Your Excellency
In compliance to the General Orders of July 23rd respecting
Flocks of Sheep &c. I take the opportunity to answer the Nine
Questions in as brief a manner as possible.
Ansr. On the 1st & 2nd Interogations I have only to say that I have no true bred Spanish Sheep in my Flock.
Ansr. To the 3rd Question I find that the Cross Breed Betwixt the Spanish Ram and the Bengal Ewe produces tolerable good Wool.
Ansr. In answer to Question the 4th I have one good Ram of my own of the Cross Breed, and a Spanish Ram that the Revd. Mr. Marsden was so kind as to lend me, and nearly the whole of the Flock was purchased from the Revd. Mr. Marsden and the late Mr. Barringtons Flocks.
Ansr. To the 5th Question it is my opinion that the Cross Breed of the Spanish Ram and Bengal Ewe is most profitable as their Wool is not of the worst Quality, being hardy they will live where others will starve, they are generally good Meat and their Increase is also great. (For Example) The Revd. Mr. Marsden about 26 months ago was good enough to let my daughter Mary have a small Bengal Ewe in Exchange for a Wether Sheep, and at this Date the said Ewe has increased to Eight in Number, and they are some of the best and healthiest Sheep in the Flock.
Ansr. To the 6th Question I cannot give any decided answer, as the certain Cares of a Great Family Prevents General Observations Therefore must leave it to Gentlemen of more Leisure and better judgment.
Ansr. In Answer to the 7th I have under my Care 216 Male and Female Sheep—Part belonging to Mr. Edwd. Lamb Part to myself and 15 of them to Mrs. Kilpack.
Ansr. Question the 8th seems the most Difficult to Answer, as the Wet Seasons—the Dishonesty and Carelessness of the Shepherds—The Destruction that the Native Dogs often make as well as many other Causes that might be Mentioned argues much against their Increase—But as the Question is only put on a Supposition we may say from Two to three Years.
Ansr. To the last Question I just Observe,
that to Improve the Fleece and Size I have borrowed Rams from the
Revd. Mr. Marsdens Flocks which have had the desired effect.
To Improve their Health and Strength I removed the Sheep from the
Low Grounds around the Brickfields Parramatta to Baulkham Hills
but having no Shed the Weak Sheep with the Lambs that was Yeaned.
In the Wet most of them died. And if I had not removed the Flock
when I did from Parramatta I verily believe I should have lost
them all—as those Low parts of land seem to abound with
some kind of Minerals that causes the Water to be so breakish,
that it is neither good for Man nor Beast and has a great
tendency to Infect the Sheep with the Rot.
Your Excellency's
Parramta, August 10th 1805.
Agreeable to Your Excellency's Order of the 28th July last I have
sent the Answers to the Nine Questions, viz:—
Questn. 1st | Have you any true bred Spanish Sheepin your Flocks? |
Ansr. | I do not know. |
Q.——2nd | Do you endeavour to preserve the Spanish Breed of Sheep pure and Unmixed with other Breeds? |
Ansr. | No. |
Q.——3rd | What other Breeds of Sheep have you that produce Fine Wool? |
Ansr. | I am no Judge. |
Q.——4th | What Rams have you had in your Flocks and from whom and from what Country did you Obtain them? |
Ansr. | My first Ram was from California, and my second Two Spanish Rams from Capt. Waterhouse. |
Q.——5th | Do you think Breeding the Pure Spanish Sheep will be as profitable to you as if you bred other kinds? |
Ansr. | I do not know. |
Q.——6th | Do you think the Wool of all kinds of Sheep Improved in this Colony? |
Ansr. | I think it does. |
Q.——7th | How many Sheep do you possess at this time? |
Ansr. | Males 219 and Females 300—Total 519 Sheep. |
Q.——8th | How long do you suppose it will be before your whole Flock will be Increased to twice their present Number? |
Ansr. | I do not know. |
Q.——9th | What means have you adopted to Improve the Carcase and Fleece of your Wool? |
Ansr. | None. |
Sydney 9th August 1805.
Your Excellency requesting Answers to the Questions stated in the
Sydney Gazette Dated the 28th July Relative to the Sheep,
according to my experience and Judgment are as follows
viz:—
Question 1st | Have you any true bred Spanish Sheep in your Flocks? |
Answer | I have not. |
Q.——2nd | Do you endeavour to preserve the Spanish Breed of Sheep pure and unmixed with other Breeds? |
Ansr. | I shall endeavour to obtain a few of the pure Spanish Breed and am determined to keep them unmixed, which (I think) is not possible without having Two Folds, and Two Shepherds, and I have got but one Run for Sheep at present. |
Q.——3rd | What other Breeds of Sheep have you that produce Fine Wool? |
Ansr. | A few Ewes a removal from the Spanish Breed. |
Q.——4th | What Rams have you had in your Flocks and from whom and from what Country did you Obtain them? |
Ansr. | The first Ram I had from Jones of the Seven Hills, Large Carcase but coarse Wool. |
Q.——5th | Do you think Breeding the Pure Spanish Sheep will be as profitable to you as if you bred other kinds? |
Ansr. | I do not, I think there may be larger Sheep bred in this Colony, and the Carcase at present is most profitable. But the pure Spanish Breed for fine Wool. |
Q.——6th | Do you think the Wool of all kinds of Sheep Improved in this Colony? |
Ansr. | I do by change of Breed. |
Q.——7th | How many Sheep do you possess at this time? |
Ansr. | One hundred and two. |
Q.——8th | How long do you suppose it will be before your whole Flock will be Increased to twice their present Number? |
Ansr. | About twelve Months by letting the Rams run continually with them. |
Q.——9th | What means have you adopted to Improve the Carcase and Fleece of your Wool? |
Ansr. | Three young Rams I have from that Large Ram I had from Jones and Ewes of very Fine Wool which I sufferd to run together, and by changing my Rams when I can procure any, I think to be larger or better Wool. |
Hawkesbury Augt. 5th 1805.
In compliance with Your Excellency's Order of the 4th August 1805
James Sheppard Settler in the District of Kissing Point doth
hereby transmit his Answers to the following Questions
viz.:—
Question 1st | Have you any true bred Spanish Sheep in your Flocks? |
Ansr. | No. |
Q.——2nd | Do you endeavour to preserve the Spanish Breed of Sheep pure and Unmixed with other Breeds? |
Ansr. | I have none true Bred. |
Q.——3rd | What other Breeds of Sheep have you that produce Fine Wool? |
Ansr. | Bengal Crosses by Spanish. |
Q.——4th | What Rams have you had in your Flocks and from whom and from what Country did you Obtain them? |
Ansr. | One between Spanish and Cape Obtained from Mr. Marsden. |
Q.——5th | Do you think Breeding the Pure Spanish Sheep will be as profitable to you as if you bred other kinds? |
Ansr. | No. |
Q.——6th | Do you think the Wool of all kinds of Sheep Improved in this Colony? |
Ansr. | I have not experienced. |
Q.——7th | How many Sheep do you possess at this time? |
Ansr. | Thirty three. |
Q.——8th | How long do you suppose it will be before your whole Flock will be Increased to twice their present Number? |
Ansr. | Ten months. |
Q.——9th | What means have you adopted to Improve the Carcase and Fleece of your Wool? |
Ansr. | Only careful attention for Pasture. |
Remarks.
A Ewe of the Bengal Breed will bring Lamb twice a year by Experience and often two at each time, and altho' the Carcase and Fleece Coarse yet if crossed by a Spanish Ram will improve both, and prove beneficial to the Settler.
James
Sheppard.
Hawkesbury August 8th
1806.
Mr. Arndell begs leave to Inform His Excellency on the Questions published in the Gazette of his Breed of Sheep.
Answers To | |
Question 1st | He has some from a real Bred Spanish Ram. |
2nd | He has taken care to improve on the Spanish and fine Wool by good Rams. |
3rd | The Flock in general is Fine Wool of the Irish and Lansdown kind. |
4th | The best Real Spanish Rams from Capt. Waterhouse. |
5th | The Real Spanish is not so profitable as the mixed Breed of Sheep the former being of a small and tender kind. |
6th | Yes. |
7th | In all 276. |
8th | About two years. |
9th | By the best of Food and Rams. |
May it please Your Excellency
I have answered the Questions in the Sydney Gazette Concerning
Sheep to the best of my Judgment.
Answers 1st | I have no true Bred Spanish Sheep. |
2nd | I endeavour as much as possible and Increase what I have of the Spanish Breed. |
3rd | I have Irish or rather the Ancient Northumberland Breed as of late years Tees Water Sheep is chiefly bred in that Country. |
4th | My Ram is from one of the above Ewes purchased from Mr. Cummings and has the appearance of being got by a Spanish Ram. |
5th | If I could procure the Tees water Breed I would prefer them before any, Spanish next. |
6th | I do not for altho' I have a fine Woold. Ram the Quality of the Wool. |
7th | I have Seventy seven. |
8th | I suppose my Flock will Increase to twice the Number in 15 months as I have 46 Female Ewes and Ewe Lambs the whole of my Flock in three years has increased eight Ewes heavy in Lamb, 6 of which I purchased from Mr. Cummings. |
9th | I have used no means as I wished to Increase my Number. In my
opinion the best means to improve the Carcase, to let them Breed
only once a year, and to travel as little as possible To Improve
the Fleece is to Shear them Regular. Your Excellency's Most Obedt. Humble Svt. |
Hawkesbury River
Augst. 10th
1805.
Mr. Woods
Observations respecting Sheep & Wool
Septr. 3rd 1805.
Sir,
In compliance with Your Excellency's desire I have minutely and
carefully examined the Wool of the different Flocks of Sheep in
the Colony—The Opinion I have formed from the investigation
is, that a very great improvement has been already made in the
Wool of every flock that I have seen; and the specimens of Wool,
grown in Mr. McArthur's Flock, and from one Ewe belonging to the
Revd. Saml. Marsden satisfy me that with due care and attention
to propagate from the Pure Race of Spanish Sheep, until
sufficient numbers of them can be raised or from the nearest kind
to them can be procured, the whole of the wool would in a few
years become equal in quality to the very best that is obtained
from Spain.
It is with concern however that I observed this great national
object may be many years retarded by an unaccountable prejudice
which appears to prevail in favour of weight of Carcase instead
of Fineness of Fleece; and on this account a decided preference
in favour of a Cross that I understand has been obtained from a
South Down Ram. Whether this Breed will prove heavier than the
Spanish I am incapable of judging, but certain it is that wool of
the description produced by these Sheep, will not pay for sending
to England; nor if it would, is it wanted,—Whereas on the
contrary so great is the scarcity of Spanish Wool, that it sells
for almost any price, and serious apprehensions are entertained
by the best informed people, that the French will increase their
manufacture of fine cloth, and exert their influence over Spain,
to prevent Great Britain from participating in the purchase of
the fine Wool of the latter Country—I am aware that this
national consideration will operate very slightly, or perhaps not
at all, on the minds of many of the Sheep Farmers here—Yet
I should hope that a little time would convince them, when they
see the prodigious success and increase of Mr. McArthur's Flocks,
that strength of constitution and weight of Carcase may be
combined with fineness of Fleece: and that the pure breed of
Spanish Sheep (I speak from Mr. McArthur's information and my own
observation on the size and health of his Flocks) possess the two
former qualities in as great a degree as the South Down or any
other Breed in the Colony except the Tees Water, the strength of
whose constitutions in this Climate I understand are not yet
ascertained.
If I can at any future period be of the smallest service in
collecting further information, I beg your Excellency will freely
command my services.
I have the honour to be Sir,
His Excellency Governor King. &c. &c. &c. |
Governor King to Edw. Wood.
Sir,
I have received yours of this date containing your very judicious
and I have no reason to doubt correct observations on the Sheep
of this Colony which with the other Documents on this important
subject I shall if possible transmit to His Majesty's Government
by the Ferrit about to depart for England—With many
acknowledgements of your offers of service.
I remain, Sir,
Sir,
The Stock belonging to Government in the Year 1800—had a
miserable Appearance the Sheep in particular—The method
that I adopted, and caused others under me—in the first
place was attention and care—and in the next I took care to
bring up Rams, from the best Ewes, by which means both the Wool
and Carcase were improved—They are of a Mixture Breed of
Spanish and Cape—I received two Rams from Capt. McArthur
near of the same breed—and three from the Revd. Saml.
Marsden similar to them—which were all with drawen (one
excepted) to different Settlements—but the young Rams now
in Government Flocks are far superior to them.
The real Spanish Breed Government has never had—but in my
opinion a well selected mixt breed is much better calculated for
this Country as they are more hardy—and the carcase much
larger—the wool only an exception—the eighth
Question—its impossible to answer—as it depends on
circumstances (accidents excepted) as the Flocks may either be
doubled in six months or in twelve—as the individual thinks
proper.
I am happy to inform your Excellency that I can now show Two
hundred Yearlings male and Female equal if not superior to any of
that age—bred in the country.
To His Excellency Governor King &c.
The following is preserved at Camden Park amongst the papers. It is unsigned, but would appear to be a copy of a despatch from Governor King, and the notes and statement at the end are in King's handwriting.
In September 1800 the Number of Sheep in the
Colony was 6124, from which period until August 1806, none were
purchased or received from abroad. Except the accidental
Introduction of Three Rams of the Spanish Breed brought from the
Cape in 1799 which with a few South Down and other English Rams
had gradually changed the hairy covering of the Cape and Bengal
Sheep to Wool—In 1801 the Fleeces had so far improved as to
allow of a coarse Blanketting being made which was manufactured
by Government Convicts. The Proprietors receiving for the Wool, a
fourth of the Quantity made—In 1803 a Dispatch from Lord
Hobart dated August 24th 1802 "recommended an attention being
"paid to improve the Growth of Wool, with a View to
"the future Exportation of the finest Quality of that
"Article for the English Market, rather than for the
"Employment of it in the Manufacture of the Colony
"which should be confined to the Coarse Cloths."
About the same period an English Newspaper containing an account
of Captain McArthur's prospect of the great benefit that would be
derived to the commerical Interests of Great Britain by the
Excellence of the Wool his Flocks were covered with, and its
improving State. As the Annual Muster took place at that time
those who possessed Sheep were directed to Communicate the
Quality of their Fleeces, which was added to the Usual Report of
the Settlers Muster by which it appears that of the 10,572
Females & 5929 Males then in the Colony, about an Eighth part
were Wool of the different gradations, produced by the several
crossings—The remainder had little or no Wool—On this
occasion and considering it my Duty to possess His Majesty's
Government of every Information on this Subject, I consulted with
those whose Experience and Observations had pointed them out as
proper Persons to give an Opinion thereon.
The General Idea at that time was that if the Flocks were taken
care of, they would contrive to treble their numbers in Two
Years—That the Wool might increase in the proportion of two
thirds of the Number of Sheep, and as the improvement of Quality
of that Article and in the Weight of the Carcase was almost
incredible, on that account no Opinion could be formed to what
degree of perfection they might in time be brought—That the
Improvements already made are to be attributed more to the
Salubrity of the Climate than to any other cause—At the
same time the Drawing and Fleece of a Ram, and those of a Young
Ewe and Ram all bred in the Colony, were forwarded to the
President of the Royal Society by the Revd. Mr. Marsden—The
former Ram being the Produce of one of the Spanish Breed brought
from the Cape in 1788, with a Coarse Wooled Ewe, and Weighed One
hundred and Sixty four pounds before he was shorn. Sending these
Samples could not be deemed a true Criterion of the Quality of
the Wool that might be grown in the Colony—they only shewed
what have been done, and as they were from the Sheep that were
only one Remove from the very coarse haired Ewes, a few
Generations might make great alterations in the Flocks, by the
distribution of Rams and Ewes from the Spanish, South down Tees
Water and Irish Rams among the Flocks which at present have no
other than the hairy Rams from the Cape of Good Hope—This
information was communicated in detail.
The Flocks continue in the same improving State, which either
excelled or otherwise according to the care and attention
bestowed on them.
In June 1805 Mr. McArthur returned to New South Wales, by whom a
Dispatch was received from His Majesty's Government at the
recommendation of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade and
Plantations, directing certain advantages of Land and Labour, not
less than 5000 Acres and 30 Convicts being made over to that
Gentleman for the purpose of supporting his Flocks and Farming
Concerns, and to enable him to bring to perfection the growth of
Fine Wool from his Flocks of Sheep which at that time amounted to
5920 for the purpose of forming a lucrative Article of Export for
the support of the English Manufacturers at home—With a
view to facilitate this Object, Mr. McArthur brought a small
Ship, which was designed to fish for Spermaceti Oil on the Coast
and to take such Wool to England on her return as might be
produced—In this Ship he brought Four Spanish Rams and one
Ewe of the Merino Breed, which he had purchased at the Kings Sale
in 1804.
In consequence of which 5000 Acres of Land situated in the most
desirable part of the Colony, and of his own fixing upon in
England were granted to him, in addition to the 3500 he before
held—The Number of Convicts assigned to him previous to his
arrival was 16 which were increased to 36.*
[* His whole number of servants were about 90. King's writing.]
As the Minister required such Observations being communicated to him as might occur, and tending to promote an object of such importance to the Colony, the following documents were sent by the Ferrit South Whaler in October 1805. To which some Marginal explanatory Notes have since been added—
1st—Acknowledgement of the above letter from Earl Camden dated 20th July 1805.
2nd—Revd. Mr. Marsden & Mr. McArthur's proposals of questions to Sheep holders 20th July 1805.
3rd—Reports of Individuals in Answer to the above Querries for August to Sepr. 1805.
4th—Mr. Woods Report.
5th—Revd. Mr. Marsdens Do.
6th—Mr. McArthur's
Do.
7th—Superintendent of Government Sheep.
8th—Letter to Earl Camden containing the above Reports and some observations thereon.
Statement of Numbers & Increase of Sheep from Augst. 1800 to 1806.
Month. | Year. | No. of Sheep | Increase, | |
August | 1800 | 6124 | 922 | |
June | 1801 | 7048 | 922 | This shews the living increase at the time of the Muster without including those that died were killed or sent away in the course of the year. |
August | 1802 | 8661 | 1615 | |
July | 1803 | 11275 | 2614 | |
" | 1804 | 16501 | 5226 | |
August | 1805 | 20617 | 4116 | |
" | 1806 | 21457 | 840 |
Meanwhile Macarthur had made excursions into the country in search of land for himself and Mr. Davidson, but was not successful in finding pasturage which he considered suitable for his sheep, and he therefore asked Governor King to allow them to take possession of the land in the Cowpastures that had been pointed out by Lord Camden, at the same time undertaking that he and Davidson would resign the grants should Lord Camden disapprove of their being retained. Governor King listened to Macarthur's argument, and though he would have preferred the matter to wait till he heard Lord Camden's wishes, he allowed the land to be occupied conditionally, and directed that the grants should be made.
It is of interest to notice that Mr. G. W. Rusden wrote **:—"The French were sedulously creating an establishment at Rambouillet whither Spanish merinos had been Imported under the Bourbons, and to Improve which it was reported that Bonaparte had compelled the Spanish Government to allow his agents to select 4,000 of their finest woolled sheep," and he quotes from the Camden MSS as follows:—
[** Rusden's History of Australia, Vol. I., Page 367.]
John Macarthur to Governor King, September, 1805—
"I entirely concur with you in opinion that nothing should be made public that might tend to draw the attention of the French to this place, and nothing is more likely to produce such an effect than letting them know there is a probability of Great Britain being supplied with fine wool from hence. They are so aware of the importance of the pursuit that Bonaparte has compelled the Spanish Government to allow his agents to select 4,000 of their finest wool sheep."
This letter is not now forthcoming at Camden Park.
Macarthur acknowledged the grants at the Cowpastures as follows:—
Dear Sir,
I received the Cow Pasture Grants all safe yesterday, with
Harper's Emancipation, for which I beg to return you my sincere
thanks.
Expecting to see you at Parramatta I delayed sending the return
of Convicts in my employment: but I now enclose it, for my wants
are become so urgent, that unless you have the goodness to give
me some immediate assistance it will be impossible even to take
care of my present Flocks of Sheep and consequently all idea of
increasing them must be abandoned as impracticable—I hope
you will not consider me troublesome upon this subject, for I
assure you were it possible to hire free men, or in any way to
get forward with my business I would forbear to pester you with
applications of such a nature.
We have heard with much concern that Mrs. Kings complaint has
returned, but we sincerely hope either that the Report is not
correct, or that she will soon be restored to perfect health.
Mrs. McArthur writes herself therefore I say nothing of her.
I beg to be very kindly remembered to Mrs. King and remain.
Endorsement on above Letter by Governor
King.
I request the Revd. Mr. Marsden will cause seven Labourers to be
assigned to Capt. McArthur on Friday next taking care not to
include any thrashers.
Dear Sir,
I received yours on my return with the enclosed Statement of the
Prisoners you have off the Store which I deem is very inadequate
to the care of your Stock and carrying on your other
concerns—I have directed Mr. Marsden to select seven
Labourers which with the two Carpenters will make your number 34
including the two who are sick—I should be most gratified
if I could spare a greater number but the very few at Government
Labour and the necessity of giving up a proportion of them to
thresh the Settlers Wheat for our daily food and clear their
ground of the weed with which it is over run joined to the
absolute necessity of preserving the crop of Maize now growing at
Castle Hill prevents me from affording that extension of your
numbers which I so much wish until an arrival with Prisoners
happens—if I understood you right you have one of the Corps
at Cabramatta who you wished to send to the Cow Pastures, I have
settled with Major Johnston that he and another M. A. with order
are to take . . . at your . . . there on Saturday next which I
hope will prevent any. . . . from the Natives &c.
I am glad to inform you Mrs. King is much better and will I hope
soon regain her strength she desires me to add her kind regards
to Mrs. Mc. and yourself.
Mr. McArthur for more assistance
& answer.
Jany. 16th 1806.
Early in 1806 Macarthur submitted to Governor King some proposals for taming cows and young cattle from the wild herds in the Cowpastures, and for slaughtering and salting the surplus bulls for the use of Government, but Governor King declined entering upon any agreement, as he thought he would shortly be relieved and wished to consult with his successor (Bligh).
With the accession of Governor Bligh followed the well-known disturbance in which Macarthur bore so prominent a part.
The Kew affront, according to James Macarthur, probably Influenced the Governor's disposition towards his father, and induced the rudeness and abrupt opposition shown to him by Bligh, which otherwise seem unaccountable.
It must be borne in mind that Bligh was a protege of Sir Joseph Banks, who had recommended him to command the breadfruit expedition of H.M.S. Bounty to Tahiti—an expedition which Banks had advised and the equipment of which he had personally superintended, and which ended in the notorious mutiny.*
[* Mutiny of the Bounty, Page 41.]
So far was this from shaking Banks' confidence in his favourite, that when the question arose of a successor to Governor King, he persuaded the British Government to double the salary of the office, and write offering it to Bligh, whose appointment followed.
Bligh's voyage to Australia was marked by a violent quarrel with Captain Joseph Short, the commander of the convoy, who was in consequence court-martialled, honourably acquitted, and recommended by the court to the favourable consideration of the Admiralty on account of the treatment he had received from Bligh.
This, considered with the other incidents of Bligh's eventful life, would seem to indicate, as one of his characteristics, an unfortunate capacity for breeding rebellion.
These extracts from Mrs. Macarthur's letters to Miss Kingdon were written during Bligh's administration.
You will be pleased to learn that our dear
Edward arrived here in health and safety but apparently not so
strong in constitution as I could have wished.
Governor King and his family go to England by this ship the
Buffalo and we part very good friends, we have since Mr.
Macarthur's return to the Colony lived on terms of great
civility, and we part with regret.
Our harvest is now getting in—Wheat is sold at from 25/- to
30/- the bushel. No sort of animal food is to be procured under
2/- the lb. 5/- for a fowl—10/- to 15/- for a goose. But
our neighbours at Port Dalrymple, the Derwent are in a worse
condition. In these out settlements are some six or seven hundred
persons and I really dread to hear the next accounts of them. Our
system of Government is very wretched—much as Mr. Macarthur
strove when in England to direct the attention of the
Administration towards this Colony they seem to think little
about us, having no doubt affairs of more consequence on their
hands. The expences however that are incurred may rouse them
again into a little exertion for our good.
I have great hopes of being again permitted to see "Old England"
Mr. Macarthur has promised I shall go in a year or two, whether
he can or cannot accompany me. If the latter it will be a great
diminution of the pleasure, but so it is some drawbacks always
attend our most promised enjoyments. This country has undergone
so many changes for the worse that with difficulty I recognise it
to be the place it was some six or seven years since.
Our new Governor Bligh, is a Cornishman by birth, Mrs. Putland *
who accompanied him is a very accomplished person. The Governor
has already shown the inhabitants of Sydney that he is violent,
rash, tyrannical. No very pleasing prospect at the beginning of
his reign. William is at present my youngest Boy, He and James
are very fine children.
[* His daughter.]
Food, clothing and every necessary of life bear a price truly astonishing. All these melancholy changes may be considered the effect of tyranny and an improper administration of the law. Liberty has retired from amongst us into the pathless wilds, amongst the poor native inhabitants, who certainly maintain their independence, and have hitherto resisted any infringement on their rights. Nor will they become servants, for any continuance, whatever temptation may be offered them.
At one of the earliest meetings between the two men, Bligh showed his animus against Macarthur. The latter was making some representations regarding his sheep farming, and was met with, "What have I to do with your sheep, Sir? What have I to do with your cattle? Are you to have such flocks of sheep and such herds of cattle as no man ever heard of before? No, Sir, I have heard of your concerns, Sir, you have got 5,000 acres of land. Sir, in the finest situation in the country, but by G—d you shan't keep it." And on being reminded that the land had been granted at the recommendation of the Privy Council and by order of the Secretary of State, Bligh replied "D—n the Privy Council, and d—n the Secretary of State, too; he commands at home, I command here." **
[** Johnston's Court Martial—McArthur's evidence—Bligh in his evidence denies this.]
From this time on there was constant friction between two stubborn wills, which led to the Governor (who had meantime embroiled himself with many others) ordering Macarthur's arrest. Almost immediately followed the deposition of the Governor himself at the hands of the military under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Johnston.
To go fully into this event and the circumstances leading thereto is beyond the scope of these pages, as there are few original records which would throw any fresh light upon the matter at Camden Park.
But the chief subjects of conflict between Bligh and Macarthur were:—
(1) A suit Macarthur brought against Andrew Thompson, Bligh's bailiff, who had come to New South Wales as a convict, for specific performance of a contract in wheat, which Bligh decided in Thompson's favour.
(2) A dispute concerning a Still, which Macarthur's agents had, without his authority, forwarded him from England.
(3) A breach of the Port Regulations arising from the escape of a convict in the ship Parramatta, of which Macarthur was the owner, the owner maintaining that the escape was without his knowledge, and finally abandoning the ship, rather than liquidate the bonds required under the Port Regulations.
Macarthur gave the following account of the proceedings in his evidence at the Johnston court-martial, pp. 190, et seq.:—
An armed English schooner, of which I was part
owner, sailed from Port Jackson in the month of June, I think
1807, with directions to proceed to Otaheite, an island
considered as a dependency upon the colony for the purpose of
procuring salted pork. Previous to her sailing as the regulations
of the colony required, notice was given to the Provost Marshal
that search might be made on board her, for any convicts that
might have attempted to conceal themselves. People were sent on
board by the Provost Marshal, who searched the vessel, as I was
informed, and found no one. The vessel in consequence proceeded
to sea as soon as the wind would permit, and a few days
afterwards I heard that a man by the name of Hore was missing
from the colony. This man had not been employed in any kind of
public labour, but was allowed to dispose of himself in any
manner he thought proper. In the month of December following. the
schooner returned to Port Jackson, and anchored in the Cove,
where it was usual for vessels to anchor. The master, the mates,
and several of the seamen were immediately brought on shore and
taken to the Government House, where they were separately
examined by the Governor, and, as I have been informed, by Mr.
Campbell and Mr. Atkins, whether this man Hore had been found in
the schooner. They all stated, that Hore was found concealed
among the firewood, and that at one of the islands where they
afterwards touched he made his escape, I think it was at
Otaheite. They were then ordered to return on board the vessel,
and I received information that the naval officer had put two
police officers into the vessel, had caused her to be removed
from her place of anchorage to a situation immediately opposite
his own door. Application was shortly afterward made by the
master to the naval officer, for permission to enter the vessel;
which was refused. I then applied myself, and was told, I could
not be permitted to enter the schooner until I paid into his, the
naval officers, hands, £900, which he claimed as being forfeited
on a bond that had been given on the vessels first arrival from
England, the conditions of which, I conceived, had no relation to
the voyage she had been employed on. The naval officer still
persisted in refusing to enter the vessel, or to allow the cargo
to be landed. I pointed out to him, that whatever claims he
conceived he had the right to make, must be authorised by a Court
of Justice that I understood he had got possession of all the
vessel's papers her registry, her letter of marque, her charter
party, and had two persons on board her on the part of
Government; that if he persisted in retaining possession of the
vessel, I should abandon her to the Government and look to the
underwriters. He signified his determination to retain possession
of the vessel, to keep her papers, and not to allow her cargo to
be landed, until I had paid him the £900 he had first claimed, I
therefore acquainted the master and seamen, that I had no further
occasion for their services, and that they were not to look to me
for pay and provisions from that day, as I conceived myself
dispossessed of the vessel, and themselves no longer in my
employment. Having done so, I returned to my house at Parramatta,
about sixteen or seventeen miles distant from the town of Sydney;
and some days after, I received this letter from the Judge
Advocate:—
"I have it in command from his Excellency the Governor to
acquaint you that the master, mariners, and crew, of the schooner
Parramatta, of which you are the owner, has violated the
colonial regulations, by coming unauthorised on shore, and that,
in their justification they say, you have deprived them of their
usual allowance of provisions; and they have no means of
procuring them on board the schooner. In consequence of such
their representations, I require your attendance at Sydney
tomorrow morning, at ten o'clock, to show cause of such your
conduct."
"Decr. 14, 1807.
Knowing that the naval officer had possession of the schooner,
and considering myself as having nothing more to do with her, and
without control over the officers and seamen, and being desirous
to avoid all possible altercation about the schooner in the
colony, I thought it, most prudent to write to the Judge
Advocate, which I did in the following letter:—
"Sir
"I am to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date,
acquainting me that the master, mates and crew of the schooner
Parramatta have violated the Colonial regulations, by
coming unauthorized on shore, and that they in their
justification say I have deprived them of their usual allowance
of provisions etc. for which conduct you require me to come to
Sydney tomorrow, and show cause.—I have only in reply to
say that you were many days ago informed I had declined any
further interference with the schooner, in consequence of the
illegal conduct of the naval officer in refusing to enter the
vessel, and retaining her papers, notwithstanding I had made
repeated applications that they might be restored. So
circumstanced, I could no longer think of submitting to the
expense of paying and victualling the officers and crew of a
vessel over which I had no control; but previously to my
declining to do so, my intentions were officially made known to
the naval officer. What steps he has since taken respecting the
schooner and her people I am yet to learn, but as he has had two
police officers on board in charge of her, it is reasonable to
suppose they are directed to prevent irregularities, and thereof
I beg leave to refer you to the naval officer for what further
information you may require on the subject.
Richard Atkins Esq.
Judge
Advocate.
. . . . I heard no more of the subject until the following night,
when, at about 11 o-clock, I was seated with my family, preparing
to go to bed, when one of the servants came in, and informed that
a person wanted to speak to me in the hall. I went out, and found
a man by the name of Oakes there, who acted as chief constable in
the town of Parramatta, the place of my residence. He told me
that he was very sorry to come to me on such an errand, but that
he had a warrant in his pocket to apprehend my person and take me
to gaol. I desired him to come into the room where there were
candles, and show me his authority. He did, and produced this
warrant—
NEW SOUTH WALES.—Whereas complaint hath been made before me
upon oath, that John McArthur Esq. the owner of the schooner
Parramatta, now lying in this Port, hath illegally stopped
the provisions of the master mates and crew of the said schooner
whereby the said master mates and crew have violated the Colonial
regulations by coming unauthorized on shore, and whereas I did by
my official letter bearing date the 14th day of this instant,
December, require the said John McArthur to appear before me on
the 15th day of this instant December at 10 o'clock of the
forenoon of the same day and whereas the said John McArthur hath
not appeared at the time aforesaid or since:—these are
therefore, in his Majesty's name, to command you to bring the
said John McArthur before me, and other His Majesty's Justices on
Wednesday next, the 16th inst., December at ten o-clock of the
same day, to answer in the premises, and hereof fail not.
Given under my hand and seal at Sydney this 15th day of December
1807.
Mr. Francis Oakes,
Chief Constable,
Parramatta.
The Witness.—It is impossible I can describe to the Court
what I felt upon this occasion, whatever act the master of the
vessel or crew might have committed, I conceived I could in no
shape be responsible for, as the Government were absolutely in
possession of the schooner, and could, in any manner they thought
proper, have controlled and regulated the conduct of the master
and seamen. I had given what I conceived a full and satisfactory
explanation to the Judge Advocate, and without any act committed
by me, I found myself nearly at the hour of midnight in danger of
being torn from my family and of being confined in a loathsome
gaol, amidst all the most abandoned felons which the colony
contained. It appeared to me nothing could authorize or justify
such a violation of the liberty of a British subject, unless
positive oath had been made that he had committed some offence
which would subject him to imprisonment. I was only accused.
The President.—The question is, what was the consequence of
this arrest?
The Witness.—I resisted the warrant, being accused of
discharging my own servants.
A Member.—It appears he disobeyed the summons also from the
Judge Advocate, he refused to appear, as he was desired by the
letter from the Judge Advocate.
The Witness.—I resisted the warrant, conceiving it to be
illegal. What then followed? The constable left the house, and
the next morning I went to the town of Sydney. About nine o'clock
in the morning I walked out, and soon after two constables with
several attendants armed, came into the house in search of me.
They searched every open room, although they were assured I was
not in the house, and coming to a room with the door locked, they
burst it open. Not finding me they made enquiry where it was
probable I should be found, they were told, I had walked out in
the town and was most probable at the house of Mr. Grimes. To
that house they came and finding me there produced a second
warrant which they executed and took me to the house of the Judge
Advocate, where several friends stepped forward to give bail for
my appearance. I was discharged in consequence on my bail. Soon
after, I had notice to attend a Bench of Magistrates, before whom
I was desirous of pointing out the illegality of the first
warrant which had been executed against me, but they preferred to
refer the decision of it to a Criminal Court; and I was bound
over to appear whenever called upon. In the 25th January 1808 I
was brought before a Criminal Court utterly ignorant of the
nature of the accusation against which I was to defend myself.
Previous to my being brought before the Court I had in a most
earnest manner entreated the Governor to appoint a Judge Advocate
who should be disinterested in the event of the trial. This he
refused.—I therefore when the six members had been sworn in
considered it a justice I owed to myself, if possible to avoid
being tried before a Court, the Judge of which was my avowed and
inveterate enemy, who had also a voice in that Court, and
necessarily a great influence in its decisions. When the Court
was about to swear in the Judge Advocate, I stated my objections
verbally and entreated permission to lay those objections before
them in writing. The Judge Advocate objected to it, the Court
conceived I ought to be heard, and directed me to produce my
objections. I read them to the Court, and this is a
copy.—
Protest.
To the Members of the Criminal Court.
Gentlemen,
It will, I am convinced, excite your surprise, as I think it must
of every impartial man, to hear that I am a prisoner to this bar,
utterly unacquainted, except from rumour, of the nature of the
accusation against which I am to defend myself. Such, however is
a fact, for although I have made three written applications to
the Judge Advocate, for a copy of the indictment or information,
I have not been able to obtain it.
In this unprecedented situation, and having been informed that
the charge against me had been founded on certain events which
originated in the illegal and arbitrary conduct of the Judge
Advocate, as exemplified in the correspondence and warrants, I
did conceive it prudent and a piece of duty I owed to the
community, to protest against Richard Atkins Esq., being
appointed to sit as a Judge on a trial where he is so much
interested, and in which his own security is so materially
involved.
To prevent unnecessary delay, and other consequences which I
apprehended, I did, in a letter to his Excellency Gov. Bligh
protest against the Judge Advocate, and respectfully required
that a disinterested person might be appointed to preside at my
trial. To this His Excellency was pleased to answer "that the law
must take its course, as he does not feel himself justified to
use any interference with the executive power by which I suppose
it (sic) meant the judicial authority, and I humbly
conceive His Excellencys power must be the Executive.
Defeated in this attempt to obtain what I know to be my lawful
right, my only alternative is to resort to the Members of this
Court, and I do so under an entire confidence that what I can
prove to be my right, you as men of honour will grant me.
To you then gentlemen I appeal and solemnly protest against
Richard Atkins Esq., being allowed to take his seat as one of my
judges on this trial.
To support this protest, my first objection is, because there is
a suit pending between us, for the recovery of a sum of money
that he unjustly withholds, and, as he is screened from the
operation! of the law, is to be submitted to His Majestys
Ministers.
My second objection is, because I can prove he has for many years
cherished a rancorous inveteracy against me, which has displayed
itself in the propagation of malignant falsehoods, and every act
of injustice that can be expected to proceed from a person armed
with power, against a man whose life and conduct is, I trust, a
public satire on his own.
My third objection is, because I have long been the object of his
vindictive malice, in consequence of my having been called as an
evidence to support an accusation made against him by John Harris
Esq., that he was a swindler.
My fourth objection is, because he has associated and combined
with that well-known dismembered limb of the law, George
Crossley,* and others of as wicked minds, though perhaps not
quite so notorious, to accomplish my destruction.
[* Crosley was an Attorney who had been convicted of perjury and transported.]
In proof of this I have evidence to prove that
Crosley has prepared the information to be produced at this
trial, and has arranged the whole plan of evidence, he being
considered eminently qualified to conduct that part of the
business from his extensive practice in that particular branch of
legal knowledge.
I have also proofs in my hands in the writing of that veteran
practitioner Crosley, which will convince the most sceptical mind
that other schemes have been agitated to deprive me of my
property, liberty, honour and life.**
[** James Macarthur in his notes states that his father was warned of the pending arrest by an Irish settler of the Hawkesbury district, who had been carousing with Crosley, the Attorney, who in his cups boasted of the coup which was preparing against Macarthur and finally pulled out the draft of the indictment. This the Irishman secured and carried forthwith to Macarthur. It was the knowledge derived from the draft of Crosley's indictment which induced Macarthur to adopt the course he took towards Oakes, the head Constable, of refusing to submit when he came to arrest him at Parramatta. His object was to drive the Governor into violent and precipitate measures.]
Here it is gentlemen, read it, and after, read
the proceedings of a Bench of Magistrates, and you will see that
for presuming to complain of a most unlawful seizure of my
property, which the Judge Advocate joined in reprobating, it has
been determined to ruin me.
This precious document came into my hands as if by the
interposition of Divine Providence, it was dropped from the
pocket of Crosley and brought to me.
That you may consider it at your leisure, I annex a copy both of
it, and of the proceedings of the Bench of Magistrates.
My fifth objection is because Richard Atkins Esq. is my
prosecutor on this trial, and is so deeply interested to procure
my conviction, that, should he fail, nothing but the arm of power
can save him from a criminal prosecution, at this very Bar, for
false imprisonment of me.
My sixth and last objection is on his having already pronounced
sentence of condemnation against me, as is presumptively proved,
and can be clearly, by his declaring that the Bench of
Magistrates had the power to punish me by fine and imprisonment
thereby clearly demonstrating an intention to deprive me of the
benefit of my present trial.
It will not, I presume, be denied that the Judge Advocate, from
the constitution of this Court combines the two characters of
judge and juror, and that it follows, as an indisputable
consequence, that my objection which applies to either character
is strictly applicable to him.
All therefore that remains for me to do, is to lay before you the
legal authorities, on which I found my right of challenge.
First Authority.
"The suspicion of prejudice may be reasonably
inferred against a juror from his having an interest in the
cause, whereby he may be led to the condemnation of the
prisoner.
"The prisoner must assign his cause of challenge, of the
relevancy of which the members are themselves the judges. The
valid causes of challenge are, suspicion of malice, of prejudice,
and infamous character," (Tytler.)
Second Authority.
"So jealous is the law of the perfect impartiality of jurors, that it is allowed to be a good cause of challenge that the juror has been heard to give his opinion beforehand, that the party is guilty." (Tytler.)
Third Authority.
"Two causes of challenge, impossible to be overruled, are the charges of corruption or bribery, verified by competent proof, and malice of hostile enmity expressed by word or deed against the prisoner. Infamous character is also a most relevant ground of challenge." (Tytler.)
Fourth Authority.
"It hath been allowed a good ground of challenge on the part of the prisoner, that the juror hath declared his opinion beforehand that the party is guilty." (Burns Justice.)
Fifth Authority.
"The Mayor of Hereford was laid by the heels for sitting in a cause when he himself was Lesser of the plaintiff in ejectment though he by the charter was sole Judge of the Court." (Burn's Justice.)
Sixth Authority.
"The cause of Foxham tithing in the county of Wilts, justice of peace was surveyor of highways, and a matter which concerned his office coming in question at the sessions, he joined in making the order, and his name was put in the caption. Determined by Lord Chief Justice Holt, it ought not to be, as, if an action be brought by my Lord Chief Justice Trevor, in the Court of Common Pleas, it must be before Edward Neville, Knight, and his Associates, and not before Thomas Trevor, and it was quashed." (Burns Justice.)
Seventh Authority.
"And the better to remove all cause of suspicion of partiality, it was wisely provided by the statutes 4th Edw. HI. cap. 2—8th Richard II. cap. 2—and 33rd Henry VIII. cap. 24, that no Judge of Assize shall hold pleas in any county wherein he was born or inhabits." (Blackstones Commentaries.)
Eighth Authority.
"Jurors may be challenged for suspicion of bias
or partiality, this may be either a principal challenge, or to
the favour. A principal challenge is such, where the cause
carries with it evident marks of suspicion, either of favour or
malice; as that he hath an interest in the cause, there is an
action pending between him and the party, these are principal
grounds of challenge, and, if true, cannot be over-ruled."
(Blackstones Commentaries.)
Gentlemen, it would be an unpardonable waste of your time, and an
insult to your understandings, to press upon you more
authorities, for those I have submitted are clear to the
point.
You will now decide, gentlemen, whether Law or Justice shall
finally prevail over the contrivances of George Crosley, you have
the eyes of an anxious public upon you, trembling for the safety
of their property, their liberties, and their lives.
To you has fallen the lot of deciding a point which involves
perhaps the happiness or misery of millions yet unborn, and I
conjure you, in the name of the Almighty God, in whose presence
you stand, to consider the inestimable value of the precious
deposit with which you are entrusted.
For my own part, knowing you as I do, I have no apprehensions. I
feel assured, that neither expectations of reward, and favour,
nor dread of persecution, will influence your decision.
It is to the Officers of the New South Wales Corps that the
administration of justice is committed, and who that is just has
anything to dread.
Sydney 25th January 1808.
The Witness.—The Judge Advocate immediately rose up and
called out "I commit you to gaol sir," the court interfered and
declared I had acted under their sanction and was entitled to
their protection. A considerable altercation continued for three
or four minutes between the Judge Advocate and the court, when
the Judge Advocate quitted the Court House. A correspondence then
ensued between the court and the Governor; in which I understood
the Court maintained the validity of my objections, and
respectfully entreated the Governor to appoint an impartial
person to preside at the trial. Several letters passed, and the
Governor not acceding to the request of the Court, the Court
remanded me to the custody of my bail, and adjourned. The next
morning I was apprehended on an escape warrant, founded on a
deposition of the Provost Marshal, that I was at large contrary
to law. I was in consequence taken to the common gaol of the town
of Sydney. . . .
Immediately it was known that I was taken to the gaol, a great
number of the civil officers of the establishment, many of the
people of property in the town, came to the gaol evidently in
great consternation and terror; some of them declaring they
expected soon to be sent to the gaol to accompany me. In the
evening it was rumoured through the town that the officers of the
Criminal Court had been accused of treason and it was reported to
me that the greatest confusion prevailed throughout the whole
town. The gaoler * (a man I had long known) and had had an
opportunity of serving, came in and told me, that, from what he
saw, he was sure something serious would happen before the night
closed; that he should keep a watchful eye for my preservation,
for that many of the people employed about the gaol by Mr. Gore
the Provost Marshal were men of the most desperate and infamous
characters; indeed of that I was myself an evidence; for I was
received at the gaol door by a man employed as a constable, whom
I had discharged from my own house for stealing; and shortly
after my arrival in the gaol, I saw another guarding the gate who
had a short time before been a servant of mine, and whom I had
brought to punishment for associating with a gang of cattle
stealers, and who, it was proved, had been killing and stealing
calves from the Government herds.
[* In James Macarthur's notes he states, that when his father was lodged in the gaol at Sydney, Deputy Gaoler Riley told him that a set of ruffians had been sworn in by the Provost Marshall (Gore), that they were armed, and that he was fearful of an attempt being made on Macarthur's life, but in that case "there was a cutlass concealed in the cell for his honour and he had one for himself, and they would sell their lives dearly."]
In Bartrum's account of the court-martial is told how Johnston, coming into Sydney on January 26th, 1808, found the inhabitants in greatest consternation, and many of the respectable citizens urged his placing Bligh under arrest to avoid bloodshed.
Whilst he was considering this step Johnston was told that Macarthur was lodged in the common prison and there was much reason to fear he would be privately made away with. Johnston was thereupon prevailed upon to sign and transmit an order for Macarthur's discharge.
Macarthur, being liberated on the day of Bligh's deposition, was taken by his liberators to the Barracks, where on entering the mess room, he was greeted by Colonel Johnston, who said, "G—d's curse! What am I to do, Macarthur, here are these fellows advising me to arrest the Governor," to which Macarthur replied, "Advising you; then, Sir, the only thing left for you to do is to do it. To advise on such matters is legally as criminal as to do them." And then Macarthur, on a gun, in the barrack square, wrote the petition to Johnston, of which the original is in the National Art Gallery, Sydney.
Johnston, who commanded the forces, then proceeded to carry out the deposition of Governor Bligh.
This short note to his wife appears to have been written after Governor Bligh's arrest.
My Dearest Love,
I have been deeply engaged all this day in contending for the
liberties of this unhappy Colony, and I am happy to say I have
succeeded beyond what I. expected. I am too much exhausted to
attempt giving you the particulars, therefore I must refer you to
Edward, who knows enough to give you a general idea of what has
been done. The Tyrant is now no doubt gnashing his Teeth with
vexation at his overthrow. May he often have cause to do the
like!
I have read your two letters they are admirably written—I
was in hopes there would have been one to your Mother, as I had
set aside a Navy Bill to enclose with it—You will not be
too late if you write and send down to-morrow. Take care of
yourself and be cheerful, your headache will then go
off—Keep Elizabeth out as much as you can, for exercise in
this warm weather is more likely than any other thing to bring
about her recovery. Remember me to them all and believe me
Sydney,
Saturday 5 o'clock.
After the deposition of Bligh, Johnston became head of the Provisional Government and reported to his superior officer, Colonel Paterson, who was then in charge at Port Dalrymple.
Almost Immediately John Macarthur was tried upon the charges for which Bligh had ordered his arrest. The court consisted of the same six officers summoned by Bligh, but Mr. Charles Grimes, the Surveyor-General, was appointed Judge Advocate in place of Atkins. Macarthur was acquitted, and shortly after appointed Secretary to the Colony, without a salary.
The public expenditure was greatly reduced by Macarthur exchanging surplus cattle from the Government herds for grain, large quantities of which were required for troops and convicts in Van Diemen's Land, as well as in New South Wales.
In former years the bills drawn on the Treasury for grain had been very heavy. Under Johnston only £2,214 9s. 6d. was drawn for the purchase of grain in 1808, and of this £1,880 2s. was for the settlements in Van Diemen's Land.
It is remarkable that not one of the Bills drawn on the Lords of the Treasury by Johnston, Foveaux, or Paterson was dishonored. These copies of the accounts are at Camden.
First Issue | 150 | ||
Second do. | 97 | ||
Issued to Raby | 2 | ||
—— | Bushels | ||
249 | at 56 Bushels each—13,944 |
Bushels. | lbs. | |
Mr. Williamson's Receipt | 9,586 | 25 |
Do. do. for 79 Bushels
Barley receivedas 56 Bushels Wheat
|
56 | — |
Mr. Baker's Receipt | 300 | — |
Do. do. | 130 | — |
Mr. Williamson's Do | 16 | 40 |
Mr. Wilshire's Do. | 74 | 37 |
Do. do. | 18 | 21 |
Mr. Baker's Do. | 40 | — |
Mr. Wilshire's Do. | 23 | — |
Mr. Sherwin's Do. | 43 | 28 |
— Wall's Do | 15 | 42 |
Mr. Wilshire's Do. for 80 Bushels Maize as Wheat | 40 | — |
Mr. Baker's Do. for 44 Bushels Maize as Wheat | 22 | — |
Captain Kemp's obligation | 164 | — |
Mr. Crook's Do. | 89 | — |
Segt. Maj. Whittel's Do. | 112 | — |
Seg. Johns's Do. | 56 | — |
Order for two Cows from Mr. Palmer | 112 | — |
Bill of Larra's for Public expenses | 70 | — |
Mr. Lawson's obligation | 364 | 52 |
Mr. Baker's Receipt | 80 | — |
Do. do. | 25 | 28 |
Mr. Fitz's Do. | 96 | — |
Segt. Bradley's obligation | 20 | 42 |
Cows to be paid for—
Mr. Larra | 4 | |||
Lieut. Laycock | 4 | |||
Lieut. Draffen | 4 | |||
Mr. Alcock | 1 | |||
Mr. Atkins | 2 | |||
Mr. Throsby | 6 | |||
Hugh Byrne | 1 | |||
Mr. Fitzgerald | 10 | |||
Mrs. Minchin | 6 | |||
Edw. Robinson | 1 | |||
Mr. T. Mecham. | 5 | |||
— | ||||
44 | at 56 Bush. | 2,464 | — | |
————— | ||||
14,020 | 35 | |||
Amount of Cattle sold | 13,944 | — | ||
————— | ||||
Surplus | 76 | 35 |
Statement—continued.
Bushels. | lbs. | |||
Mr. McArthur paid to Mr. Harris for 24 Bush. | ||||
Do. surplus on receipts to Settlers. | B. | W. | ||
31 | 42 | |||
————— | ||||
55 | 42 | ————— | ||
Due to Mr. McArthur | 55 | 42 | ||
————— | ||||
Surplus to Government | 20 | 49 |
Dr. John McArthur Esqr. in Account Current with Government—
1808 | ||||
Between the 12th March & 3 Sept. | To amount of Fresh Beef issued from His Majesty's Store pd. weekly return from the Storekeeper 1801½ lbs. @ 1/- |
90 | 1 | 6 |
To one set of Bills on the Lords of the Treasury | 444 | 19 | 6 | |
To one set of Bills on the Lords of the Treasury | 125 | 7 | 0 | |
—————— | ||||
1808 | £660 | 8 | 0 | |
Between the
12th March & 3 Sept. |
By Amount of Mutton Received into His Majesty's Store at Parramatta as Sworn to by William Sherwine the Storekeeper per 13,208 lbs. @ 1/- | 660 | 8 | 0 |
Errors Ex. | —————— | |||
James Williamson | £660 | 8 | 0 | |
Actg. Comsy. |
Quantity of Grain sent to His Majesty's Settlements at Port Dalrymple and the River Derwent between the 26th January and 31st March; and from the latter date, up to June 8th 1808.
Date | Settlement | Wheat Bushels |
Barley Bushels |
Rate | Amount | ||
February 2nd | Port Dalrymple | 550 | — | 10/- | 275 | 0 | 0 |
1808 | |||||||
April 5th 1808 | Do. | 1000 | 79 | 10/8 8/- | 531 | 12 | 0 |
Freight of Speedwell with the 550 Bushels @ | 3/- | 82 | 10 | 0 | |||
—————— | |||||||
Port Dalrymple | £889 | 2 | 0 | ||||
—————— | |||||||
March 26th | River Derwent | 700 | — | 10/- | 350 | 0 | 0 |
1808 | |||||||
April 30th | Do. | 1000 | — | 10/- | 500 | 0 | 0 |
1808 | |||||||
Freight of Governor Hunter with the 1000 Bushels @ | 3/- | 150 | 0 | 0 | |||
——————— | |||||||
River Derwent | £1,000 | 0 | 0 | ||||
——————— | |||||||
Total Amount | £1,889 | 2 | 0 | ||||
========== |
The Right Honorable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury in Account Current with James Williamson Esquire Acting Commissary of Stores and Provisions in His Majesty's Territory of New South Wales.
£ | s. | d. | |||
Between the 27th January & 30th July |
To | Amount of Grain purchased from sundry individuals as per Voucher No. 1 | 1200 | 0 | 0 |
" | Amount of Grain purchased from sundry Individuals as per Voucher No. 2 | 241 | 10 | 0 | |
" | Amount of Fresh Mutton purchased from John McArthur Esquire as per Voucher No. 3 | 444 | 19 | 6 | |
" | Amount of Freight of Grain from hence to the Derwent as per Voucher No. 4 | 150 | 0 | 0 | |
Amount of Spirits purchased from Garnham Blaxcell Esquire as per Voucher No. 5 | 178 | 0 | 0 | ||
——————— | |||||
£2214 | 9 | 6 | |||
========== |
By Eleven sets of Bills drawn in favor of the following persons as per Voucher Order, and Receipts (Viz.).
1808 |
Cr. |
|||||
July 30th | £ | s. | d. | |||
No. | 1 | Bill | in favor of Garnham Blaxcell Esquire as per Voucher No. 1 Order and Receipt No. 6 | 100 | 0 | 0 |
" | 2 | " | in favor of John Harris Esquire as per Voucher No. 1, O. & R. No. 6 | 105 | 0 | 0 |
" | 3 | " | in favor of Messrs. Campbell & Co., as per Voucher No. 1, 0. & R. No. 6 | 56 | 15 | 0 |
" | 4 | " | in favor of Mr. Simeon Lord as per Voucher No. 1, O. & R. No. 6 | 492 | 15 | 0 |
" | 5 | " | in favor of Thomas Jamieson Esquire as per Voucher No. 1, O. & R. No. 6 | 35 | 15 | 0 |
" | 6 | " | in favor of John McArthur Esquire as per Voucher No. 1, O. &. R. No. 6 | 110 | 2 | 6 |
" | 7 | " | in favor of James Williamson Esquire as per Voucher No. 1, O. & R. No. 6 | 169 | 12 | 6 |
" | 8 | " | in favor of Thomas Jamieson Esquire as per Voucher No. 2, O. & R. No. 7 & 6 | 241 | 10 | 0 |
" | 9 | " | in favor of John McArthur Esquire as per Voucher No. 3, O. & R. No. 8 & 6 | 444 | 19 | 6 |
" | 10 | " | in favor of Mr. Isaac Nichols as per Voucher No. 4, O. & R. No. 9 & 6 | 150 | 0 | 0 |
" | 11 | " | in favor of Garnham Blaxcell Esquire as per Voucher No. 5, O. & R. No. 10 & 6 | 178 | 0 | 0 |
———————— | ||||||
£2214 | 9 | 6 | ||||
=========== |
Sworn before me Sydney 18th March 1809 |
} } |
Rd. Atkins, J.A. |
No doubt the economical system of the interim Government occasioned much murmuring on the part of greedy and discontented individuals, and the following copies of a letter from Colonel Johnston to the officers of the regiment and their reply show some of the feeling that evidently existed:—
Gentlemen,
I have observed the discontent which has for some time prevailed
amongst a few Officers with the greatest concern and as I have
unquestionable evidence that this discontent has entirely arisen
from the confidence I have reposed in Mr. McArthur Secretary to
the Colony I have now assembled all of you together who are doing
duty at Head-quarters and have sent a copy of this Letter to the
detached Post that those Officers who have anything to alledge
against that Gentleman may come forward and distinctly state in
writing what it is they have to charge him with. If he has
committed any offence, it is not my intention to shut my ears
against the proof of it. If anything improper in his conduct can
be made appear he shall immediately be dismissed from his Office,
and I hope some one of you Gentlemen will have public spirit
sufficient to supply his place and to perform the laborious
duties Mr. McArthur now discharges without reward or
emolument.
To preserve the peace of the Settlement and to promote the
prosperity and honor of His Majesty's Government are my only
objects and I am confident those objects cannot be secured but by
the annihilation of the Party Spirit that has unfortunately too
much prevailed almost ever since the day when you all urged me to
assume the Government and pledged your words of honor to support
me in the measure. How far a desire to deprive me of the services
of Mr. McArthur at such a crisis as the present can be considered
as an observance of that promise it will rest with those
Gentlemen who are adverse to him to explain. For my own part I
think no Officer will aver that Mr. McArthur has not fulfilled
his share of that solemn Engagement That he has not devoted
himself with unremitting assiduity to the public affairs That he
has not exposed himself to reproach and obliquy by his Exertions
to detect the Frauds and oppressions of the Adherents of the late
Governor or that he has not faithfully done everything in his
power to carry my wishes into Effect for the reduction of the
Expenditure of Public Money and to prevent the improper
distribution of the Public Servants and Property.
But perhaps these are his offences, if so let me assure you that
he has only obeyed my order and that had he acted differently I
should have been as ready to withdraw my confidence from him as I
know some of you are desirous that I should.
I am, Gentlemen
Compared with the original, of which it is a true Copy.
John McArthur,
J.P.
Chas. Throsby, J.P.
[** The Sydney Association was a Volunteer Corps. There was a Company also at Parramatta commanded by Mr. McArthur.]
The undersigned Officers having assembled by Order of His Honor the Lt. Governor give their Sentiments on a letter which His Honor laid before them are unanimously of opinion that they do not feel themselves justified nor would they presume to call in question the Right of Propriety of his consulting any person he may think proper either publickly or privately and that they shall at all times feel much pleasure in obeying his Orders which is all they consider they have to do as Officers serving under him.
(Signed)
Lieut. Governor Johnston &c., &c., &c. |
A true Copy of the original compared by us.
John McArthur,
J.P.
Chas. Throsby, J.P.
[*** Volunteer Corps.]
After the arrival of Colonel Foveaux, Colonel Johnston proceeded to England, whither Macarthur accompanied him, taking also his two sons, James and William, for their education. His eldest son, who had returned to Sydney to see his parents before embarking upon his military career, had gone home some time previously with the despatches from Johnston relating to Bligh's arrest.
In September, 1808, General Tench wrote the following to Edward Macarthur, who had just arrived in England with the despatches announcing the arrest of Bligh:—
My Dear Edward,
I have read with much interest the various accounts in the
Newspapers relative to the late transactions in New South Wales
and to-day your Uncle was so obliging as to put into my hand your
letter to him written just previous to your landing in England. I
went through it twice with the deepest attention and the most
lively feelings on your dear Father's and Mother's account and
after having given the best consideration in my power to your
statements, I was firmly and decidedly of opinion that Governor
Bligh by tyranny, oppression and rapacity has drawn upon himself
the just resentment of the inhabitants of the Colony and met with
that spirited opposition and final defeat which I trust all
unprincipled despots, whether in courts or cottages, always will
encounter. I presume from circumstances that a complete
reconciliation has taken place between Lt. Col. Johnston and your
Father, and I fervently pray that there never may be discord or
disunion between them again. The party which has dared to act
with such promptitude and vigor in the outset will assuredly not
betray their own cause by quarrels amongst themselves, and if, as
I fully hope, and believe, Government will give both sides a fair
and equitable hearing, I do not fear but that the result will be
favourable for those whose welfare I so anxiously desire in all
events I am firmly persuaded that the decisive step that was
taken was preferable to all half measures, though even the latter
would from appearances have been sufficient to overawe the
contemptable dastard against whom they would have been directed.
The concealment under the feather bed made me smile, but did not
surprise me in the least, as I had long possessed the strongest
testimony from a friend who had served with Governor Bligh that
he was not only a tyrant, but a poltroon. The air of prudence and
good sense which marks every part of your communication to your
Uncle lessens the uneasiness I should otherwise have felt on your
account, but let me, my dear boy, recommend to you a discreet
reserve in all your conversations on the occurence at Sydney. In
the great Town, where you now reside, there are more people who
take a merit of supplying Government with information and
betraying the secrets of conversation than you may be aware of.
At the distance I am placed I can offer no material assistance to
the cause of my friends, but who ever condescends to ask
information from me on this, or any other subject connected with
New South Wales, which frequently happens at the tables of
Generals and Admirals, I shall not fail to offer my undisguised
opinion on proceedings which have excited so much public
attention, and from my perfect conviction of the worth and
integrity of your Father his defence will be an easy task.
Then comes the first of a long and regular correspondence between Edward and his family, but only a few of the letters are given referring to the Bligh-Johnston affair.
Edward Macarthur to his Mother.
My Dear Mother,
At this moment that I am conveying to you the pleasing
intelligence of my safe arrival, I feel inspired with a hope that
you are restored to your health, and in the enjoyment of every
happiness that can be expected from a country in such a perturbed
state, and of which the society is so exceptionable. When this
reaches you my dear mother it is my prayer that it may add to the
other causes of happiness; but if on the contrary, it will I know
be no small gratification to learn that your son has not a
greater source of uneasiness than spring from the distance which
prevents him from flying to your embrace.
You will be rejoiced to learn how fine a youth John has become.
He is almost as tall as myself, and at the same time remarkably
stout. Much as he grows in stature, yet it does not equal the
degree to which his mind daily expands; and such is his manner of
reasoning that he is beheld with astonishment, mixt with
admiration. John's wishes incline him to embrace the profession
of the law, and he is wonderfully delighted at the idea of
becoming a councillor. Dr. Lindsay imagines he will make a
shining character in that profession. Since my arrival I have
lived at Mr. Thompson's, and the manner in which I was received,
together with the fresh marks of affection which are every day
displayed towards me, can be compared to nothing but that which I
experienced when I returned to New South Wales; indeed, my dear
mother, it seems as if the two families were disputing to which
of them I belonged, and which could regard me with the most
affection.
On my arrival I found that Mrs. King was a widow; Govr. King died
about a week before. I have scarcely seen Mrs. King. I was unable
to call upon her till the other day, when, in going to her house,
I met her on the road, and as she was on particular business she
could not return. She resides some miles from London. I promised
her that if she would have the goodness to tell me when she would
be at home, that I would certainly wait upon her.
Mr. Marsden is in town, but I have not seen him, nor do I know
how Mrs. Marsden and the children are, who are all in
Yorkshire.
General and Mrs. Grose are in town; they have been very
particular in their enquiries about yourself and my dear
father.
Captain and Mrs. Kent are also in London, but I have not had an
opportunity of seeing them.
Govr. and Mrs. King have been rather intimate with Mr. Thompson's
family, and Mr. T. has told me that our family was always
mentioned in the most affectionate manner. Mrs. King seems to
have some idea of returning to New South Wales, for her affairs,
poor woman, I understand are rather in a disunited state.
Miss Thompson has promised to write and she will, I have no
doubt, give a long account of interesting circumstances.
Edward Macarthur to Walter Davidson.
My dear Davidson,
I have the pleasure a second time to thank you for your letter
which I received at St. Helena on the 10th of July, from whence
you will perhaps receive a letter from me dated on the day of my
departure from that island. The Dart and Brothers,
together with the China Fleet, arrived in the Downs on the 12th
instant; but as I was anxious to get to town lest the duplicates
of my letters should be delivered before the originals, I landed
in a fishing boat off the Start Point in Devonshire.
* * * * * * * *
Our late affairs make little impression on the
public mind, and excite still less attention at the offices, for
Spain and Portugal attract all their attentions—all their
thoughts. The Convention has caused a great ferment, and the
nation loudly call for the punishment of those who were concerned
in that disgraceful business. You will not comprehend me until
you have consulted the newspapers, and I have no time to explain
myself.
In a few weeks the probability is that I shall be in one of
our armies, either that on service in Spain or that in Portugal.
A wide field is open for honor and promotion, and I burn to be
there. The Spanish expedition resounds from all quarters, and the
ladies themselves lament that their sex prevents their joining in
so glorious a cause.
* * * * * * * *
My dear Father,
I embrace the opportunity of the Sydney Cove's return to
Port Jackson to inform you of my safe arrival and to acquaint you
with the little occurences since, together with the impressions
made by the accounts of which I was in part the bearer. I came to
town on the 12th, and immediately went to the Horse Guards with
my public letters; but it being evening, and as there was no
official person to whom I could deliver them, I returned and
called again next morning when I saw Colonel Gordon to whom I
committed my charge. He received me with a great degree of
kindness, asked me a few questions about the colony, but none in
the least applicable to the subject of the letters; and having
complimented me on the modesty with which he was pleased to say I
conducted myself, wished me good morning, asked for my address,
and said that he should send for me in a few days.
Mr. Brogden and Mr. McArthur, as well as Mr. Plummer, were out of
town, and before I had performed half of what was necessary for
me previously to do, the day was too far advanced for me to think
of waiting on the Duke of Northumberland till the next morning.
As I had not the assistance of Mr. Brogdon's introduction, I
found some difficulty from the servants in gaining admission to
His Grace's presence; but as I was determined to deliver Colonel
Johnston's letters to no other person than the Duke, my card was
at length taken up, and the obstructions vanished. His Grace
immediately sent for me, and addressing me by name, thanked me
for my attention in coming to Sion House, and, instead of
interrogating me on the subject of the transactions in N.S.
Wales, began to relate even the most particular parts of what has
taken place, even to the business of the stills, and was severe
in his animadvertions on the conduct of Governor Bligh. This
surprised me not a little; but I discovered that he had received
the evening before, by the post, the duplicates of the letters by
the Brothers. His Grace was greatly pleased at the
accounts I gave him of the noble race of horses by
Northumberland; * and after I had been with him for two
hours—for it was impossible to leave him before—I
retired. His Grace told me that he should be obliged by any
communications I could make to him about the late events, and
that when he came to town he should be happy to see me. He
greatly interests himself in Colonel Johnston's welfare, and,
from the family connection between His Grace and Colonel Gordon,
his influence will be very great. I understand, also, that under
the existing state of affairs his opinions have great weight. Mr.
Watson was not at home the first day I called; but I saw him the
morning of my interview with the Duke of Northumberland, and
found him, indeed, a friend. He went to the Secretary of States'
office to learn the impressions made on Mr. Cook's mind by the
account he had received, and found them favourable to yourself;
but Mr. Watson has since informed me that Mr. Cook does not now
think you so much unconcerned in the late transactions as he did
at first imagine. Mr. Watson superceded the necessity of my
waiting on Mr. Cook by asking him if he was desirous to see me,
and Mr. Cook requested Mr. Watson to tell me that there was no
occasion for my coming to him. Mr. Watson brought Captain Russell
off' with flying colours. The public mind is at present so much
agitated by the affairs of Portugal that neither they or the
Ministry in the least regard the occurrences in New South Wales.
So much have they to do at the offices, that I do not imagine
they have read one-half the papers necessary to elucidate the
business, but they regard the whole of the transaction, with a
view to precedent, in a jealous kind of way.
[* A horse presented by the Duke to Colonel Johnston.]
I understand that Bligh's friends, however, who have had leisure to examine the affair, wear gloomy countenances. Mr. Watson desired me not to pay the least attention to the opinions I heard in common conversation. He intends to write to you by this vessel. Your letters to Mr. Brogden, Mr. McArthur, and Mr. Plummer I enclosed to them. To Mr. McArthur I sent a complete copy of the whole of the papers in my possession, and another copy of the trial to Mr. Plummer after Dr. Lindsay had perused it. I have greatly to regret that I could make no more than two copies on the voyage, for everyone calls for your trial, and with the concurrence of Mr. Watson it will be printed in a few days, and I trust that I shall be enabled to send you one of the impressions. I am now writing at Mr. Thompson's house at Clapham. With that good man and his family have I been since my arrival; they are to me another father, mother, brother, and sister. I dine to-day with Mr. Henry Brogden, who has been very warm in his expressions for the handsome way in which you advanced the money to Blackman. I must now conclude and will address you again to-morrow, for I have so much to relate to you, my dear father, that my ideas rush upon me too rapidly for expression.
My dear Father,
Since my last of the 1st inst., I have been greatly agitated by
the publication of a most virulent paper, prepared, as I am
informed, by some of Mrs. Bligh's partizans, of which I transmit
a copy, together with a reply which appeared in the same paper as
the attack. You will readily perceive, my dear father, that I
have been greatly indebted to some persons for this tart
rejoinder. Dr. Lindsay wrote the first sketch, which was
afterwards mollified by Mr. Watson, who advised, however, that no
kind of notice should be taken of this outrageous attack. As soon
as the answer was framed I sent it down to Mr. McArthur, who,
after having made some additions and amendments, returned it,
with an introduction of myself, to the editor of the Morning
Chronicle, who inserted the papers as corrected by Mr.
McArthur. A rev'd friend of yours,** who has lately come up from
York, is said to have had a hand in this vehement production;
indeed he does not scruple to say that the business is at issue
between himself and you, and that one or the other must desert
the country of New South Wales.
[** Revd. S. Marsden.]
A day or two since I received a note from the
Duke of Northumberland, acquainting me that His Grace had
received intimation that Colonel Johnston and Mr. McArthur and
the rest of the officers were sent for Home immediately. I
instantly showed it to Mr. Watson, who went down to Mr. Cook, and
asked him if any such measure had been taken. Mr. Cook said there
had been nothing resolved on with respect to the affairs in New
South Wales. Mr. Watson is no professor, but an actor. Mr.
Plummer will be in town in a few days, and Mr. McArthur will also
be here. Their advice will be of essential service to me. Mr.
Henry Brogden greatly interests himself in your behalf, as well
as does Mr. James Brogden. The latter can be of very great
service to me from his intimacy with the Duke of
Northumberland.
Sir Walter's family are as usual very kind, and Sir Walter
himself appears to be happy when he hears of things going on
favorably to yourself; but he does not at present take an active
part, although at first he talked a great deal. Mr. Jacobs is
also very attentive. He offered to get a commission for me, but I
fear it is out of his power. Mr. Watson and Colonel McDonald both
told me that there would be a very great difficulty indeed in
obtaining a commission at this time. They think that under the
existing state of affairs His Royal Highness would on no
consideration give me an ensigncy. They therefore imagine that it
would be better for me to purchase, and, if possible, to join
some regiment of foot in Spain, for I am told that my age is too
great for my admission at Marlow. The next military academy is at
Wickham, and before you can be admitted it is necessary that you
should have been doing duty with your regiment for two years. Mr.
Thompson is looking out for a good regiment, and I trust that by
the time the next ships sail I shall be gazetted.
From all I can learn I fear you will find yourself necessitated
to return to England, for the Government will, I fear, to the
very last, support Bligh; but it is of no use, for up he must be
given at length. A gentleman told me to-day that although
Governor Bligh's conduct was most flagrant, yet the Government
would look with great jealousy on his suspension, on account of
precedent; but justice must be done, for Major Johnston has a
friend who has the power in a certain degree to enforce it.
The two emues arrived safe, and were presented to Lady
Castlereagh, and one swan and a goose lived, which were given to
Lady Camden. Mr. Watson desired me to say that their ladyships
were desirous of having some bronswing pidgeons; but he would not
permit me to give the pair I had, because he thought that so many
presents at one time would overdo the business. I was enabled to
make Mr. Watson a very handsome present in the bird way. I have
made several to different people, and have not parted with all
yet.
The Marquis of Buckingham was out of town when I arrived. I
therefore left his letters at His Lordship's residence in Pall
Mall, from whence, I presume, they have been forwarded. I have
heard from none of Mr. Wentworth's friends. General Grose has
been very attentive to me; he seems to be rather disappointed at
not hearing from you. As he resides at Croydon, I do not see him
very often. Mrs. King, poor woman, is greatly distressed at the
loss of the Governor, and the contrast of her present situation
with that she has lately possessed makes her very unhappy.
It will, I am convinced, my dear father, afford you great
pleasure to learn that John is resolved to become a councillor,
and Dr. Lindsay says if he only applies himself he will make as
clever a fellow as any in England. John is aware that many
difficulties will impede his progress; but he says that the
Temple of Fame is now within his view, and that the strides he
intends to make towards it will be so rapid and firm that every
obstacle must give way. John is grown tall, and, at the same
time, very stout. The energy of his mind is very great, and this
displayed almost on every occasion. He is greatly beloved by Mr.
Thompson's family, as well as by Dr. Lindsay and the greater part
of his acquaintance. I dined with Mr. Wilson a few days since,
but as I am not much in the city I do not see him very often. He
endeavours to keep neutral, and hears the tales of all parties;
but I think his situation is on that account very unpleasant. Mr.
Thompson has neither invited Grimes to know whose right, but that
it is quite sufficient for him that they are inimical to you. Mr.
Becket is constant in his enquiries after you. Mr. T. intends
sending him a copy of your trial, that he may make his remarks
upon it. Mr. Cook says that the trial is so much waste paper, for
that as Colonel Johnston had no authority to convene a court, a
mock trial on the stage would be equally as valid. This is the
way in which Mr. C. talks, but altho' he is so warm in support of
Bligh, I do not for that reason imagine he thinks him right. Mr.
Cook thinks perhaps that it is his duty to support the Governor
till all the charges have been proved against him.
My dear Father,
I can learn nothing respecting the intentions of Government about
New South Wales; and notwithstanding the despatches that are
forwarded to go out in the Sydney Cove, I still think that
Ministers have come to no determination. Mr. Watson says they
have not, and on the 5th of this month he knew positively that
nothing had been done.
* * * * * * * *
The wool, I am sorry to say, that came in the Dart was almost spoiled, although I had taken the precaution to have it put into a tight cask. It is in the hands of Mr. Swain, who says that it will, however, make very good cloth. He will send your little commission by the next ship.
* * * * * * * *
Every one of your friends here seems to imagine that you will be necessitated to come Home; indeed, Mr. Watson told me that he sincerely wished you would, For he imagined you would do much better here than where you are, and that he should intimate it to you in his letter. The pleasure, my dear father, such an event would afford me would be very great.
* * * * * * * *
Mr. Thompson is now about purchasing me a commission in one of the battallions of the 60th Regt. which is now in Spain. If I can possibly obtain permission to go to Marlow, I certainly will, but if not I intend immediately to join my regiment. There is not the least chance of a commission being given to me, and therefore, the sooner I purchase the better.
* * * * * * * *
My dear Father,
Since my last, I have the pleasure to inform you I have seen Mr.
Hugh Elliott, who spoke in the highest terms imaginable of you,
and who, notwithstanding his appointment of Governor of
Barbadoes, is so much enraptures with our colony that he appears
greatly inclined to abandon the design of taking command of the
one for the hopes of acquiring the government of the other. I
have seen him but once, and then for a short time; but it was
sufficiently long for me to see how superior a man he is, and how
very different from his, I trust, predecessors in the government
of New South Wales.
* * * * * * * *
Nothing has transpired with respect to the
determination of Ministers on the subject of Governor Bligh's
arrest. The trial is printed, but with no narration prefixed to
it; for Mr. Watson strenuously insisted that, as no person was
more capable of undertaking his own justification than yourself,
it would be imprudent to make a publication in which some facts
might be too much urged, while others were not sufficiently
preferred. Mr. Plummer is, however, preparing a statement of all
the unjust and arbitrary things committed by Governor Bligh.
Colonel Tench is in town; he is greatly interested in all that
has passed. I put the trial into his hands, and I feel assured
that it will produce on his mind the same effect that it does on
all those, and they are many, that have read it—a firm
belief in the justness of your cause, a perfect conviction of
your honor and integrity, and a lasting impression of the
strength of your mind, and of the soundness of your judgment.
Such being the case, I shall feel no hesitation in giving Mr.
Elliott a perusal of that document.
As Mr. Watson particularly desired that I would keep as much as
possible in the background, and as I see no probability of the
events in which I feel so much concern being discussed for a long
time. I am determined rather than live at a great expense here,
to join my regiment in Spain, and where I am inspired with the
hopes of gain.
When the 102nd Regiment returned to England from New South Wales, Colonel Johnston was appointed to the command, and but for his writing to demand an enquiry it is probable that the affair of Bligh's deposition would have been allowed to sleep.
However, the court-martial resulted in Johnston being cashiered. Bligh, though afterwards made an Admiral, was never again employed in any public capacity.
Macarthur deemed it unwise to return to the Colony without an assurance that the Government would not molest him for the part he had taken in Bligh's arrest, but this assurance was denied him for many years.
The story of his exile from his wife, home and three daughters, Elizabeth, Mary, and Emmeline, is best told in his letters to his wife, and it is much to be regretted that Macarthur did not keep the letters she wrote to him during his absence from the Colony, for doubtless her able and graphic pen gave much detailed information that would have been of interest now.
My dearest Elizabeth.
I write this to be forwarded to the Cape of Good Hope by a small
Sloop, the Master of which has been good enough to promise that
he will either send or cause it to be sent by the first ship
bound from that Port to New South Wales.—If it should be
fortunate enough to arrive before Letters which may be sent
direct from hence it will remove your apprehensions for our
health and safety up to this period.—The boys and myself
have been perfectly well, and were as comfortable while we were
on board the Admiral Gambier as could be expected. We
arrived here on the 12th June and expect to sail for England
about the last day of the month, but not on Board the Admiral
Gambier.—Mr. Harrison has been involved in such
perplexity about his Contract, and is withall so uncertain a
character, that Colonel Johnston and myself considered it prudent
to secure a passage in the first good ship bound for
England.—We have therefore embarked on board the Lady
Warburton of Liverpool, a fine new ship of 400 tons, well
manned and armed.—Dr. Jamieson with his friends have taken
theirs in the Duke of Kent a small ship belonging to
London.—Harris remains in the Gambier—and
Davidson sometimes talks of going to England and sometimes of
returning to Port Jackson.—
Your English Letters will I hope have informed you of all Edwards
motions.—By the greatest chance I met with young King here
a midshipman on board the Dianna Frigate, and learnt from
him that Edward was in the 60th Regiment when they sailed from
England.—That he had taken his passage in her some months
before from Vigo to Corunna, and was afterwards seen at Plymouth
safe and in excellent spirits.—Young King informed me that
Edward had been visiting your Mother a few days before he saw
him, and that he learnt she also was well.—He could not say
whether Ned had purchased his Commission or not, nor could he
give me the slightest news respecting our political
affairs.—Except that he understood that the New South Wales
Corps was to be relieved and that a General Nightingale * had
been appointed to the Government.—But not one word did he
know (or if he did would he speak) of the sentiments entertained
by Government respecting the arrest of Mr. Bligh.
[* His health prevented him from accepting the appointment.]
We have since seen Admiral De Courcy, who
commands the Squadron on this Station,—but he is equally
unacquainted with what opinions are held by the people in Power:
altho' he loudly reprobated the conduct of Bligh—as indeed
every man does who speaks of him.
I shall look forward with impatience to the time when our doubts
will be removed, and we shall know whether we have to bear with
persecution in England, as well as in New South Wales.
Since the Dianna sailed English papers have arrived from
which we learn that Lieutenant Colonel McQuarry of the 73rd is
appointed Governor and Commander in Chief in New South Wales, and
that he was on the point of embarking with his regiment on board
the Hindostan and Dromedary—it was supposed
they would touch here.—The paper was dated the 10th of May,
so that we may hope to see them before we sail, if we are so
lucky we shall get all the information we want.
I know a little of Colonel McQuarry, and think him a Gentlemanly
Man.
What would I give to know how you all do, particularly our poor
Elizabeth, but tis vain to wish upon such a subject.
Colonel Johnston is in good health but thinks this opportunity so
bad a one that he does not write.
I shall leave letters behind to be taken on by the New Governor
in which I shall write more at large.
Remember me to the few friends who may enquire about me, and most
affectionately to all under our own roof.
God bless and preserve my Dearest Wife
My dearest Elizabeth.
I have delayed writing this letter until the last in expectation
of the arrival of the ships from England with our new Governor
and the 73rd who we learn are intended to relieve our old
acquaintance. But unfortunately I am disappointed, and must
submit to a state of tormenting suspense until we reach
England.—Not however to torment you upon a subject, which
judging from my own feelings must be most painful I have the
satisfaction to say my health was never better, and thank God
both the Boys are quite as well.
What would I not sacrifice to be assured that you and all
the dear Girls are as well. I have, forwarded two letters to you
by the Cape of Good Hope which probably may arrive before Mr.
Davidson to whom I entrust this.—How he is to find his way
back to Port Jackson I cannot imagine as it appears Mr. Harrison
has no means of fulfilling his Contract.
To repeat the various rumours we have heard since our arrival
respecting the sentiments of Government upon our affairs would be
idle, for of the many we have heard, not two agree—If it be
true that Minchin is gone out again you will be sooner and better
informed upon the subject that we can expect to be until we reach
England.—And what will perhaps be more pleasing to you and
not much less important you will also learn the destination of
Edward.—In an Army List for May I observe he stands the
third Ensign in the second Battalion of the 60th Regt., It is
therefore probable he will soon get a Lieutenancy—Of our
dear John ** I know nothing more, than that he was well in March
and continuing with Dr. Lindsay.
[** Their second son.]
Uncertain as is the conveyance of letters from
hence, it is necessary I should repeat, that I am embarked on
board the Lady Warburton a fine new ship of 400 tons bound
to Liverpool—Johnston accompanies me—Harris proceeds
in the Admiral Gambier, and Jamieson in another ship bound
to London. We sail tomorrow—the others I am of opinion will
not sail this Month.
As Mr. Davidson has heard all my arrangements here I refer you to
him for information of the difficulties I have had to contend
with in my Mercantile objects, I have also written fully to Mr.
Blaxcell by the Cape of Good Hope.
In two months I hope to be in England, and in three months after
on my way back; but however short my stay there may be, or speedy
the returning voyage, it will yet be to me a dreary and
comfortless time—I trust in God I shall soon receive an
assurance of the perfect recovery of our poor sufferer
Elizabeth.—Both James and William still continue to profess
a strong attachment to the sea, and I do not take any pains to
discourage it—William has the activity of a Monkey, and
sits on a Yard Arm on a Top gallant Mast Head with as much
apparent ease and satisfaction as if he were in an Elbow Chair.
Coming on board a few days since I saw him perched aloft like a
Bird, but before I could ascend the side the Urchin had descended
like lightening down one of the back stays, and was at the Gang
way before me—They have both improved in their writing, and
I hope have not forgotten anything they had before
learnt—James accompanied me yesterday to dine with Lord
Strangford (from whom I have received very particular attentions)
William was also invited, but he has contrived to ornament his
cloaths even too highly for the company of an
Ambassador—Every garment he has is covered with Pitch and
Tar—he will however make a fine daring fellow.
Colonel Johnston is at my elbow complaining of the rheumatism and
the ravages of old age, whilst William is gravely remarking to
him that it is the climate, for he feels his bones ache also. I
saw Young Phillip King here who informed me your Mother was well,
and that Edward after his return from Spain had visited
her—No doubt you will receive full and I hope satisfactory
information of his adventures and future expectations. I have
seen several Officers here who speak of him very flatteringly,
may he continue to deserve the good report of the World and enjoy
the good fortune to receive it. When you write my beloved
Elizabeth omit nothing that relates to yourself—to hear
what you are doing will be my chief consolation until we meet
again—I most fervently pray that it may be soon, and if it
pleases God to restore me to you all, that I may find you
in perfect health.
James and William are now asleep in their Cot by my
side.—
May God Almighty bless and preserve you all is the unceasing
Prayer My Beloved Wife of
My Dearest Dearest Elizabeth,
I am most happy and thankful to find a vessel on the point of
sailing for Port Jackson—If her voyage be prosperous the
receipt of this letter will relieve your mind from those
apprehensions for my safety and that of the dear boys, which have
I fear too powerfully agitated and afflicted the most faithful of
human hearts. My letters from Rio Janerio would acquaint you our
voyage to that Port was not an expeditious one, and that Colonel
Johnston and myself were determined on prosecuting the remaining
part on board a Liverpool Ship. In her we had less reason to
think ourselves fortunate than in the Admiral Gambier as
we were twelve weeks before we made the Coast of Ireland, and
were at last obliged, after buffetting about almost a fortnight,
to land at Limerick. From that City we proceeded by land to Cork,
and embarked from thence for Bristol, which we reached all in
good health on the 9th Ultimo.
As I had apprised Mr. Thompson * of the route we intended to
pursue, Edward who is stationed at Hereford with a Recruiting
Party, hastened to meet me; and I had the satisfaction within an
hour after I had set my feet on English ground to see our dear
Boy in good health, and infinitely more robust in appearance than
when he left us.
[* A family friend.]
There was also a letter from our dear John
expressing the utmost impatience to hear of the safety of his
Father and Brothers.
I shall now speak of my own more immediate affairs, and as I
greatly fear some of our good friends will increase your
apprehension by the idle reports of the hostile disposition of
Government towards us, let me entreat you my beloved wife to
believe my solemn assurance, that so far from having anything to
dread, we have the utmost reason to expect a successful
termination of the business we have undertaken; and that when a
full disclosure of the iniquity of our adversaries is made, they
will all be overwhelmed with the contempt and detestation they so
much deserve.
How it might have been had Lord Castlereagh and that Northern
Bear Mr. Cook remained in office I cannot say, for certain it is
they had both declared themselves adverse to us; and had they
retained their authority they would have increased our
difficulties, and perhaps, in the end, have crushed us
altogether.—We ought, therefore, to think ourselves very
fortunate that these men are removed, for from what I hear and
know of their characters, it is not trifles that would deter them
from executing any plan which they might conceive their interest
required them to pursue.
On the day of our arrival at Bristol Johnston waited on the Duke
of Northumberland at Clifton (a place contiguous to that City)
but found His Grace preparing to set off into Devonshire the
following morning—The Duke received him in the kindest
manner and intimated his wish that he would follow him into
Devonshire. As this was not to be neglected Johnston left town
last night: and I hope he will obtain the sanction of His Grace
to a Plan which I suggest to hasten an enquiry into our conduct.
Perhaps Edward has already informed you how handsomely the Duke
exerted his interest to procure him a Lieutenancy in the 39th
Regiment, and that the moment His Grace heard of our arrival at
Rio, he most obligingly wrote to Edward to congratulate him upon
the news. If I should be so fortunate as to obtain the protection
and good opinion of this Noble Family, my misfortunes may prove a
source of advantage to our Children if not to ourselves.
It remains to be ascertained what part my old acquaintance Sir
Walter will take **—he promises largely and may perhaps by
a little management be induced to perform. Mr. Watson received me
in the same kind and frank manner I had a right to expect from
his past friendship—and I have since received repeated
proofs of his goodwill—Lord Camden continues President
of the Council—of course I cannot expect to be received by
him until matters are settled, but I have good
reason to think he is well inclined towards me.
[** Sir Walter Farquhar—Physician to the King.]
Mr. Brogden who you already know is one of the
Duke of Northumberland's members, is amongst the forwardest and
most active of our advocates—this Gentleman paid great
attention to Edward after his return and when he left England
commenced a correspondence with him, which has continued without
interruption, and already produced a Friendship as flattering as
it is likely to be beneficial to the Boy—scarcely a week
passes but Mr. B. writes to him, with as much warmth of affection
as if he were his son, and advises him with as much earnestness
as if his own happiness depended upon his advice being
adopted.—The Duke of Northumberland also spoke of him in
warm terms of praise to Colonel Johnston,—in short he
appears to have created friends wherever he has been introduced:
who kindly attribute to him the virtues of spirit, temperance,
intelligence and a score of other good qualities. Mr. Thompson
told me the other day that he asked an officer of the 60th how he
liked him and was answered "who can help liking him, wherever he
is known he becomes a Favourite."—To this most gratifying
account of our eldest born I can add of my own knowledge, that he
is industriously qualifying himself for that Rank in his
Profession which he has the fairest prospects of attaining if it
please God to spare his life.
What would I give to be assured that our poor sufferer Elizabeth
is to be a participator with you in the pleasure this relation
will give—I fear however too fondly to cherish hope lest if
the worst should happen I be found entirely unprepared for the
event which I dread—May God mercifully please that your
next Letters may remove my sufferings upon this excruciating
subject.
When I had concluded the last sentence I felt my
spirits too much depressed to proceed and therefore gave up the
attempt. Early the following morning I heard the Eolus had
arrived, and in the course of the day Mr. Blair called and
assured me Captain Addie had letters from you. About a week after
I received a large packet from Mr. Oxley and Mr. Thompson another
from you (which enclosed the Bills I left you to forward).
Happily Oxley's letter contained information that you and all the
family were well in which all from the spirits in which he writes
I must conclude that my dearest Elizabeth is included. I will not
attempt to describe because I feel it is impossible how happy
this joyful this almost unhoped for and unexpected news has made
me. Poor dear creature I left her under the fullest convictions,
that in this world we were never more to meet. Thank God for
mercifully determining otherwise.
But what can have become of your letter to me, for I cannot doubt
your having written. Perhaps Captain Addie keeps it to deliver
himself, if so, a few days will remove my suspense.—
I must now, my dearest Elizabeth, acquaint you with a
circumstance, which, as it may be told to you with aggravated
particulars it would be improper to attempt to conceal. Let me
however first assure you that at this moment I am free from all
complaints, and hope soon to recruit my strength. The evening of
the day (28th Novr.) I ceased writing I was seized with violent
spasms in my side which increased rather than abated in their
violence until last Friday (three days ago). On the Saturday I
felt entirely relieved from pain and have continued so ever since
and I have the satisfaction to add that Sir Walter has assured me
I shall be quite myself again in a fortnight provided I am
obedient to orders, which you may depend upon it I shall be for
many persons sakes. Having now told you the worst that can be
told, unless truth be violated, I shall rely upon your not
tormenting yourself with needless apprehensions for my safety,
and that you will believe me when I declare that I am at this
moment in excellent spirits and altogether without pain or
disease of any kind.
Colonel Johnston has returned from the Duke of Northumberland,
with his Grace's opinion respecting our future operations, and he
has gone off to our Solicitor to communicate the Duke's opinion.
All I have at present to say on the subject is, that our affairs
wear a most promising aspect. It is my intention to keep a daily
Journal * which I shall transmit whenever there are
opportunities.
[* This Journal has not been found.]
Mr. Jamieson arrived a week ago, and Dr. Harris
and Walter Davidson last Friday, they are all well.
Blighs having included W. D.** in the Proclamation appears to
have touched Sir W. to the quick.
[** Walter Davidson.]
It will not surprise you that honest Sam Marsden
has displayed more than his accustomed activity in propagating
the most diabolical falsehoods for the purpose of creating
favourable opinions of the virtues of his friend Bligh and his
party; whilst on the other hand, he has blackened the character
of myself and the opponents of Bligh by the most scandalous
reports, either entirely untrue or exaggerated in that peculiar
style that he has been so celebrated for in New South Wales. I
send you a review containing a faithful drawn character of the
immaculate priest, and I hope, by the next Ship, to send you some
commentaries upon this most extraordinary text, which will, I
think, throw additional light, if not lustre, upon the life and
conduct of this pious missionary. I declare to God, I think the
people of England the greatest dupes in the universe.
I am informed a Transport with stores will be ready in three
weeks, by her expect particular details of all we are doing. The
Colonel is in high spirits.—
Edward will most probably come to town with James and William
this week, as he daily expects an order to join the first
Batallion of his Regiment at Malta. John is now with me in town
and I hope soon to be sufficiently disengaged to turn my whole
attention to the consideration of a plan for the completion of
his education. He is a fine youth, and I trust in God will be
fortunate but when I contemplate him and observe the too
prominent parts of his character which he derives from a person
you well know he makes me shudder for his safety on the voyage of
life.
He is now 5 feet 9 inches high, and has indications about him of
rising to 6 feet. His person and manners are exceedingly
prepossessing, the latter are indeed as soft and winning as can
be wished, but under this softness I can discover an
indescribable fierceness of independence and an obstinacy to
pursue what he has once determined on, which neither reason nor
dread of future consequences are likely to operate on him to
relax. I wish it were otherwise, for altho' it may lead to much
good, it is accompanied with too many and too great dangers. He
is apparently possessed with a most excellent constitution. . . .
.
I shall expect letters from my dear Elizabeth and Mary by the
next Ships—they can require no assurance of my unalterable
affection—My dear little Emmeline must now be a sweet
engaging prattler, give her a hundred kisses for her
father.—
As it is probable that the N.S.W Corps will be gone before this
can arrive I do not know to whom to desire remembrances to, but
if they are not you will have the goodness to use my name not
only to the few friends I have in the Corps but to all out of it
to whom it would be proper I should give proofs of respect and
regard.—
If Kemp be in the Colony tell him he will receive full
information respecting his fathers intentions towards him altho'
I have nothing certain to impart at this time.
Colonel Johnston is returned from our Solicitor and on Wednesday
we commence our legal operations with the aid of some of the
ablest Counsel in the Kingdom. My little friend, Mr. Williams has
entered into the business with all the spirit and energy I
calculated upon. He is of opinion it will become one of the most
popular and interesting causes that have come before the public
for many years. Bligh is now universally execrated, before we
arrived he was pitied.
May the Almighty preserve and protect my beloved wife and girls
is the fervent and unceasing prayer. . . .
P.S.—This moment is put into my hands a most kind letter
from General Grose who is in Ireland. He and Mrs. G. desire to be
kindly remembered to you.
By Mr Moore I send a trunk of what I know will be most
acceptable. I hope in six weeks to see your Mother, she is
perfectly well.
My dear dear Elizabeth,
To be provided against any accident which may befal the packet I
propose to send by the Canada I have requested Colonel
Johnston to put this short letter into a trunk that he has had
interest with the Transport Board to get shipped. I am also
exerting myself to get a similar indulgence and hope to succeed,
but of this more hereafter. A few days after I had despatched my
letter by Mr. Burneys ship I had the inexpressible happiness to
receive yours by the Eolus by which I learnt the
extraordinary, and by me almost unexpected change that had taken
place in our poor dear Elizabeths health. I trust in God your
next letters will contain tidings of her perfect recovery, as
well as the health of yourself and my dear Mary and Emmeline.
Your letters were accompanied by a very long one from Oxley with
all the particulars of Blighs proceedings from the period of
their departure from Port Jackson. The information Oxley gives
will not allow me even to hope that the wretch will quit the
colony until forced, consequently many tedious months must elapse
before he can arrive in this Country, and until he does not a
single step will be taken in our business. But it is useless to
repine, and indeed improper, because an event that I now consider
so unfortunate may in the end prove quite the reverse.—
In my former letter I acquainted you that I had just recovered
from a most violent cold. A few days after that letter was
despatched it returned again with renewed violence, and in a very
short time had so increased as to confine me to my bed.—The
complaint continued with but little dimunition for several weeks,
but, thank God, I entirely got the better of it more than a week
since, and I am now recruiting my strength very rapidly. Next
week I propose going to the hot wells at Bristol, where I shall
remain until April. I have been attended to by Sir Walter
Farquhar with great care and solicitude, but it is a week since
he has seen me, and since I have ceased to take any medicine.
Having now, my dearest Love, made you acquainted with the real
truth, I entreat you will not suffer yourself to be alarmed with
any exaggerated reports that may be circulated in the Colony, for
I do in the most solemn manner assure you that I am at this
moment free from all complaint, and sufficiently strong to go
abroad, were it not that I should consider it imprudent to expose
myself to any hazard of a second relapse.
Edward was with me all last week and left me only three days ago
he is at present quartered at Winchester with a party of his
Regiment, who are under orders to join the 1st Battalion at
Malta, but it is extremely uncertain when they will go. He is in
high health and spirits. I wrote to him last night to send up his
letters for N.S.Wales and no doubt shall get them in time to
forward with my own.
John has been at the University at Glasgow for a month. He
expresses himself to be pleased with his situation, and I have
every reason to hope that he will prosecute his studies
diligently. He resides in the house of a clergyman of great
respectability. I heard from him last week, he was perfectly well
and spoke of sending up a packet for you, but I am fearful it
will be too late. William and James, or I should have said James
and William are both at Dr. Lindsays. Edward saw them on Friday
both well and perfectly content with their situation.
Edward received a letter from your Mother last week, she was then
in good health as was your sister. A Madras paper has been
received here which speaks of the arrival of the Elizabeth
at Canton but I have not heard from Hannibal.
No notice whatever has been taken by Government of our affairs,
but I have the satisfaction to know that our friends have not
been idle since our arrival, and that Mr. Blighs party are
extremely crest fallen. I had a visit three days ago from Mr.
Elliott (Lord Minto's brother) and in speaking of the arrest of
Bligh he said "I have the pleasure to assure you that only one
opinion now prevails on this subject—It is universally
acknowledged that the measure was indispensible for the
preservation of everything worth saving in the Colony, and altho'
you have been much misrepresented, its effects have subsided, and
your conduct is a subject of much praise."
Thus you see my beloved Wife that the painful separation to which
we have been obliged to submit may produce consequences
favourable both to ourselves and our children.
I hope Colonel MacQuarrie has arrived safe amongst you long
before this. If he prove on trial at all equal to the universal
character he has here, his Government cannot but prove a blessing
to the Colony. Circumstanced as you are, and strongly recommended
as you have been to the kind notice and favour of the Colonel and
Mrs. MacQuarrie, I cannot entertain the slightest apprehension of
your not deriving happiness and increased security from the
change. What would I not sacrifice to know the exact state of
things amongst you, but it is unavailing to indulge such an idea.
. . . .
My beloved Elizabeth,
I have not words to describe to you the happiness and
gratification I felt at the receipt of your letters of the 13th
of last October, brought on I understand to Rio in the Mary
Ann, and forwarded from thence by the Elizabeth,
Man-of-War. They found me here endeavouring to recruit my health
and spirits, but though the former is pretty well restored, I
found it altogether impracticable to shake off a gloom which had
continued to increase upon me ever since the arrival of the
letter you sent by way of India, wherein you expressed your
apprehensions that our sweet girl would never recover the use of
her limbs again. It shocked me more than any other tidings of the
dear sufferer possibly could have done, for life under such
deplorable circumstances could confer no pleasure, and must, in
my opinion, be an unceasing burthen to the afflicted object.
Judge then what must have been, and what are still, my feelings
at reading the almost unhoped for news of the favourable change
which has taken place in the health of my beloved girl.—The
day after I received your letters, Mr. Redfern's nephew came over
from Trowbridge, kindly sent by his father, with a letter from
Mr. Redfern to me, in which your account of the dear girl's
progressive recovery is most fully and pleasingly confirmed. I
think I need not tell you, that if I had as much power as I have
inclination, Mr. Redfern's reward for the service he has rendered
Elizabeth should be as great as the skill he has manifested in
discovering and applying an efficacious remedy to her
extraordinary disease.—I hope he will be informed that no
pains were spared on my part to ascertain how far it might be
practicable to obtain a confirmation of his appointment, and I
beg to assure him that whenever Mr. Bligh's affair is settled,
whatever little interest I may have shall be exerted in his
favour.—
I sent a packet to town by the coach this morning containing
Protested Bills, Letters etc. accompanied by a memorandum, which
will, I hope, be sufficient to explain to you the mode I think
most advisable to be pursued to collect together the large sums
due upon them. Whether I shall be able to recover anything from
Blaxland on the draft you enclosed a copy of in your last letter
is very doubtful. I must, however, try what can be done. I have
received letters from Hannibal, dated 30th September from Canton.
He had disposed of the Elizabeth and her Cargo, but at so
low a rate as will leave him a vast sum short of our sanguine
calculations. He does not say what is the cause of so
extraordinary a depreciation in the price of sandal wood. I
suppose it must be occasioned by the immense quantities of that
commodity lately sent to that market.—In the packet I sent
today is a copy of Hannibal's account for Mr. Blaxcell, with an
estimate of the amount he will most probably remain debtor to me,
even tho' I should safely receive remittances for the sandal-wood
sent in the Wellesley and by the American brig from
Rio de Janerio. You will of course urge him to pay what he can in
liquidation of the heavy balance against him, and, at all events,
to give an obligation to pay interest for what he cannot pay, as
it cannot be expected that I can afford to suffer for another
person to carry on trade with my money, while I am deprived of
all benefit from it myself.
I entreat you not to let these adverse circumstances prey upon
your spirits, they cannot be helped, and repining may increase,
but will not repair, the evil.
If you get my letters by the Canada you will learn that
Edward sailed from Portsmouth in March to join his Regiment at
Malta—he was in excellent spirits, and highly elated at the
flattering reception he has met from many respectable
characters,—There can be no fear of his doing well for a
better disposed youth does not exist.
John affords a prospect of equal success in the line he has
chosen—altho' he has been only three months at the
University—he has obtained the Fourth Prize amongst 400
candidates for his Greek exercises—You will find a letter
in the packet from a Mr. Young respecting him—He is a Greek
professor and is said to be the ablest man at the University of
Glasgow—I have heard that John has recommended himself very
much to his favour since the letter was written.—I heard
James and William were well on Easter Monday and spent two days
in Castle Street with Miss Thompson—they are very diligent
good boys, and great favourites with Dr. Lindsay—My worthy
old friends Mr. and Mrs. Thompson are here with me, and desire
their affectionate remembrances to you and Elizabeth; at whose
recovery they rejoice as much as if she were their own
daughter.—I have been induced to try the air of this City
in hopes of shaking off' a terrible nervous affection that has
assailed me more or less since I got the better of the severe
cold that confined me so long in the Winter—But I do not
derive so much benefit from living here as I expected and
therefore I shall remove in a day or two to Cheltenham to try the
effects of the Mineral Waters, for which that place is
celebrated.
. . . . I am sorry Mr. Wentworth has omitted to send positive
instructions for the disposal of his son.*—Mr. Cookney is
very anxious what he wishes to have done with him, and it is high
time something should be determined upon—He is a very
pleasing Lad.
[* Wm. Charles Wentworth.]
I cannot give you the slightest information
respecting our more important business—Government are
perfectly silent upon the subject—and the colony and its
affairs appear to be as little thought of as if it had no
existence, I unceasingly pray for the arrival of Bligh, but I
fear we shall not see him until the time of the return of the
Regiment—Many people are of opinion he will never
return—-but that is absurd—for where can he hide
himself—How thankful should I be if the business were
settled; for to live in such a state of suspense is
dreadful—Nothing can I arrange, nor form any fixed plan
respecting my return to you my dearest Elizabeth, and my darling
Girls. You will learn from the Newspapers that the Publick Mind
is very far from being tranquil in this country.—Many are
of opinion that a Revolution is unavoidable, and cannot be long
protracted.—In such a state of things it would be weak
indeed to expect that the affairs of our insignificant Colony
should create much interest. No man thinks of anothers safety
when his own house is burning.—I left Johnston a month
ago—he was then well; but I fear the losses at which you
hint will affect him severely—He does bear misfortunes of
this nature with much equanimity.—I ought to have had a
letter from John to forward with this, but I fear it will be too
late for the Ship.—Davidson is in Scotland with his
Father.
I hope Colonel Macquarrie's arrival will have produced some
beneficial changes in the Colony—What his instructions were
are kept a profound secret—It is however understood here,
that they were not at all favourable to any one concerned in Mr.
Bligh's arrest.—The precedent is not liked, for men
in power prefer unlimited authority over those they
govern.—We may think ourselves fortunate Mr. Cook is out of
office, for, had he remained in authority his arbitrary
principles would have made him extremely active in support of
Bligh—Sir Joseph Banks still continues to advocate his
friends cause, and speaks of him as a much injured meritorious
character—fortunately no one believes him.—We shall
be looking out about the beginning of July for the 102nd, what a
bustle their removal must have created. It is a happy event for
the Colony for a more improper set of men could not be collected
together than they have lately become.
Let not my dear Mary imagine I have forgotten her. because I have
omitted her name until now—she and all of you are
continually in my thoughts, and my prayers are almost unceasingly
addressed to Almighty God for your health and
happiness—Kiss my sweet cherub Emmeline and teach her to
love me. God Almighty Bless
My Beloved Wife,
I am sure it will give you great pleasure to hear that Hannibal
has arrived safely in this country. He landed at Liverpool the
latter end of last month, and proceeded immediately to join me
here. My former letters will have prepared your mind to bear the
disappointment of our expectations of advantage from that
adventure. After settling his accounts with me he left London to
visit his father at Plymouth, and he still remains there. It is
my intention to hurry him back to you immediately after the
arrival of the next ships from Port Jackson, and I hope I shall
receive some letters from you by them, with such information as
will enable me to form some determinate plan.
I enclose you herewith a bundle of accounts for Mr. Blaxcell,
which will give him every necessary information of the results of
our unfortunate speculations in sandal-wood.—I have not yet
got the Dart's accounts settled, but there will be a
considerable loss on his adventure.
Tell Mr. Blaxcell I am much chagrined and disappointed that he
does not write to me, as I fully expected he would have been
mindful of his promise to do so. I hope he has sold out my share
in the Favourite, as I instructed him before I sailed, and
accounted with you for it.
Mr. John Blaxland has positively refused to pay me the £630
without I produce the original draft, and I find I cannot compel
him while that draft is in existence. I have, however, caused him
to be arrested, and he has been obliged to give bail. When the
time of trial comes on, I must present an affidavit to the Court
stating every particular of the transaction between us, and
praying time to be allowed to produce the original bill. My
Attorney assures me that will certainly be granted, and that by
adopting this plan I shall have two good bondsmen to look to for
my money, if he should be incapable of paying, or should the
original bill be lost in coming home, attested copies will then
be considered good evidence.—I have, therefore, written a
letter to you, expressly on this subject, and I have sent you a
copy of his letter to my attorney, that you may show the friends
of Messrs. Blaxlands how much their testimony is worth in a Court
of Justice. You will recollect Gregory swore that his brother
told him he had paid the draft, and in the letter to my attorney
John says he thinks it probable his brother has made some
arrangement to pay it, as he had written to him on the
subject.—When you send the attested copies of the draft and
protest, send with them a copy of the letter you write with the
originals, for should the originals be lost, it will be necessary
to prove by what ship they were sent, at what time, and every
other particular.
I hope you have received the protested bills I sent you by the
Canada etc. etc. safe—Sloans for £150 endorsed by
Lord, Kables for £100—, Kables for £672—of which
£340—8—3 had been paid, leaving a balance of
£331—11—9 with interest and expenses to be received.
I now send you the second of Kables £1665—6—0
endorsed by Lord, which there is no chance of getting paid in
this country, for they are all over head and ears in debt. The
accompanying copies of Letter of advice from Lord to Messrs.
Plummer & Co., and of their letter to me, will prove that the
draft has been kept back at the request of Lord, by which means,
if you have not already, on the receipt of the first bill by the
Frederick, taken steps, you will be enabled to prosecute
either the Drawer or the Endorser, as may appear to you most
prudent. I am sensible, my dearest Elizabeth, how hard a task
necessity obliges me to impose upon you, and believe me however
painful it may be to you I bear my full share of the evil when I
reflect, as indeed I am constantly doing, upon your situation. I
do not doubt but Mr. Best will lessen your difficulties all in
his power, and whatever may be the result, I shall be satisfied
you have acted for the best.—But do not compromise with the
unprincipled knaves, for depend upon it their circumstances will
become more desperate every day.—
Remember me very kindly to Mr. Wentworth, and tell him that I
have urged; everything I could think of as likely to induce Lord
Fitzwilliam to get an appointment for his son in the Company's
service or into the Academy at Woolwich. His Lordship really has
no interest with the present men, or I am sure he would exert it.
I have therefore agreed with Mr. Cookney that there is nothing
else to be done but to send him out by the first good
opportunity. Most probably he will come with Hannibal.
Inform Mr. Redfearn that nothing can be done in his business
here, but everything must depend on the report of Colonel
Macquarrie. Let him know I saw his brother and nephew at
Trowbridge, and that I shall feel the greatest pleasure if it
should be in my power to aid their exertions to serve him.
My Beloved Elizabeth,
I begin now to console myself with hopes that a very little time
will announce the arrival of the ships with the 102nd and Mr.
Bligh, and that at the same time I shall get letters from
you—God grant that they may contain a confirmation of the
almost unexpected recovery of my dear Elizabeth. But for that
happy event, I should have spent many a lonely and melancholy
hour oppressed by apprehensions for her safety; and anticipating
with dread the probable effect which a fatal termination of her
complaint might produce on your spirits and health.
The accompanying letters from Edward and John will set your heart
at ease respecting them.
Yesterday Mr. Thompson received a letter from Edward dated 12th
July advising of his having drawn a small draft, and informing
him that he then remained at Gibralta waiting the arrival of the
Battalion of the 39th to which he is attached, on their way from
Malta to Cadiz. This was altogether an unexpected circumstance to
me, as not the slightest hint had transpired here that their
removal was intended. He promises to write to me from Cadiz, and
it is by no means improbable I may get his letters in time to
send with this. He writes to Mr. Thompson in excellent spirits. I
must now look about and endeavour to procure introductions for
him to some of the General Officers serving there—luckily
there is one old friend of mine, a Colonel MacDonald, who has the
appointment of Adjutant General, to whom Ned is well known, and
who, I am sure, will feel pleasure in bringing him forward if it
be in his power.
The most sanguine expectations are entertained here that the
French will not succeed in their attack on Cadiz, and it is
certain that our Government are determined to give every support
and assistance. Perhaps fortune may give our dear boy an
opportunity to distinguish himself, and I am confident, if it be
in his power, he will not neglect it.—
John is assiduously prosecuting his studies, and had the good
fortune to obtain a publick mark of approbation of his good
conduct and talents when he had not been more than three months
at the College.—I enclose you the newspaper containing the
account of it. Your own feelings will enable you to conceive what
pleasure I felt upon hearing it.—Dr. Lindsay who has lately
been in Scotland and visited John, tells me that he has one Prize
Essay finished, and a second in a forward state that will do him
great credit at the next Examination. He is, thank God, a well
disposed excellent boy. . . . .
. . . . is just starting in the Mercantile Line, and if good
sense and prudence can ensure success will do very well, but the
times are frightfully hazardous. Scarce a day passes without the
failure of some eminent Merchant or Banker, insomuch that men
begin to withdraw their confidence from their nearest connexions,
and almost universal distrust and alarm prevails. There is,
however, no diminution of luxury and expense, altho' every one
readily admits that nine out of ten are spending more than they
can afford.—But I am suffering my apprehensions for others
to make me forget that you will be better pleased I should speak
of myself.—
The complaint on my lungs from which I have suffered so much is
now entirely gone, and my appearance is so much improved, that no
one would imagine I suffered from any disease. I have still
however continual slight attacks of the liver accompanied by the
old plague obstinate indigestion. For six months I have drank
nothing but water, and for the last three weeks I have eaten
nothing but Bread and Milk. Fruit and Vegetables, since I have
adopted this regimen I have been so much better that I begin to
be persuaded I shall regain perfect health by persevering in it.
For my breakfast I eat Bread and Milk my dinner consists of Bread
Potatoes and sometimes ripe currants or gooseberries. I drink no
Tea, but when at home a basin of milk, in company I never deviate
from my system, and on no consideration ever touch Beer, Wine or
Spirits. I take a great deal of exercise, and do it without
feeling fatigue, whereas whilst I eat animal food, and took
medicine (as I was obliged to do to promote digestion) a walk of
two miles was the utmost I could perform.
Be assured, my dearest Elizabeth, that this is a faithful
statement, and believe me when I tell you, that I entertain the
most undoubting confidence of returning to you in better health
than I have enjoyed for many years.—
If your next letters bring me as good tidings of yourself, my
dear Elizabeth, Mary and Emmeline, it will make me most
happy—Often in my walks about the pleasant Commons and
Roads, of which there are so many in this neighbourhood, do I
think of your probable employments, and calculate the difference
of time. When I come home at about 10 o'clock I suppose you are
seated at your breakfast table, and pray God that you may be
enjoying your repast in happiness, and in health. At my own
breakfast hour I picture you all seated round a cheerful fire,
sipping your tea, and when I think of the immense space that
separates us, and the labours I have to perform before I can flee
to you, my philosophy is scarcely sufficient to enable me to bear
my hard hard fate without desponding. Had I some employment to
occupy my time my situation would be less painful, but I have not
the slightest occupation, and my spirits are too much oppressed
to enable me to find any relief from the amusements that used
formerly to give me the greatest pleasure. Yesterday I had an
unexpected gratification from the sight of a newspaper. It
contained a long list of naval promotions including the names of
many junior Officers to Bligh, who are promoted to be Admirals.
This seems to confirm the reports of my friends, that Government
view his conduct as it deserves, and that when he does arrive, we
may expect something like justice, and an impartial hearing.
Would to God the time were come, for I am weary of doubt and
anticipation. . . . .
I enclose you now an old letter from Mary Anne Thompson that I
found in a packet for me that Mr. Wilson had neglected to
forward. Poor man, I fear his Botany Bay adventures will
terminate most adversely. Do not let this go any further, because
by credit he may sustain himself and fortune may cease to frown.
. . . .
I have seen nothing of Mrs. King for many months. The last time I
called she was absent from town. As she lives on the very
opposite side of London close to Portland Road (where we lodged)
the distance is too great to repeat my visits often.—Mrs.
Thompson saw her about a week ago, and as she expressed an
earnest wish to see the boys, I had engaged that they should
spend the last three days of their holidays with Mrs. Thompson,
and go with her to visit Mrs. King, but this has been prevented
from taking place, by one of Mrs. Thompsons servants taking the
measles, and as neither of the boys have as yet had that disease,
I did not choose to expose them to the risk of catching it at
this warm season of the year.—I am told Mrs. King is
determined on returning to New South Wales. Poor woman, she must
feel most sensibly the change of situations. She often meets Mrs.
Thompson at the oculists for she also complains of her eyes. The
girls are I hear all well and little Mary was, when I saw her a
most beautiful child, and I am told continues so.—
I was exceedingly pleased to learn that you had nearly got the
kitchen finished and much gratified, as you may suppose, at your
details of your improvements, and your report of the prosperous
state of all the stock.
I am perfectly aware, my beloved wife, of the difficulties you
have to contend with, and fully convinced that not one woman in a
thousand, (no one that I know) would have resolution and
perseverance to contend with them at all, much more to surmount
them in the manner that you have so happily done. That I am
grateful and delighted with your conduct I think it is needless
for me to say, because the consciousness you must feel how
impossible it is, that such exemplary goodness can have failed to
produce that effect, must convince you I am so, more certainly
than any assurance that can be given. May God Almighty reward you
both in this world and the next, and may the remainder of your
life be free from those cruel cares and sorrows that have
chequered so many of the last ten years.
If Colonel Macquarrie has arrived safe you are now freed from all
further apprehensions of hostile attempts from that unprincipled
man Mr. Foveaux, who, if he has not made any direct attempt to
disturb you, has I am sure been deterred by nothing but shame and
fear. I hope the Colonel will find his Government as agreeable to
himself as I am persuaded it will prove beneficial to the Colony.
Every person that I have heard speak of him concurs in giving him
the highest character, and those who know him best, say, that if
it be possible to advance the interests of the Colony and to
improve the morals of the Colonists there is no man living more
likely to accomplish it than Colonel Macquarrie. I am impatient
to see the changes such a man will make amongst the wretches who
have so long insulted every honourable and virtuous feeling by
the unblushing display and avowal of infamy and vice, and most
sincerely do I pray that he may speedily detect that
arch-hypocrite Marsden, who certainly has done more mischief in
that settlement than anyone of the worthless characters who have
had an influence in the direction of publick affairs.
I have lately heard your mother and sister are well, and I shall
direct Hannibal to pay your mother a visit before he leaves
Devonshire. You know it was my intention to have done so myself,
but my health prevented me for a long time, and the accounts
Hannibal has brought me, united with other disappointments, deter
me from incurring any expense that I can avoid.—
To my dearest girls say everything that can assure them of my
unabated affection. God Almighty bless you both and them is the
almost incessant prayer.
My beloved Elizabeth of your affectionate
My dear Elizabeth,
Having nothing to do in London and hearing Major Geils of the
73rd was waiting here with Mrs. Geils and his Family to embark on
board the Providence, I determined about a week since to
visit this Island, and introduce myself to them: well knowing how
much satisfied you will feel to receive assurances from persons,
who have seen me, that I am in good health. In pursuance of this
idea I came hither, and have been very politely received by the
Major and Mrs. Geils, who have undertaken to deliver you this
Letter. Mrs. Geils has also taken into her care two small Boxes
containing Millinery for yourself and the dear Girls. Captain
Barclay of the Providence has also a large Packet of
letters for you, and a Box of Linens and assorted
necessaries.—They were put up in haste but I hope they will
prove acceptable.
The little I have seen of Major and Mrs. Geils convinces me they
will prove a valuable acquisition to the Society of New South
Wales; and should they be stationed in your neighbourhood, you
will certainly receive great pleasure from cultivating Mrs.
Geil's acquaintance—They have six children who they take
with them—I have ventured to promise that you will on their
arrival pay them all the attention in your power, and give them
every information they may stand in need of respecting the
Colony. . . . .
Bligh arrived in England in October, 1810. On the 16th November of the same year Johnston wrote to Lord Liverpool and then applied for permission to remain in London, which was refused him.
My beloved Wife,
The unexpected detention of the Providence at Cork happily
affords me an opportunity of acknowledging the receipt of your
several Letters and their enclosures by Colonel Foveaux and Mr.
Oxley but I am in too much bustle to write at much length. Is it
necessary I should say how happy your and the dear Girls' Letters
have made me?—it cannot be, for an affection like mine must
have displayed itself in so, many unequivocal substantive acts
that professions would be absurd—The moment I heard of the
arrival of the Ships I hastened to Portsmouth and had the
pleasure to find Oxley and Porteous perfectly well, and to hear
from them the interesting event that had taken place in your
little Society, before their departure from amongst you. I
returned to Town yesterday bringing under my escort Mrs.
Paterson, who appears to be grateful for this mark of
attention—you know I sometimes like to return disobliging
acts this way—she is in good health and excellent
spirits—there can be little reason to doubt her recovering
from Government an allowance or a sum equivalent to the value of
the Old Colonels Commission—You will not be surprised at
his Death. God pardon his errors and the ills he suffered himself
to be made instrumental in heaping upon my head. I feel
confident, my dearest Elizabeth, that you act with your
accustomed prudence, and preserve a guarded silence on the
measures of your new Governor. Be patient, and all, will be
well,—for I have found a powerful body of Friends in this
Country, who are not only able but willing to give me their
support to my endeavours to obtain satisfaction for the past and
security for the future, depend upon it, the Colony
will soon undergo a radical reform. I think I shall be
obliged to procure a seat in Parliament—the expense will be
great—but the prospect of the benefit from it is still
greater—We must therefore be very economical in every other
expenditure—and you must exert yourself to remit me
all you can—Do not sell any Estate nor any part of the
breeding stock that it would be desirable to keep—send home
by every opportunity what Wool, you can—and let the most
watchful attention be paid to improve the Flocks upon the Plan I
recommended to you. . . . In a few days I commence my operations
against Mr. Bligh—My damages will be laid at Twenty
thousand Pounds. Unhappy miscreant his name is never mentioned in
this Country but with execration. The Navy as you would naturally
expect are very clamorous for his punishment. Johnston is in good
health and excellent spirits. When Foveaux arrived I caused him
to be told that no explanation could ever alter my opinion of
certain transactions in N.S. Wales therefore it would be better
not to make the attempt—but that I considered myself
embarked in a common cause with him and on that account should
subdue all personal resentments—we soon after met, and with
great apparent cordiality, and I think with real satisfaction on
his part———Foveaux appeared as much pleased as
astonished—When shall I be known?
Edward sailed from Gibralter to join his Regt. in Sicily about
the 12th of August God Almighty bless and protect my beloved wife
Prays her ever affectionate Husband
Walter Davidson is in Scotland but will most likely go out with Hannibal. Be careful of the Spanish Sheep and let no pains be spared in culling the Flocks. You have never sent me a return of Stock since I left home!!!. . . . Send me what Bird skins and seeds you can collect not Gaudy Common birds but plain Birds from the Mountains.
I have this moment heard that there is a chance
that a letter may reach the Providence before she sails. I
therefore send a few lines at all hazards, and as I am uncertain
about a Frank I write in this manner to save postage. The printed
Letter will explain as much as a volume could do. Colonel
Johnston as you will see has been ordered to join and is now
(although a proclaimed mutineer) commanding His Majesty's 102nd
Regt.: this does not much accord with the opinions which we hear
have been circulated but there is a time for all things. I am
continually engaged from morning until night with my lawyers in
arranging the plan of a formidable attack upon Mr. Bligh. Thank
God (and bread and water) I never was in better health and
spirits. Three days ago I received a letter from Edward dated the
22nd September, he had landed in Sicily and joined his Regiment
the day before. He was quite well and highly gratified at his
reception with the Regiment. He has excellent introductions to
the different General Officers. In September next he will get a
Company. John was well on the 1st of this month. On the same day
I received a letter acknowledging the receipt of yours from your
old friend Colonel Campbell in which was the following paragraph:
"I had the pleasure of seeing your son two days since, he is one
of the finest young fellows I ever met with, every one loves and
respects him, his abilities are great and his manner most
engaging." Are you not proud of your boy? James and William are
also well, tomorrow they come home to get measured for some
Holiday Clothes, they are both wonderfully grown and what is
better are making rapid progress in their education, they are
reading Virgil. Ten thousand, thousand blessings on you and the
dear Girls is the reiterated prayer of
Your ever affectionate Husband.
(Enclosure 1.)
My Lord,
Twelve months have elapsed since I had the honor of reporting my
arrival in this country to your Lordship; and nearly one month
since the arrival of Captain Bligh, the late Governor of New
South Wales. I therefore trust it will not appear to your
Lordship that I am actuated by impatience; or any improper
motive, in now earnestly soliciting the favor of information from
your Lordship whether I am still to consider myself so
unfortunate as to remain under the displeasure of Government, (as
I had the inexpressible mortification to see declared in Governor
Macquarie's proclamation) or, whether the evidence transmitted to
your Lordship's immediate predecessor, and the subsequent
approval of my conduct with the continuance of the arrest of
Governor Bligh by Lieut. Colonel Foveaux, and the late Colonel
Paterson, (both of them my superior officers) has convinced your
Lordship that I had no alternative but the measure I adopted to
preserve His Majesty's Government from the dishonour of a popular
Insurrection, and the Colony from all the horrors which would
have inevitably resulted from the success, or failure, of such an
attempt.
From your Lordship's enlightened mind, I feel secure of justice
and perfectly confident that in forming your decision, your
Lordship will view, and without prejudice appreciate the
difficulty and perplexity of the situation in which I was placed,
by the extraordinary conduct of Governor Bligh. On the one hand
the Governor evincing a total disregard of the sacred functions
of his office to administer justice in mercy; and unmindful of
the dignity of his gracious master whom he represented, violating
private property and forcibly seizing the houses and lands of the
colonists, without even a colourable pretext:—arresting
their persons without the sanction of law or
equity—threatening the Magistrates if they presumed to
acknowledge any law but his will;—and either over-aweing,
or attempting to over-awe, the supreme court of jurisdiction with
an accusation of high treason, for no other cause than that they
had declined to become servile instruments of his tyranny. On the
other hand an enraged and indignant population urgently, almost
clamourously, calling upon me for relief—Civil officers and
inhabitants, military officers and soldiers, all uniting with one
voice in urging me to rescue them from the common oppressor and
the wretched associates under whose advice he was known to
act.
It has, I have been told, my Lord, been said it was my duty to
have supported the Governor; but I feel assured your Lordship
will think differently.—I might have participated in his
disgrace, but to have maintained his authority would have been a
vain and fruitless attempt.
Not to trespass too much on your Lordship's time, I will only beg
leave to say, that I am prepared and certainly feel most anxious
to be allowed to exhibit proof of the high crimes and
misdemeanours committed by Governor Bligh, whilst he commanded in
New South Wales.
I am ready to produce incontestible evidence of his tyranny and
oppression of the people he was sent to govern;—of gross
frauds and shameful robberies committed upon the public property
entrusted to his care; and lastly I will prove, that he has been
guilty of heretofore unheard of and disgraceful cowardice.
I have the honour to be,
My Lord,
To the Right Honorable the Earl of Liverpool, etc., etc.
(Enclosure No. 2.)
Sir,
Having every reason to expect an enquiry will immediately take
place relative to Captain Bligh, the late Governor of New South
Wales, and myself have to request permission to remain in London
in order that I may be ready to substantiate the charges, I have
desired permission to prefer against him in my letter to the
Right Honorable, The Earl of Liverpool.
I have the honour to be,
Yours etc., etc.,
The Adjutant General of the Forces.
(Enclosure No. 3.)
Sir,
I have had the honour to lay before the Commander-in-Chief your
letter of the 21st Instant and am directed to acquaint you that
the Commander in Chief is of opinion that the vicinity of the
Quarters of the 102nd Regiment to London will enable you to
attend to the business stated in your letter without interferring
with your performance of Regimental Duty.
I have the honour to be,
Sir, etc., etc.
Lt. Col. Johnston.
102nd Regiment.
I have postponed writing my beloved Wife, until
I am fearful of doing it any longer lest the Ships should sail,
hoping that I should have it in my power to give you some
information of the probable result of the arduous and unfortunate
business which has torn me from my home.—But altho' I have
been led to expect for near a month past that Colonel Johnston
would be immediately brought to Trial, it is not yet
done.—We have however been told by the Deputy Judge
Advocate that a Warrant for the Trial has been before the Prince
Regent several days, and that when it is signed a day for the
Trial will be fixed; and the Colonel will at the same time be
furnished with a copy of the Charges.—I cannot however hope
that the Ships will be detained long enough to give me an
opportunity to convey to you the long expected and to us
important issue of the Trial—That I am anxious—deeply
anxious I am sure I need not tell you; and I feel that anxiety
increased, by the apprehension, that you my beloved Elizabeth are
suffering more keenly from the same cause.—Would to God the
affair were terminated, for such a state of suspense is more
tormenting than the worst that could happen.—
I shall despatch by the Coach to night a large Packet of Letters
many of them from our dear Boys Edward and John, with directions
to my Agent at Portsmouth to put them on board the Admiral
Gambier with this.—The information they contain of
their health and other particulars will I know afford you and the
dear Girls much heart felt joy—'I expect Letters every day
from Edward, as I have received information from the Officers
here that his Regiment was some months ago ordered to leave
Sicily and to proceed to Portugal to reinforce Lord Wellington's
Army.—But they will come too late to' share in the honor of
driving the French from that Country, accounts having been
received to day, that they were retreating in the greatest
confusion with our Army at their Heels. This news has diffused an
almost universal joy over the Town.—I say almost universal
for to own the truth my own untoward affairs occupy so much of my
attention, that publick events have a small share of my
consideration. . . . .
Your, and the dear Girls' welcome Letters by the Porpoise
and Concord all arrived safe—the Bills were all
right and were all good. I trust in God your next will
contain a continuance of the same good accounts of your own
health, and of the complete recovery of my beloved Girl.—I
need not add that in my Prayers for your and Elizabeth's health,
dear Mary and my sweet Emmeline are not forgotten.—Dearly
beloved Beings when shall I see and embrace you all
again.—My own health with the exception of an excessive
nervousness, which all my rigid temperance does not enable me to
overcome. I have the pleasure to assure you is very good: and I
entertain hopes when I have done with Mr. Bligh, and my mind is a
little tranquillised I shall have no exceptions to
make.—
Hannibal's Letters will acquaint you he is in London looking out
for a small vessel in which I propose to despatch him with an
adventure of Wines Porter &c.—I hope I shall be able to
despatch him in about a month or six weeks—He is quite
well, and left your Mother so about three weeks since but of his
visit to them he will give you the particulars himself.—I
hope you got the supply of articles safe which I sent you in the
Providence in the care of Major Geils—I have
everything provided which I think you can want to send by
Hannibal—I am anxiously looking out for arrivals, and am as
you will suppose anxious to learn what you have been enabled to
do towards recovering the money from Lord Kable and
Underwood.—I much fear you must have had more trouble than
I could wish should perplex you—Hannibal will bring with
him accounts and Letters to Mr. Blaxcell that will I hope enable
him to settle everything with him to our mutual
satisfaction—Poor old Jamieson died last Winter—he
had never been in health from the time of his arrival in England.
In speaking of his death I am unpleasantly reminded of the
necessity I am under to acquaint you of the death of another
person,—in whose life as I was most interested I have had
the more reason to deplore his sudden removal from this
World.—You my beloved Wife and my dear Girl Elizabeth will
both feel the sincerest sorrow when you are acquainted that it is
my worthy old Friend Thompson to whom I allude—He died on
the 11th of last January after an illness of a few
days—Poor old Man—'He was a friend whose loss I shall
not easily supply. Mrs. Thompson, Mrs. Plummer Mrs. E. Lee Mrs.
Thomas Thompson, and Mr. and Mrs. W. Thompson and their children
are all well, and much gratified at Elizabeths Letters—they
will answer by Hannibal—she ought to write to Mrs. Thomas
Thompson whose great attention to her when in England she cannot
have forgotten. It is impossible to express the obligations I owe
to almost every individual of this family for their attentions to
me.—Oxley will no doubt write you what his plans and
expectations are; but I am sorry to say that I am not so sanguine
as he is inclined to be.—I am apprehensive he has but
little chance of procuring a Civil appointment in the Colony; and
no intention is at present entertained of sending out New Kings
Ships,—Capt. Porteous I have seen but seldom since his
return, and of late I have scarcely heard of him—Men feel
very differently towards each other in this bustling place to
what they do in the solitude of N.S. Wales.
It gave me great pleasure to hear you had returned to
Parramatta—All your arrangements have my perfect
approbation but how does it happen that you have never once sent
me a return of the Stock?
Your accounts of Colonial Affairs have given me great
satisfaction in some points and equal pain and surprise in
others—if the cause of the latter sensation be not removed
long ere this I greatly fear New South Wales will be a
comfortless abode for me.—Your next Letters will I hope
remove my apprehensions God grant they may, for altho' there are
many difficulties to contend with there, there are not fewer
here, as some of our unfortunate friends, who have returned home
have long since discovered. Every necessary of Life is so
advanced and the expenses and Taxes of every kind are so heavy
that I do not think it would be possible for you and I and the
three Girls to live in this Country in any kind of respectability
and yet with the most rigid economy, under £800 a
Year.—
The expenses of the Boys must be set down at £500 more and I fear
after the unfortunate winding up of my late Mercantile
Speculation, we should not find it very easy to realise an annual
income of £1300 or 1400.—But on this more in my Letters by
Hannibal.—. . . .
My dearest best beloved Elizabeth.
Your two welcome Packets forwarded in Mr. Wilson's Box were
delivered to me yesterday, and late last night I fortunately
heard that the Gambier is still detained at Portsmouth. It
is now Sunday consequently no Post goes out, but as I am anxious
to acknowledge the receipt of your Letters, I sit down and
prepare to forward this by the Coach to night, in hopes my Agent
may get it in time to put on board the Gambier.—How
shall I reply to what you have written my beloved Elizabeth, or
how collect my ideas into any settled form? Every Paragraph
increases my amazement, and every Circumstance you relate, adds
to the perplexity of my mind.—God alone knows how such a
state of things as you describe may terminate, or how operate
upon our affairs— Would to God I could withdraw you all
from the Colony but it is fruitless to indulge wishes, or even to
form plans of future proceeding, whilst we are hurried forward by
a course of events, that seem to set human prudence and all
ordinary calculation at defiance. I am interrogated on all hands
about the affairs of the Colony, and know not in what way to
reply—Altho' I cannot but see that the appearance of
mystery or concealment gives birth to surmises more pernicious
in! their effect than the disclosure of all you write and more
mischievous than all that is whispered.—Is it possible, it
is said, that Governor Macquarrie can associate with, and bring
to his table men who have been Convicts? who have amassed
fortunes by the most infamous frauds, and have and continue to
set the most shameful examples of dissoluteness and vice?—I
entreat people to suspend their judgment until he shall have been
a little longer in the Colony! until, it shall be seen whether
when he has discovered the characters of these people, he will
not give them up.—I read them parts of your different
Letters wherein you speak of the Governor and Mrs. Macquarrie's
characters—I repeat the praises you bestow on them for
their benevolence, their universal kindness—in short all
the strong things you' say in their behalf. I urge that the
Governor has been misled and involved in a mist through which it
is impossible he yet can see, by the artifice and falsehood of
some persons, by whose opinions, he would naturally be guided on
his first arrival.—But I see nothing I can say convinces
and that many leave me, half inclined to think I am an advocate
for measures which fill my heart with dismay and grief—I
yesterday taxed Colonel Foveaux, and indeed have done so more
than once, with being the principal cause of all the mischief
that hangs over the Colony. But he steadily denies the fact and
with matchless effrontery maintains that he cautioned Governor
Macquarrie respecting Thompson ** and particularly against
Lord—so contradictory—so strange are the events which
have passed in the Colony, that I cannot expect belief when I am
questioned about its affairs.—and yet how can I pretend
ignorance, or how refuse to answer the questions that are
proposed to me by people of consequence, whose support affords me
the only little prospect of preservation there is for you, our
children, and myself—In truth I know not how to act, or
what to say, and the more I think, the more distracted and
puzzled do I feel—In the midst of all this gloom it is no
slight consolation to me my Beloved Wife to learn that you and my
dear Girls are so well.—I pray incessantly that Elizabeth
may once more be restored to perfect health—dear Girl what
a sufferer has she been.—James and William now sit by my
side—they have been with me a week for the Easter Holidays
and return to School to morrow—James promises to answer
Marys letter by Hannibal—they are both in excellent health,
and bid me say every thing for them that is dutiful and
affectionate—I think James, is without exception one of the
best disposed Boys, I ever knew. William is also a good Boy, but
he has not the steadiness of James,—their Characters are
quite opposite.—John was well on the 11th I expect him to
leave Glasgow to morrow and to be in London about this day week.
He will spend a day or two with our Friend Colonel Campbell
before he quits Scotland. I received a short Letter from Edward
last week from Sicily dated 7th Febr.—he speaks of other
Letters that are not yet arrived sent by Private Conveyances. He
was in good health and excellent spirits—his Regiment is
not to leave Sicily, as was expected, Sir John Stewart having
declined, or rather refused it is said to part with any of the
force under his Command—The Newspapers say he is to be
superseded in consequence—Edward informs me that the
greater part of his time was occupied in studying the Italian
language, in which he had made great progress—I know not
how I shall forward the Letters you have sent for him—-they
would ruin him in Postage—You must think of this in future
and put no covers on your Letters—The Postage of every
Sheet is 3/6 and large Paper is charged no more than
small.—Set your heart at ease about the tremendous balance
as you justly call it in my late worthy friend Thompson's
account—It was all liquidated before his death and I have
seen in his sons hands upwards of Three thousand pounds,
independent of your remittance by the Atalanta. This is a
sum far short of what I sanguinely hoped when I left you, but it
is better than being in debt.—Whenever I feel disposed to
indulge melancholy I endeavour to cheer my spirits by reflecting
that great as our disappointments and losses are they have been
unavoidable, and have arisen more out of the state of things in
our strange Colony than from neglect or indiscretion.—I say
more, for I cannot but admit that part of our difficulties might
have been avoided had I been a little less
disinterested—But who could ever expect that a man like Mr.
Plummer could mislead his own near relative, or take advantage of
the incautious generosity of a friend?—We live in
extraordinary times.—
[** Bligh's Agent.]
What shall I say to you about the returned
Bills, or how at such a distance advise?—In consulting with
Mr. Best I am satisfied you have done what is most prudent, and
as it is probable you must have determined on some plan of
proceeding long ere this I can only hope that your own good
sense, aided by what advice Mr. Best gives you, may have led to
the recovery of some part of the large amount these worthless men
stand indebted—Do not my beloved Wife deceive yourself or
make exceptions in favour of any one of them—they are alike
unprincipled—I shall as soon as possible draw up a
Statement of the Case and bring it before the Attorney General
and Sir Samuel Romily for their opinions—if nothing has
been settled, the opinion of two such eminent Lawyers may have
weight in the Colony. Surely Governor Macquarrie must see, if
they appeal against the payment of their own Bills, that Justice
requires the security should be complete and satisfactory. If it
be not—the person suing for his Money is in a worse
situation than before he sought redress from the Law, because
when the award comes from the King in Council in his favor (as
sure it must) he will to his first loss have to add his expenses.
I hope you have forwarded Mr. John Blaxland's Bill to England as
I have desired in different Letters without it I cannot recover
from him here. Certainly some of my first Letters must have
miscarried, for I well recollect acknowledging your Packet by the
Eolus, and desiring that the sum awarded against Lord by
the Civil Court might be taken—to renew that suit again,
even were I in the Colony would be perfectly absurd—the
fellow is certainly ruined—and therefore the only wise
course is to recover what you can from the Firm—It will not
I hope be maintained that he can appeal from an award of Court in
which he has acquiesced Need I tell you I write with a mind much
disturbed—it speaks for itself, and in addition to, the
distraction I feel (I am interrupted by people to whom I cannot
deny myself—I know not when Colonel Johnston's Trial will
commence—he is in arrest on a charge of Mutiny.—Our
Counsel give us hopes of Victory—but I know not what to
think—Atkins is no where to be found, and his written
evidence will not I fear be admitted—the other party I
suspect have been somehow instrumental in smuggling him away,
well knowing that his testimony would be most powerful against
them:—all the evidence who are to support Bligh receive
daily pay from Government, many of them (amongst the number
Devine) a Guinea a day—they are all in high spirits,
or affect to be so. I say affect for they are well aware of the
strong tide of Public prejudice which runs against them, and that
they and their Chief Mr. Bligh is universally execrated—Sir
Joseph Banks certainly supports their cause with all his
interest.
I have this moment received a Letter from Portsmouth acquainting
me that a Mr. Lawson is endeavouring to procure a passage in the
Gambier describing himself as a Settler—If it be Lt.
Lawson as I think it must his plan is to smuggle himself away
from the impending Trial—if he succeeds it will be a death
blow to our cause—I shall write directly to the Captain of
the Gambier—and hope to prevent the flight of the
dastard—but if I do not succeed and he get off in her, do
not suffer yourself to be needlessly alarmed, all may end
well—how he may account for his return to the Colony it is
impossible to say certain it is he goes without the knowledge of
Government, as I yesterday saw the Judge Advocate's Summons
directing him to attend as an Evidence—. . . .
I see I have omitted to notice the death of Thompson—I
wonder I did, for I think it an earnest of the interposition of
Providence to save the Colony from utter ruin—Never was
there a more artful or a greater Knave—How—How could
Governor and Mrs. Macquarrie be imposed upon as they have been? I
think the last stroke of leaving the Governor part of his
property is by far the deepest he ever attempted, whether I view
it as an act done in contemplation of Death, or in expectation of
raising himself to higher favor should he live—I have a
letter from Mr. Blaxcell by the Atalanta.—I hope he
will get the accounts I sent him by the Providence. I fear
the loss of the Boyd will involve him in serious
difficulties, she was not insured for a penny and all Lords Bills
endorsed by him are I am told gone back—Hannibal will bring
duplicates of any Papers connected with his Accounts. . . . .
I expected Hannibal and Oxley with me this morning—but
something has prevented them—they were both well last
Evening.
God bless and protect my Elizabeth—
There is now a long interval in the correspondence during which Johnston's court-martial had taken place, and Johnston was cashiered.
Years after, James Macarthur in commenting on the court-martial writes that—
"Johnston had a tribunal knowing little or
nothing of Bligh, and it was exceedingly difficult, if not
impossible, to adduce evidence, at such a distance both as to
time and place, of the state of things which induced him to
resort to the extreme measures of deposing the Governor.
Corruption, rapacity, violent language and conduct though causes
for deposing a Governor, after the trial or enquiry before a
competent authority, could not in the eye of the Law, or of
ordinary expediency justify such a step. Nothing but extreme
necessity could excuse it. There is no doubt in my mind that the
necessity had arisen (Crossley's being called in as a Legal
Adviser of the Government was sufficient to create the necessity
and to lead to an insurrection) and but for the course taken
there would have been an insurrection, and probably loss of life,
Bligh being the first victim to the furious passions excited by
his own monstrous and absurd conduct.
But a staid military Court sitting at Chelsea could not
comprehend the extraordinary and exceptional state of things
which had existed on the 26th January 1808 at the Antipodes, in
the then insignificant Town of Sydney, constituted too of so
peculiar and anomalous a population. Could Bligh have been
brought to trial the matter would have been very different.
Evidence might probably have been brought to criminate him though
it was unavailable as a defence for Colonel Johnston.
There were letters for instance from Andrew Thompson, Bligh's
manager, who had been a convict suggesting the successive
exchange of Cows from the Government herd as soon as their calves
were weaned and branded as Bligh's property, for fresh cows newly
calved, so that each of His Excellency's cows might bring him
several calves a year. These letters were docketed in Bligh's
handwriting, and with his initials W.B. (these letters are
alluded to by Bligh in his evidence at the Court Martial of
Johnston. . . .
The correspondence began again in 1812, and throws light on Macarthur's life in England, his sojourn abroad where he was gaining information which would be useful on his return to the Colony, and his many anxieties with regard to the labor thrown on Mrs. Macarthur who had sole charge of his estates in New South Wales.
You will rejoice to hear that the value of the
Wool is established beyond doubt, and that we may calculate as
upon a certain thing that Wool of the quality of our most
improved kind will sell for a Guinea a Fleece one with the
other.
I hope there will be a large quantity to send by the
Isabella and that the Fleeces of the whole Flock are in a
state of progressive improvement.
Hannibal will give you most pleasing intelligence of your Mother
and rely upon it that John and I will visit her next Summer.
If you have the smallest apprehension or dread of coming home
alone only say that it is your wish, and I will sacrifice every
other consideration and come out for you. I wish it were possible
that Edward could perform this duty for me but it is
not—Till tomorrow adieu for I am weary and stupid.
God Almighty bless and protect you all—
Your most affectionate
My beloved Elizabeth.
Your welcome letter by our Friend Captain Campbell arrived most
opportunely about a fortnight ago, and was indeed most
acceptable, containing as it did assurances of your and my dear
Girls health, and a remittance, of which, from the great expense
incurred by Hannibal's outfit, I began to stand much in
need.—I cannot express how much I am pleased at the account
you give of the state of our affairs under your excellent and
prudent management—and I trust the return of Hannibal will
relieve you from the necessity of attending to the laborious and
more disagreeable part of an undertaking that not many men would
be capable of conducting so successfully as you have done, so
much to your own credit, and to the advantage of your Family.
Indeed my beloved Wife, when I reflect on the many adverse
circumstances to which you have been exposed, and the
extraordinary trials that you have borne, not only without
sinking under the accumulated pressure, but with the most active
fortitude and good sense it is impossible for me to express the
admiration that the reflection excites.—or to repress the
pride which I feel in having to boast of such a pattern for Wives
and Mothers as my own.—. . . .
I am highly gratified that Mary employs herself in household
cares, such employment is I am convinced the more I think of it
better calculated to promote the happiness of the female sex than
all the refinements of modern education. Now I am upon this
subject I must proceed to acquaint you with my sentiments upon
one that has for some time been an object of my most serious
consideration, and I wish I could say that my reflections had
produced any very satisfactory or pleasing conclusions but they
unfortunately have had an opposite effect. You will have already
learnt from former letters that Mr. . . . . is now on the point
of setting off and will deliver you this Letter. From him I have
learnt that his proposals to. . . . were favourably received and
that a positive engagement has taken place between
them.—Altho' you have not explained yourself in any of your
Letters on this head, I conclude that. . . . representation is
correct.—Were good nature, and susceptibility of heart and
temper the only requisite qualifications in a Husband,' I know
not where I should find one to surpass this young man in these
qualities,—but unluckily constituted as is the frame of
human Society many other qualifications are indispensible to
enable a man to discharge the duties of a Husband and a Father.
Amongst these the most useful are prudence, economy, and
if a man be born without an inheritance, an enterprising
spirit.—
My dear Elizabeth.
Such is the peculiarity and untowardness of my fate, that
although you and my dear Girls are almost constantly the objects
which occupy, my thoughts, yet I feel the utmost difficulty
whenever I attempt to arrange them, or to express my hopes and
fears respecting the means to be adopted to reunite us once
more.
I say hopes and fears, for, grieved as I am to admit the
melancholy fact, I really am without any plan that my judgment
can approve: and the more I reflect the deeper I find myself
involved in perplexity and doubt. A hundred frightful objects
present themselves to my harassed mind, whether I think of
returning to the Colony or of withdrawing you from it—on
the one hand there seems little chance of peace or
security—on the other I cannot divest myself of alarming
apprehensions, that in bringing you hither I may have to reproach
myself for depriving you of plenty and comparative affluence, and
substituting for them, circumstances so embarrassed, that the
remainder of your lives may be embittered by pinching penury: and
the heart rending reflection, that with our own, I have
sacrificed the welfare and happiness of our Children. Painfully
as I feel our long long protracted separation, yet it is
comparatively a state of ease to what I should feel were I to see
you oppressed by misfortunes to which thank God you have hitherto
been a stranger. Yet something must be determined upon. The
information I have collected from your Letters, and from our
Friend Piper, has increased the objections I have long
entertained against returning to the Colony, and has confirmed me
in the belief that many and great changes must take place, and
numberless prejudices be overcome before I can allow myself ever
to hope that I shall ever be permitted to reside there exempt
from danger and persecution. A man of my known principles must be
hated and de-cried in self defence in such a Colony and if to
these feelings be added that of envy at my prosperous
circumstances, what can I expect in a Society so constituted. It
next remains to be considered what prospect we have of deriving
such an income from the Colony as will defray the expenses of our
Family in this Country, and enable us to prosecute our present
plans for the education and establishment of our Boys in the
world. If you my beloved Elizabeth are of opinion that we can
accomplish this I will endeavour to suppress my own fears and
cheerfully (I had almost said undoubtingly) submit an event to
your decision on which it is probable, the dark or bright hue of
our future fortune will very materially depend. That you may have
all the evidence before you it is necessary you should be
apprised that the expenses of our Boys amount to £800 a year, and
as James will soon be of age to be fixed in some profession, they
are likely to increase rather than diminish. As my presence will
occasionally be required in London, it would not be prudent to
settle ourselves at a greater distance than a days journey from
hence, and should we form our little Establishment without
Carriage, Horses, or Man servant, with the most exact economy,
looking at the World but not mixing with it, I am of opinion we
could not live in any kind of respectability for less than £800
per year—1600£ a year would therefore it appears be only
sufficient to defray our expenses, without laying by a Guinea for
our Girls. I have been governed in the estimate I have made by
the information of Mr. Lee. He lives in the way I have
described—Their Family consists of himself his Wife and two
Daughters—Mrs. Lee is a most excellent manager, and he is
one of the most systematic men I ever knew—they see no
Company—their house is their own, and yet they spend £600 a
year.
What our stock will produce clear of all expenses I want evidence
to form an opinion, and I fear the uncertainty of markets will
perplex you—I however should think that you may safely
calculate, the increasing value of the Wool as sufficient to
compensate for any diminution of the price of the
carcase,—If you are of opinion that we cannot expect £1,600
a year from our Stock the alternative is obvious, I must submit
with the best grace I can and return to the Colony. Should you
think we are secure of that income, you will have learnt from
Hannibal that I propose to admit him into a partnership to a
certain extent—and that you should leave him the management
of everything. But previous to such an arrangement it will be
necessary that I should know the exact state of the Stock the
annual expense and returns.—
Whatever may be your sentiments on this subject I earnestly
recommend that you speak of leaving the Colony as a decided
thing—and entrust no one with your real opinion
should you think it impracticable—I have for some time
spoken in that way here, and am persuaded it has been
beneficial.
The Wool by the Admiral Gambier arrived in excellent
condition, and will be sold soon—it is valued at 5/- pr.
lb. averaging one quality with another—It measured near two
Tons and a half by which means the Freight came to the enormous
sum of £38. When Wool is sent in future it should be washed as
clean as possible, and the agreement for Freight should be by the
lb.—I hope Hannibal will send all this years Wool by the
Isabella.
Adieu for the present—God bless and protect you—
Your every affectionate
My dearest Elizabeth,
I have just received information of the arrival of the
Argo Whaler at Portsmouth, said to be from New South
Wales. If this be true, I hope she has brought letters, but I
must not delay writing any longer lest the Fortune should
sail.—It was my intention this should be sent by Colonel
Johnston, but he is gone without giving me notice, altho' I
particularly requested him to acknowledge the receipt of a Packet
of Letters that were forwarded to him by Lieut. Lord, and to
acquaint me when he was likely to sail—I hope the Packet
reached him safe indeed I cannot doubt it, as Kemp undertook to
deliver it to Mr. Lord himself.
Since I wrote last I have had a long conversation with Capt.
Piper on the subject of my affairs, but the information I have
obtained from him has been very scanty, and has left me as much
in doubt as before respecting the probable continuance of the
present demand for meat in the Colony. If it should be continued
without any very serious reduction of the price, we could
doubtless draw an income from our Stock adequate to the
comfortable maintenance of our Family in this Country, but should
any material change be made, many and various as are the
obstacles to my returning to the Colony, they are not so serious,
or so alarming, as those we should have to contend with here with
a limited and uncertain income.—You my beloved Wife will I
am assured well consider the immense importance of the step
before you decide.—If it should appear to you that we
cannot be perfectly secure of drawing a clear Sixteen Hundred a
year from the Colony, I must make up my mind to return and bring
James and William back with me—and altho' John is fast
advancing to that period of life when he must be left to his own
discretion, yet I confess I shall not be able to leave him here
without adviser or friend to restrain or assist, but with great
uneasiness.—For altho' I think him as free from vice, or
even irregularity, as any Young Man I ever knew, he is
unfortunately very careless, very good natured, and perhaps a
little too proud for one who has but little money, and few
connections to advance and promote him in Life. From whom he
derives these qualities you will be under no difficulty to
discover.
The accompanying long letter from Edward arrived last Evening.
Thank God he is perfectly recovered from the disease that had
attacked him.—I am of opinion another Campaign will sicken
him of a service in which there is nothing to be got but blows
and hardships greater than ever were experienced in any other
service. When the latter part of his Letter was written the Army
appears to have calculated upon remaining in their Winter
Quarters undisturbed by the Enemy, with what correctness you will
see from the Newspapers. It is now extremely doubtful whether the
Allied Army will be able to maintain themselves in any part of
Spain.—Fortunately things wear a more promising aspect in
the North. There the great disturber of the World has already
received a check which has given birth to hopes which have been
long since nearly extinct in the breasts of the best informed
persons. If he should be cut off or even lose the best part of
his Army, Europe might yet shake off the Chains with which almost
the whole of it has been bound. Never was there a more important
period than the present.—Indeed it is most probable that
every thing is already decided, and a very short time will show
us whether this fortunate Ruffian is any longer to disturb all
the nations of the Earth, For my own part I cherish the most
sanguine hopes that he never can escape out of Russia.
If Hannibal has arrived, as I trust he has, you will not be
surprised when I tell you that my mercantile adventures have
swallowed up all the money I could command, and left me
considerably in debt. Your different remittances (of which Capt.
Piper brought Duplicates) were all regularly paid, and came very
opportunely. Your last were dated in Novr. and were forwarded
from Rio Janerio and came to the enormous sum of £9 10s. 0d. even
those that were brought by Capt. Campbell and put into the Post
Office at Portsmouth came to £4 10s. 0d.* Whenever News Papers
are sent a special charge should be given to the person to whom
they are entrusted not to send them by Post, and all superfluous
covers on Letters should be avoided.
. . . . . If the report of the Committee of the House of Commons
on the state of the Colony, reaches you, it will serve to
strengthen the New System of advancing such men as Mr. Lord and
Mr. Thompson. I was much pressed by my friend Mr. Brogden (now
one of the Lords of the Treasury) to give my evidence but many
considerations withheld me which I explained to him. Experience
has taught me that the most pure integrity will not always secure
approval and I am too old to learn the lesson of advancing my
interest or making friends by making my opinions always conform
to the will of the most powerful. If I had spoken I must have
told the truth, and that I am certain would have proved very
offensive. . . . .
[* Previously Captains of Ships had carried letters as favours.]
I heard from John last week he was then quite
well—James and William are also well, and announced to me
yesterday that their holidays commence on the 13th of next month.
This is to them a period of joy. James is at the head of the
School, and I fear I shall be under the necessity of removing him
from Dr. Lindsays soon after Xmas; and yet I am unwilling to
place him at a Publick School, for in the whole of these great
establishments there is much vice, and many temptations to excess
to which the young mind is not exposed in more private
establishments—Something however must be determined on, for
at Dr. Lindsays he will be stationary as John was for more than a
year before I came home.
. . . . If I find the Bath Waters beneficial to me, and I should
receive favorable accounts of you and Hannibal, I have some idea
of taking a small Farm of about a Hundred a Year. It would be an
experiment that would enable me to decide whether I could (should
you return) embark on a larger scale with advantage, and at all
events it would be productive of amusement to me without my
incurring a heavier expense in living than I do at present. At
any distance not greater than Sixty miles from London, I should
be enabled to transact my Colonial business as well as by
constantly being here. If I could make farming here as productive
as you do there would be no cause for doubt or
apprehension,—but there is here such a competition in every
profession, and the unavoidable expenses of the simplest
establishments are so great, where it is necessary to maintain
the rank of a Gentleman, that I know not what to say.
I am infinitely delighted at the account you give of all our
concerns, and altho' I cannot but regret that you should be
exposed to so many unpleasant and fatiguing cares, yet it is some
consolation when I reflect, that you must also experience many
gratifying moments at the success of your exertions to supply my
place and to perform those duties that my present fate denies me
the power of executing myself. . . . .
My dearest Elizabeth,
As I understand the Fortune is still detained at
Portsmouth I shall avail myself of the opportunity to send you
the News Papers up to yesterday. You will find them contain much
most important and interesting intelligence; and 'tho' that,
which relates to the Army in Spain, is not such as might be
wished, yet it will be consolotary to you, as it shows that our
dear Edward is not amongst the number of those gallant defenders
of their Country, who have bled in its cause. You will see by his
last Letter enclosed in the Packet already on board the
Fortune, that he did not expect the reverses which the
Army has experienced: but that is not matter of much surprise
for, they who are in the Subaltern Ranks, altho' on the immediate
scene of action, have but little opportunity of gaining
information on subjects that do not come under their own
observation.—I hope to hear from him again by the next
Lisbon Mail: but I fear it will not be in time to forward to you
by the Fortune.—The accounts from Russia and Poland
begin to make the most desponding amongst us alter their tone,
and for the first time, to expect that the arduous struggle, in
which we have been so very long engaged, will terminate in the
compleat overthrow of Buonaparte, and the cruel and destructive
system with which he has harassed the whole of Europe.—When
the last accounts came off from Russia, the French Army had been
so often defeated, had suffered such immense losses, and were so
much distressed by the severity of the Climate, that it appears
altogether impossible, that they should escape from the brave and
active Russian armies, that surround them on every side to which
they can direct their flight.—A few days will however
remove all doubts.—Should Buonaparte fall or be taken the
happiest result may be expected—Should he escape it is much
to be feared, that he would soon find the means of replacing the
immense Host that he has sacrificed to his mad and unprincipled
ambition, and his failure, if it should teach him to be more
circumspect and less daring in future, may perhaps make him more
to be dreaded than ever—but I fervently pray that he may
not be permitted to make the experiment.
John, James and William were well last week.—
It is now my beloved Wife almost thirteen months since the date
of the last letter I received from you, and you may suppose I am
not a little anxious for arrivals.—I hope you wrote by the
China and India Ships: as I understand one Letter has arrived in
Town for Mr. Riley, dated in March, that has been forwarded from
Calcutta: but as Messrs. Buckle Boyer & Co. have received no
Letters, I console myself with hopes, that mine have been kept
back and will arrive with their ships.
In my letter to Hannibal I have mentioned that I had advanced
Col. Johnston near Four hundred pounds to enable him to get out
of England, for which I had taken Bills on Mr. Harrison his Agent
here.—I was induced to put myself to the greatest
inconvenience to raise this money for him (indeed to part with my
last Guinea and to depend upon my credit) because he represented
that he had no other means of paying for his passage and
providing himself with necessaries for the voyage: and that
unless I assisted him he must perish in a Jail—I have since
learnt, that he did not pay for his Passage but gave a Bill to be
paid on his arrival at Port Jackson—and that Mr. Harrison
also made him advances to the amount of Twelve Hundred pounds.
This is all, however perfectly consistent with the whole of his
conduct towards me. If his Bills are not paid when due, I shall
protect them and send them out—Hannibal therefore need not
give himself the trouble to enquire whether remittances have been
made to take them up.
I had yesterday a long conversation with Mr. Brogden about the
Colony. It appears that the present expensive system is much
disapproved of, and he seems solicitous to learn from me what
plan could be adopted to reform it.—I however declined
giving any opinion upon the subject, and candidly told him, that
it was much to my interest that Government should continue
unacquainted with my ideas; for that my plan altho' it might
diminish their expenditure would much reduce my own income, a
sacrifice that the Government have no right to expect any man to
make; more particularly one to whom they have displayed so much
ill will.
In speaking of Colonel Macquarrie—I urged every thing in
his favor that I had collected from your representations
respecting him; but I have reasons for thinking that many stories
have been told of him of a very opposite tendency to your reports
and that they are believed,—in short it is whispered, that
his removal is determined upon.—If it be so, he will most
probably get certain information on the subject by the
Fortune,—at all events I am sure your good sense
will convince you, that silence is best. I have promised Mr.
Brogden to write some observations on the Report of the House of
Commons, at least, on those parts which relate to the state of
the morals of the Colony and its Trade. Mr. Bent has so ably
pointed out the imperfections of the Courts and the Law as it now
exists in the Colony, and his suggestions for their improvement
are so judicious, that he has left nothing to be said on these
points: I shall however say everything in my power to facilitate
the adoption of his Plan, as I am convinced that it would in a
short time improve the general happiness and prosperity of all
the Inhabitants. I hope your next letters will be accompanied by
some from My dear Girls—; they ought to omit no
opportunity of writing to me. . . . .
My dear Elizabeth,
I am still without any letter from you of a later date than
November 1811, but as the India and China Ships are daily
expected to arrive, and as information has been received, that
the Sydney Cove had reached Rio Grande in August, and was
to prosecute her Voyage to England as soon as she could refit, I
cherish hopes that I shall not be much longer kept in
suspense.
A few days after I had despatched my Packet by the Fortune
(15th Decr.) I had the happiness to get a long and most
satisfactory Letter from our Dear Edward, dated 21st Novr. in
which he gives a detailed account of the hardships the Allied
Army had sustained in their retreat from Spain—Their
fatigue and sufferings must have been greater than any one can
easily conceive who has not witnessed similar scenes, He says he
was nearly a month without even changing his clothes, and often
obliged after a long march, in most inclement weather, to sleep
on the bare ground, half starved with hunger and cold—The
sick of the Army it is said exceed 12,000 Men, but thank God he
has escaped uninjured in health, altho' a good deal sickened of
the business in which he is engaged—Indeed, I am informed,
that all our Officers have expressed the same sentiments, that
Edward does, at the situation in which they are placed, for in
addition to the inevitable hardships of such a state of warfare
they have to complain of the greatest irregularity in the receipt
of their pay. In consequence of which, however pressing their
necessities may be, they are often for want of money, incapable
of procuring relief, even when they are in a situation where
comfort might be purchased. Edward however has never been exposed
to this evil, for I have taken care to establish his credit at
Lisbon with one of the first Mercantile Houses who supply him
with money whenever he requires it. I do not forward his Letter
to you by this opportunity, because I understand there will be a
better one in about two Months by the Government Transport. The
Isabella is I hope ere this well advanced in her Voyage
home, and need not add, with considerable remittances, for
Hannibal well knows what urgent demands I shall
soon have for money, to pay for that part of the adventure which
was obtained upon credit.—Altho' I am as assured that he
will exert himself to the utmost as man can be, yet you will
easily imagine how anxious I must feel to ascertain the fate of
an undertaking ** on which so much depends. If it be crowned with
even moderate success it will afford me means and give me courage
to promote the Trade with spirit, and I should hope that it may
be established on so secure and permanent a footing, that we may
be almost certain of drawing from it an annual income that will
fully compensate for the risk of advancing so large a sum as I
have done. . . . .
[** This refers to a cargo of merchandise sent for speculation.]
The accompanying News Papers will acquaint you with all the particulars of the escape of that pest of the human race, Buonaparte, from Russia. There is good reason to think that the whole of the Army that he set out with is either destroyed or captured.—What results this frightful waste of human life may occasion it is impossible to say, for altho' the nations that have been subjugated, are certainly weary enough of the French Yoke, I am fearful they are too much dispirited to make any powerful struggle to shake it off. But a little time will show. You will see in Yesterday's paper the account of the death of poor Mrs. Grose, she had been ill more than a year.
. . . . I have proceeded thus far in such haste
and trepidation that I had almost forgotten to inform you that I
have by the greatest accident imaginable heard that the
Isabella with Hannibal and his Wife arrived safe with you
on the 17th of last August—This was communicated by Mr.
Bent in a Letter to his Brother dated on the 19th—but how
it was sent from N.S. Wales or how brought to this Country I have
not been able to learn, I feel persuaded that Hannibal has lost
no time in dispatching her back, and as he will know how many
heavy payments I have to make next month, that he would on no
acct., detain her beyond November in the Colony. Presuming that
must have been the case I think it probable she may be here
before the expiration of this month.
God send she may bring good news of you all, and next to that
assurance that the adventure I sent by her will turn to a
profitable account.
God bless you my beloved Wife prays
Your ever affectionate Husband,
I received a letter from Edward yesterday dated 8th May. He had not left his Winter Quarters but was expecting to leave every day—He was well but most impatiently expecting accounts of you—I will send the Letter in my next Packet.
My dearest Elizabeth.
I address this to you under a degree of doubt and uncertainty
more perplexing and distressing than words can express. By the
Clarkson and the Mary I have not received a line;
and the unfortunate detention of your letters, in consequence of
the unaccountable wreck of the Isabella, adds much to the
anxiety and impatience that such a strange series of
disappointments could not fail to create. It is now my beloved
Wife Twenty two months since the date of the last letter I
received from you.—I came down to Portsmouth on Tuesday
last accompanied by James intending to take leave of my old
Friend Capt. Piper and to have put on board several Letters and
News papers—but unfortunately he sailed the evening I
arrived—You will say I ought not to have been too late; nor
should I but for a very particular circumstance which I shall
explain by and by. Capt. Piper will acquaint you of every
particular at present known respecting the loss of the
Isabella she was wrecked on the Falkland Islands in very
fine weather, without any apparent cause, that I can learn but
ignorance or neglect—her whole cargo and every article of
provisions was saved, and as a Brig of War sailed from Buenos
Ayres to bring up the Passengers and Crew more than four months
ago it is only reasonable to expect that Capt. Hylen will make
his appearance in a few days. Capt. Brooks and the Mate are the
only persons who have yet reached this Country—By them I
had the inexpressible satisfaction to hear that you were all well
when the Isabella sailed from Port Jackson Without this
most cheering information I really know not how I should have
borne my disappointment: for not a Letter has been forwarded for
me. . . . .
John and James are both with me and continue during the vacation
John then returns to Cambridge and James either goes to the
Charter House or to Winchester—More excellent Lads than
they both are is impossible and be assured that if it please God
to bless them with the excellent health they now have they will
be an honour to us in our old age. Willie still remains with Dr.
Lindsay, he is quick but rather idle not however one tittle
behind his Brothers in excellence of heart. Of our gallant Boy in
Spain what shall I say he is everything that can give pleasure to
the breast of a Parent—sober, discreet, sensible, active,
intelligent, brave in short everything we could wish a son to
be—he has been in the thickest of the fight and thank God
has hitherto not only escaped the sword of the enemy but all and
every consequence of fatigue and privation—He says I have
never known an hours indisposition since the commencement of our
glorious campaign—It was my intention to have forwarded you
his letters by Capt. Piper but I shall now send them by Capt.
Brooks—his last was written in France and dated the 12th.
of July—I have not heard from him since the last great
Battle but I know he was unhurt and expect every day to hear that
he is well and elated with the triumphs of his Country in which
he has had so conspicuous a share—He says all that is
affectionate about you and his dear sisters and feelingly joins
in our gratulations to each other at hearing you were all well in
December last.
My beloved Wife.
I have just dispatched a Packet of Letters for you by the
Marquis Wellington, and it was my intention to have
written you more fully by this conveyance, the Emu to go
in charge of our Friend Abbott but it is said she is to sail
immediately and therefore I hasten off this lest the report
should be true: altho' I am unable to write in that way I
intended in consequence of the most important business which has
occupied my mind; and, not to conceal the truth, my beloved
Elizabeth, so operates upon my spirits that I am unequal to the
task at this moment—But our dear John is writing a Letter
under my dictation which will make you fully acquainted with the
cause of my anxiety—God grant that my endeavours may be
attended with the success we hope. If it be not, the long, the
cruel separation we have endured, must yet be borne sometime
longer. I do not urge you to patience, or entreat you to exercise
your fortitude—because I know you will—You have
already done so to a degree that excites the admiration of all
who have heard of your conduct, and will ensure you the eternal
gratitude of me and all your children—I am so wearied in
mind and body, for I have been out all day, that I cannot pursue
this subject, but I hope to be more quiet tomorrow (Sunday) and
to have time to forward what I shall then write him by the
Emu. . . .
The Wool came safe and is sold but to great disadvantage owing to
the very dirty state it is in, I sent it into Yorkshire to Mr.
Thompson; the person who had Marsdens, and he has made an ill use
of my confidence. He only gave me Twenty pence a pound and I
could have sold it in London for two and sixpence. I suppose the
price he gave Marsden for the small quantity he sent by the
Anne was intended as a bait to encourage larger
consignments—I hope you will have had it in your power to
put up last years wool in better condition—Bills of Lading
should be taken in triplicate and the duplicates and triplicates
be forwarded by the earliest opportunities that if any loss
happen the Insurance may be recovered—You may assure
yourself my beloved Wife that I shall give the business of one of
our dear Boys coming to your assistance the gravest consideration
before I decide. But I yet hope there will be no necessity for it
and that the obstacle to my own return will be removed—God
Almighty grant that it may—I must close this wretched
scrawl for my hand is so affected with the employment it has had
all day that I can with difficulty guide my pen and the agitation
of my mind has set my gout floating through every limb—I
shall be better after a little rest—May God protect bless
and preserve you all my dearest Children and my beloved
Wife—
Ever, Ever Your Affectionate Husband
After repeated resolutions made and as often
broken I at last commence my beloved Wife, the difficult task of
replying to your several Letters by the Isabella the
Indefatigable the Minstrel and the
Phœnix, and of endeavouring however painful, to give
you a more detailed account of myself and our dear Boys than my
disordered mind would permit me to do when my last hasty letters
were written. I am convinced my health is the first object of
your solicitude, and the next that of your children, before I
touch upon any other subject. I will therefore endeavour to
remove every doubt upon these. The last Winter I suffered most
dreadfully but since the return of the Summer I am certainly
become much better. By the aid of the Medicine every day I
contrive to obtain relief from the effects of the complaint of
indigestion, that I have so long been afflicted with: but it
would be deceiving you, were I to attempt to create a belief that
it will ever be entirely removed. I am frequently attacked with
considerable violence, with an extraordinary irritation of
nerves, and a sort of nervous Gout. Previous to the approach of
the latter I suffer for many days such dreadful depression of
spirits as no one can conceive the extent of unless they were to
suffer in the same way. The faculty flatter me with the hopes
that this complaint will go off or at all events very much abate
when my mind is relieved from the suspense and fearful state of
doubt and apprehension under which I have lived so many dismal
years and I trust in God that it will for believe me my Elizabeth
the period of my separation from you has been an almost
uninterrupted scene of indescribable wretchedness. If the
Almighty shall be graciously pleased to be[s]tow upon me any
future blessings it can only be in your society, I will not
however indulge in these reflections because I know they will
quickly unfit me for the performance of what is more important.
Several of dear Edward's Letters accompany this the last is the
sixth of last month at which period he was at Bordeaux preparing
to embark for America and I have learnt since that he sailed with
his Regiment a few days after. The destination of the Expedition
still continues a secret. The general opinion is that an attack
will be made upon New York or Boston or perhaps both. Little
resistance can be made by the undisciplined Americans against
such troops. It is therefore probable that their successes will
lead to a speedy cessation of hostilities. When the War ceases
Edward will certainly retire on half pay and once more try to be
happy in humble retirement in the bosom of his Family. The
hardships and privations he has so long suffered will cause him
to set a more just value on the blessings of plenty and security
than he did before he had made trial of the thorny path into
which his youthful ambition led him.
The Wool by the Minstrel was all sent down into Yorkshire
to Messrs. Thompsons. The greater part was so execrably dirty,
that I could get no offer for it in the market here—and it
was only last week that I could obtain from Messrs. Thompson
their valuation—I send herewith a copy of their
letter—You will see that it does not average more than 20d.
a pound—this appears so strange and contradictory when
contrasted with the price they are said to have given for Mr.
Marsdens Wool that was sent home by the Anne, that I am
completely puzzled—Your Letter informed me that they gave
3/9 pr. lb. without the expense of washing. I have caused them to
be written to upon the subject and expect their answer in time to
forward with the Packet that I intend sending in charge of Major
Abbott. I have been enabled to ascertain that the Wool he sent by
the Gambier sold for 2/1 per lb. after it had been washed
and sorted at a great expense, but upon this I shall write you
more at large.
And now my beloved Wife you will expect me to say something upon
the subject of my own return, but alas this is a subject, upon
which I am as much in doubt as I was the first moment I
determined upon returning to that dear home from which I have
been so long absent. Several of my friends have made application
upon my behalf to Lord Bathurst and Mr. Goldburne the Secretary
but all the certain information I have been able to Obtain is
that the subject shall be considered—I am however cheered
with a promise that a little patience will produce a favourable
answer—God alone knows whether it will or not—if it
does not I must endeavour to get away in some private Ship in the
way Colonel Johnston did—Of this however be assured that I
will leave nothing undone that is practicable and I hope very
soon to be able to give you my dearest Elizabeth some information
that shall enable you to form a certain judgment, of what
prospect there is of our meeting once more. I write this in great
haste as it is intended to go in the Secretary of States' Bag by
the Marquis of Wellington—and it is to be closed
tonight—I shall immediately set about writing you more
fully by Major Abbott and I shall prepare a duplicate of what I
write and request him to put it on board the Marquis of
Wellington—In that Packet I shall send Edwards
Letters.
For the present I will only say God Almighty bless my beloved
Wife and Girls.
Ever, Ever your affect.,
(In continuation).
I suffered myself to be more hurried than was
needful by a report that my letter must immediately be sent to
Town—I now find that tomorrow morning will be soon enough,
and therefore I resume the subject with which I left off. My
friend Mr. Brogden who is now Chairman of the Committees in the
House of Commons, and consequently has some influence with
Government has said everything in his power to induce the
Secretary of State to order me a Passage, and he continues to
urge it upon him. It must not however be concealed from my
dearest Elizabeth, that there are very great difficulties to be
surmounted. You are perhaps informed that Colonel Johnston was
refused a passage in a very peremptory way and I have been
informed from authority that I cannot doubt that their prejudices
are still stronger against me than they were against him, God
alone knows whether they have subsided, or if not, whether they
can be removed. If not, all that is left to be done, as I have
said before is to follow the example of Colonel Johnston and to
look out for a Passage by a private Ship.
. . . . In the midst of all my difficulties I feel that I have
the greatest reason to be thankful to God, that your good sense
enabled you to resist the temptation of coming to England, had it
not been so—into what an Abyss of misery would you and my
beloved Children have been plunged—dearest best beloved
Woman, how great are my obligations to you! there are a thousand
things that I wish to say, but whenever I sit down to write to
you my feelings are so overpowered that my recollection seems to
forsake me and I am so oppressed that were I not to hurry on
without method I should not be able to write at all. All your
Letters and those of the dear Girls to Edward are now in my
possession it is impossible to send such Packets abroad without a
most enormous expense—a Letter to him should never exceed a
single sheet—it does not matter how large it is and surely
one sheet written close and crossed would contain all you have to
say—
All you have done and all you propose to do in the management of
our concerns appears to me most prudent and beneficial; but if
your markets continue to fall in price it is obvious enough that
the only marketable commodity will be the Wool—it is
therefore of the utmost importance that the finest wooled Ewes
should be selected to breed from. The accompanying remarks in
answer to Mr. Riley's questions, contain all the information I
have to give respecting its washing and packing, a great part of
what came in the Minstrel was more than half dirt and some
of it had been put up wet and was much injured—Mr. Thompson
supposes it has been wetted by Salt Water but I think not, so
little pains had been taken in sorting the fleeces that the same
Bale contained! half a dozen different qualities of Wool, it was
therefore impossible to form any estimate of the value of each
Bale without opening them all, this would have been attended with
a heavy expense here, and after all, would not have answered the
same end as if each Bale had contained Fleeces nearly similar in
fineness. I give Hannibal all possible credit for right
intentions, but I cannot forbear saying that I am and was much
disappointed that the Wool should have come home in such a
state.—
I have been unceasing in my endeavours to get the obstacle to my return to you and my dear Children removed but hitherto without success—I do not however despair for the difficulties I have met are more to be attributed to the state of bustle in which the Colonial Department is kept by the American Conference than to any other cause—This cannot last long and I hope the information contained in your next letters will give me power to see more clearly what ought to be done.—
My dearest Elizabeth,
I have now a safe opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of your
Letters, and remittance (£1372/17) by the James Hay. I say
safe, because I shall enclose this in a case, that will neither
be exposed to be lost nor to be suppressed nor to any danger but
the usual dangers of the sea. I will not attempt to describe the
mortification I felt when I learnt that my Letters by the
Wansted had not been delivered. The Boys wrote and I
communicated many things that I should not have hazarded by a
common hand for I considered Capt. . . . . as a person upon whom
I might safely depend besides the letters he has a small packet
of clothes for Hannibal from his Tailors. I have never seen him
since his return to England nor do I wish it. The assurances you
give me of your renewed health and of the entire recovery of that
dear sufferer Elizabeth operated as a balm to my wounded mind, it
was indeed a very timely cordial for all the ill success of my
labours here had produced a depression of spirits. . . . I allude
to my business with Government the nature of which has been
explained in my letters by the Emu and
Bloxburnbury—I will however now repeat the principal
circumstances upon which all hinges—Through the favour of a
friend I procured the following extract from Governor Macquarries
instructions.* "You are to take immediate measures for putting
Major Johnston in close arrest and for sending him home in order
that he may be tried and as Governor Bligh has represented that
Mr. McArthur has been the leading Promoter and Instigator of the
mutinous measures which have been taken against His Majesty's
Government you will if examinations be sworn against him charging
him with criminal acts against the Governor and his Authority
have him arrested thereupon and brought to trial before the
Criminal Court of the Colony." With such instructions I think
there is much, cause to fear that Governor Macquarrie might even
now consider himself obliged to act upon them if I were within
the grasp of his authority and he would certainly be fairly borne
out if he thought proper to resort to such a method to get rid of
a person who I am told he has often been heard to speak of in
exceedingly hostile language. This may or may not be true but
supposing it to be false it would surely be highly imprudent in
me to return to the Colony with such a drawn sword suspended over
my head as it were by a single hair—Nothing could in my
judgment sanction such an experiment either in regard to my
personal security or the peace and welfare of you my beloved Wife
and our dear Children—in this opinion I am strengthened by
that of several sensible and dispassionate friends who have
advised me to endeavour to accomodate with Government—My
friend Mr. Brogden cheerfully undertook at my request to use his
influence to procure a revocation of the instructions to Governor
Macquarrie—He saw Mr. Goulburne the Under Secretary of
State frequently but he found a deep rooted prejudice against
me—After repeated conversations Mr. Goulburne promised that
he would give the business an unprejudiced consideration but
unluckily at this very juncture he was sent off to Ghent as a
Commissioner to treat with the Americans—When he returns he
may be prevailed upon to fulfil his promise but who can say what
result that may produce—I must not conceal from you that my
apprehensions are stronger than my hopes because I know from good
authority that there is a powerful interest still exerted against
me—In this melancholy state of things I sometimes indulge a
hope that you might succeed better with the Governor. I think you
might safely sound him or Mrs. Macquarrie and if you discover
anything like a favourable inclination you could candidly state
the difficulties that you are informed are opposed to my return
to my family—If he could be prevailed upon to recommend to
the Secretary of State that the general amnesty should be
extended to me it would I know be directly complied with. . . .
.
[* These instructions were contained in a letter, Castlereagh to Macquarie, 14th May, 1809.]
What you report of the fall of the price of Live
Stock I have long foreseen and I am convinced a much greater fall
has been felt before this time—this depreciation must
proceed and with increased rapidity until the price is brought
down to the lowest point at which stock will pay for rearing. Our
Farms will then produce little besides food for the Family and
servants and the Wool. That it is true is yearly becoming more
valuable but it will be but a scanty provision for us all unless
we can do something in the Mercantile way.
I think the fall of Stock must ere this have operated upon the
price of land if it have not it will for nothing can give a good
value to land but a good market for produce and until the Colony
can find some extensive export land and cattle will sink in value
together—Taking this view of the state of things I have
been induced once more to try my fortune in a small adventure
consigned entirely to your management and I feel confident that
if prudence and good sense can insure success it will prove
successful in your hands. I impose no restrictions upon your
judgment except upon the subject of credit upon that my mind is
made up and I request that no credit may be given—As I have
discovered from Hannibals accounts that the trading people will
make no allowance for expenses I have caused Twenty per cent to
be added to the price of every article except the Grocery and
Straw Bonnets which are charged at prime cost this will about
clear the cost of Shipping Insurance &c., and is in truth as
much the prime cost as the first purchase. . . . .
Since the Peace Printed Cottons have been dearer here than
Hannibal sold those sent him by the Spring
Grove—Altho' the quickness of returns is of the
greatest consequence do not be uneasy if you cannot sell. Had the
money been placed in the Funds it would have made only four and a
half per cent admitting that you should be three years in
realising the amount of this adventure it will then pay upwards
of seventeen per cent a year if you sell it at fifty per cent but
if you are compelled to protract your sales many things will very
likely sell for more than a hundred per cent.
What you remark upon the fate of former adventures to the Colony
is certainly correct but these unfortunate results arise from a
state of things that cannot last—Peace will place Commerce
upon a more sure footing and men will not go to a market where
there is so much uncertainty when the Whole World is open to
them—your supply will be regulated by your means of
payments and the superabundance that I suspect is now going to
you will cause a scarcity to ensue for when the report of an
overstocked market arrives here it will deter others from taking
goods. Once more be not uneasy be patient and give no credit.
You have never informed me whether you got the Lease of the
Sydney Cottage renewed I am much pleased at the Grant of the
Swamps they make a desirable whole of the Farm to secure us from
interruption.
I am very glad that you proceed so smoothly with the Governor and
if you can negotiate an exchange of the Seven Hills Estate for
Land at the Cow Pastures do, considering its contiguity you ought
to have a larger quantity but I leave the arrangement entirely to
you.
Many important things escape your memory at the moment of
writing—do adopt the practice of making short memos when
anything occurs worth repeating—I much wish for regular
sale accounts of Stock—when I am asked the price of Stock
which I frequently am I know not what to say—Inform me upon
what terms you sold Hannibal the flock of Sheep and include the
Horses in your next Returns. . . . .
God protect and bless you, it will be the study of my life to
requite you for all that you have suffered on my account. Adieu
my beloved Wife.
Purchase [of Stock Farm] from Foveaux
My beloved Elizabeth.
The Northampton has been delayed so much longer than was
expected, that I am enabled to add this to my little Packet, with
some letters from John, and one from William who is now with me
for the Holidays.—It also affords me an opportunity of
communicating a design, upon which I have been some time
deliberating, and have now determined to execute. James, as you
have repeatedly been informed has been employed all this year in
a Merchants Counting House: and I think he has now acquired a
sufficient knowledge of Book Keeping, and Accounts, to answer any
purpose to which he may hereafter have occasion to apply that
species of knowledge,—William has also made a good progress
in his education, and would do little good by a longer
continuance with Dr. Lindsay.—I propose therefore to set
off in about a month for the South of France, with James and
William, and to place them for a short time under the care of
some enlightened French Preceptor of established reputation. With
him, they will be led into a habit of reading and studying those
sciences particularly Mineralogy, that may be useful to them in
New South Wales. They will also have an opportunity of seeing and
studying the whole practice of the Culture of the Vine and the
Olive, and the making the Wine and the Oil,—they will
likewise learn those exercises which give ease and gracefulness
to the person, and all at a much smaller expense than it would
occasion in England. I think six months will be sufficient for
James, but his stay will entirely depend upon the success of my
endeavours to arrange matters with the Government. If I succeed,
he will be then ready to accompany me, but if my stay here should
be protracted, I shall allow him to remain in France one year,
and then send him out to you—I hope this plan will receive
your approbation—In my opinion it promises many
advantages.—For in addition to what I have enumerated there
may be many useful arts practised in Agriculture in the South of
France which might be successfully introduced into New South
Wales. The dear Boys are much pleased at the idea themselves, and
as the execution will rather diminish than increase my expenses,
I feel it is an opportunity of letting them see the world and
giving them a chance of acquiring knowledge that ought not to be
neglected.
My stay in France will be in some measure governed by your
letters and by the progress my friends may make in their
negotiations with Government on my behalf. If any Wool should
arrive whilst I am absent. John will open your letters and the
business part will be executed by my friend Mr. Coles, as well as
if I were present. But whatever happen, I shall not protract my
stay beyond June. I shall remain in the same Town with the Boys,
and shall watch their progress and perhaps facilitate it by my
presence. . . . .
My beloved Wife.
You will learn from a letter written a few days ago that I was at
Rochester with James and William on a visit to Mr. Lees and
intending to proceed from thence to France. The day after that
letter was written I received information of the arrival of the
Siringapatam and hastened back to London to get my
letters. After a weeks delay I succeeded in getting possession of
them without their going through the Post Office as is required
by the New Act of Parliament.* You only do me justice in
supposing that the assurance you give of your own health and that
of our dear Girls was the most valuable news you could
communicate. It was truly so and did and does greatly diminish
the mental suffering which my own most extraordinary diseased
Frame so often occasions. I need not say how much I was
disappointed that the Wool did not come in the same vessel. It
was in truth a most unlucky apprehension that prevented you from
sending it, I shall now be obliged to incur a very heavy expense
to insure by I know not what Ship and perhaps not receive the
Wool for many months, I hope when it does come that last Years
Wool will accompany it and as I learn from Elizabeth's letters to
her Brothers that you had made arrangements for shearing all the
Flocks at home I entertain sanguine hopes that the quantity will
be much greater. You are no doubt aware that the Lambs Wool, is
valuable. In future I hope the moment the Wool is shorn
arrangements may be made for packing and that no time may be lost
in completing the packing whether there be any prospect of a ship
to send it by or not. I have said so much in former letters about
the care required in culling the finest woolled Ewes that it
cannot be needful I should repeat it. Your letter contained no
returns of the Stock, no mention of the current prices nothing of
the sale of Rams which as I understand the desire of getting fine
Woolled Sheep is general among the Settlers I should suppose must
be at good prices. You say that our losses of Stock have been
comparatively nothing to the losses of the former year but as you
never told me what they were I am unable to form any satisfactory
opinion. Indeed my dearest Elizabeth I feel as ignorant of the
state of my own affairs as any stranger and when I am
interrogated upon the subject I can only stammer and look
foolish. I must request that you will in future have the goodness
never to despatch any letter without a return of Stock, the
quantity of each kind sold in the preceding quarter, and the
prices. The inference I draw from your making no remittance makes
me regret that I have sent any articles for sale by the
Hebe but regrets are unavailing. If the Colony should
continue in the same State of poverty it will be best perhaps to
endeavour to realize prime cost as fast as you can, this however
I leave entirely to your own discretion only do not trust. . . .
.
[* Prior to 1814 all letters from Australia were carried by ships' Captains and delivered by them to addressees.]
I was very lucky at getting at your Packet before it went to the Post Office it would have cost at least Five Guineas, do not neglect in future to write as close as you can and not multiply your envelopes in a needless manner. Tomorrow I return to Blackheath and in three days time embark for France. I hope the mild climate of that Country will give me relief at all events we shall live at less expense there than here. All the Boys are well. . . . .
Macarthur set out for Paris in March, 1815, with his sons James and William aged 16 and 14. The day after their arrival in Paris the Moniteur announced the escape of Napoleon from Elba, and his landing in the South of France. Macarthur did not think it necessary to leave Paris, but remained quietly there, his sons acted as interpreters, as before leaving Sydney they had been educated by a French émigré tutor, and were able to speak French fluently.
On leaving Paris they travelled through Burgundy to Lyons visiting some of the celebrated wine districts en route. They were constantly thrown into the society of the military and civilians in the public conveyances and hotels, but they met with nothing but courtesy and kindness.
From Lyons they went to Geneva, whence they set out on a walking tour around the Lake examining the vineyards by the way.
At Montreux they "stopped to breakfast and the land-lady informed us that a Swiss gentleman, who had been a long time in England, was now here and that he would be happy to see us. He accordingly called on us after breakfast with his two sons who were born and educated in England. After a little conversation they informed us that several of the inhabitants of Montreux had emigrated to America for the purpose of cultivating the vine, and that Mr. Dufour, the founder of the project, was at present residing here. No information could have been better than this. It seemed as if fate had led us to this beautiful village to meet the very man we most wished to find. The next morning we paid a visit to Mr. Dufour we found him at work in his vineyard. . . . . He said that the vines in America had at first failed in the way they had done in New Holland, but that by dint of perserverance he had at length made them succeed, and he explained the reason of their failure. My father found his information of so much consequence that he resolved to make a long stay in this part of the country. It was determined therefore that Mr. Dufour's son a young man of about 25, should accompany me to Geneva in quest of our baggage."
In August they left the Chateau de Chattellard which they had rented, and moved into the town of Vevey, where they made several acquaintances. Whilst they were there Edward arrived from Paris, where his regiment was quartered, and spent some weeks with them.
Edward had been with his regiment the 37th for some years in the Peninsula, and constantly in action with Wellington's force. He was sent in 1814 to Canada with his regiment and quartered at Quebec, and they were ordered back and arrived just after Waterloo had been fought. His regiment was with the Army of occupation in Paris when he obtained leave to visit his family at Vevey.
Macarthur and his two sons left Vevey in the spring of 1816, accompanied by two vignerons from Montreaux, and travelled through Geneva, Lyons, Montpelier and Nîmes to Marseilles. The journey was accomplished chiefly on foot, in order to give greater facilities for acquiring agricultural information, with a Swiss pony to carry the baggage, cuttings and plants collected on the way. Besides the vine and olive culture they enquired into the method of silk growing and the manufacture of rape and poppy oil, the latter being a substitute for olive oil. Irrigation also claimed their attention. They returned to England early in May, 1816, when Macarthur again pressed the Government to allow him to return to Sydney.
You will see from the place that I date this
that I have executed my intention of visiting the Continent, I
and the dear Boys sailed from Portsmouth 28th of February and
arrived at Havre on the 2nd of March. We travelled slowly to
Paris and reached it the evening before the Moniteur
announced the return of that pest of the human race Buonaparte
from the Isle of Elba. Our curiosity was gratified by the sight
of him the morning after his arrival in Paris. As we found
ourselves quite as secure as under the Government of the King and
as much undisturbed we continued at Paris until we had seen
everything worthy the notice of travellers, but as I found that
England and the other great Powers were determined upon War I
thought it too hazardous to stay much longer in France; but that
the principal object of my journey might not be entirely
frustrated I made up my mind to pass through some of the Southern
Provinces of France to this little Republic and to stay here
until the course of events should enable me to shape my course
anew with a fair prospect of being permitted to carry my plans
into execution without hindrance or molestation. We have passed
three weeks here very pleasantly and not without advantage to the
dear Boys as they have prosecuted their studies and exercises
under the instruction of the best Masters. The approach of a
French Force within a few leagues of Geneva obliges me once more
to shift my quarters. In three days we shall commence our journey
for Italy and proceed across the Alps to Milan this is
represented to be a cheap and delightful abode and the contiguous
country abounds with Vineyards and Olive grounds. If the War
should prove unprosperous we can easily pass across Italy into
Germany and from thence return to England but I entertain no fear
of being obliged to that alternative. France is not united as it
was after the Revolution, it is now divided into three parties
Royalists, Buonapartists and Republicans, and the Powers opposed
to them appear to be actuated by one common feeling a conviction
that the old legitimate Governments cannot exist or enjoy one
hours security unless that of Buonaparte be overthrown and France
be strictly confined to its ancient limits. That they will
succeed in their endeavours to accomplish this great object I see
no cause to doubt indeed I think Buonaparte will not retain his
authority three months longer. If my opinion should be realised I
shall return to the South of France and there wait in anxious
expectation for your answers to the letters I have written to you
by different ships within the last six months. John has promised
me that he will write to you most fully by the Dowsen. You
will be rejoiced to hear that our dear Edward is expected to
return from America perhaps he may arrive before the departure of
this. I have written to him to day recommending the adoption of
some measures which I hope may lead to his procuring an
appointment on the Staff. Poor fellow he has little cause as yet
to consider himself one of fortune's favorites and yet I believe
few young men have juster claims upon her regard. This
consideration ought to console us; he is universally respected
and praised by all who know him. My health is much recruited by
my journey—change of air, amusements and moderate exercise
are I believe the best remedies for all disorders of the nerves.
My journey has afforded me all these in abundance and as I passed
through France I had ample opportunity to acquaint myself with
the mode of pruning planting and preparing the soil to receive
the Vine so that pleasure and business went hand in hand. James
shall give you detailed account of our whole journey when we
arrive in Italy. He grows very fast and promises to be a very
fine young man. William still continues a little lively fellow
and I think will remain so but he is quick and intelligent tho'
like his Father a little prone to be idle. James on the contrary
is slow and persevering. I shall, enclose this in a few lines to
Hannibal principally upon the subject of money which you will of
course read before you give it to him. James and William unite in
love to the dear Girls and in prayers for the health and
happiness of you all. Frederick Thompson desires his love to
Elizabeth. God Bless my dearest Best beloved Wife.
Your Brothers unite in affectionate wishes with My dear John
Your affectionate Father
My dearest Ever dear Elizabeth,
This will be delivered to you by Mr. Wild the gentleman who is
appointed to succeed Mr. Ellis Bent in the Office of Judge
Advocate to the Colony, and he will assure you that my ramblings
on the Continent have proved most beneficial to my health with
the exception of a little Gout, I have now thank God, nothing to
complain of on that score.—
James and I returned from France three weeks ago, leaving Willian
with Edward at his quarters near St Pol—All our boys are as
well as we could desire to have them. . . . .
I have been unusually anxious since I arrived in London for some
tidings of the Hebe, and three days since information
reached us of her arrival at Batavia, and that she may be
expected here next month—If there be no previous arrivals
direct from the Colony I calculate upon receiving by her a mass
of deeply interesting information, both on money matters and
other affairs still more interesting—My letters by
that ship contained so full an explanation of what I had
encountered and had still to encounter here, that you would I am
persuaded exert yourself in every prudent and practicable way to
create an interest in my behalf in the Colony—My friends
here have also been very active, and they assure me that
favorable impressions have at last succeeded to the hostile
spirit which has so long obstructed my return to you my beloved
wife, and to all the blessings and enjoyments of the society of
my dear Girls—I am living in hourly expectation of a
summons to the Secretary of States Office to report the results
of my tour, and I am assured that what they have been already
told respecting my collections of Vines and Olives has produced a
strong effect.
There is a ship preparing for the Colony to take out Women, and
by this ship I shall give you a detail, of all I have done and, I
trust in God, be empowered to inform you when the period of my
weary and unhappy wanderings is likely to cease.
James and Willy think of nothing in their hours of relaxation but
their home; and when they do return to it I am persuaded you will
be happy and proud of your children.
I have neither time nor indeed inclination at present to enter
upon any details of business.—John has already acknowledged
the safe arrival of the Wool and remittances by the Sydney
Packet.—Considering the depressed state of the Markets at
the time it arrived I think it sold well at 2/6 pet lb., and it
is most satisfactory to find that the Flocks are progressively
improving. . . . .
My dear Elizabeth.
This Letter will be delivered by a Mr. Edward Grey, a young
person who is patronised by an intimate friend of our old friend
Dr. White. He has obtained the usual credentials from the
Secretary of State to the Governor, to entitle him to a Grant of
Land &c., but as he is by trade a Gun Smith, he is at present
undecided whether on his arrival in the Colony, he shall proceed
to cultivation, or employ himself at his Trade, until he shall
have acquired a sufficient stock of knowledge and experience in
what manner he can most advantageously dispose of his little
Capital.
It appears to me that it will be most prudent for him to try his
Trade for a short period; but as the state of the Colony is much
changed since I left it, I have not ventured to give any positive
advice, feeling that a recommendation to you, for an opinion in
what manner it will be advisable he should proceed, will be of
infinitely more value.
Mr. Grey takes his wife with him, and I beg that you will not
only advise, but afford them any little assistance which as
strangers in the Colony they may need. . . . .
Our dear James wrote to you so very lately that
he has now little to communicate, he therefore only writes a few
lines by this opportunity to assure you that he continues most
anxious to return to his home—Surely it cannot be long
before this Emu or some other vessel must arrive to
relieve us from the suspense and anxiety that your last Letters
have occasioned. I do not suffer myself to doubt more than I can
help that the Colony got through the difficulties that threatened
it better than the existing state of things seemed to promise;
but yet in spite of hope, I find it at times impossible to subdue
apprehension—It shall not however, be the conqueror at this
moment. We have had a season here as remarkable for its continued
wetness as last year was with you for its drought; but the rain
ceased a day or two ago and I hope in time to prevent the country
from suffering any other evil from it, than the loss of a large
quantity of Hay.—Should the Corn Harvest be materially
injured the consequences would be dreadful indeed, as it is
notorious, that the depressed state of the manufacturies and
Trade of the Kingdom, and the weight of the Taxes, have thrown a
considerable portion of the arable land out of cultivation, and
caused much that is in use to be very imperfectly worked—It
has been reported to the House of Commons that upwards of Four
Millions of persons have received Parochial relief this year, and
it is estimated, that the expense will exceed Twelve
Millions—Hundreds are wandering through every District
seeking employment without success, and the most robust and able
bodied young men have no other support than what they get from
the Parish—The Revenues have fallen short of the
expenditure more than Seventeen Millions, and it is ascertained,
that the taxes are daily becoming, less and less
productive—In short the most sanguine tremble for the
result and derive what little hope they indulge from the old
maxim "that when things are at the worst they
mend"—Notwithstanding these ominous and threatening
appearances, no apparent change is discernable in the habits and
expenses of the upper classes of society—People are more
gaily dressed than ever, the streets are thronged with carriages,
the Public entertainments crowded to overflowing, delicacies of
every description are eagerly sought after, and the principal
contention seems to be, who shall be foremost in the race of
dissipation and folly in the midst, however, of all this seeming
festivity and gladness, it is not difficult at times to peep
under the mask, and discover that the whole originates in a dread
of reflection, and an anxiety to escape from the torments of
care—Never mind, they exclaim, all will be well—we
have gone on hitherto with unexampled success, and why should we
not continue our career, the little check we are now suffering is
only temporary, and at, all events, we cannot mend things, by
anticipating evils that may never reach us, and if they do, we
shall contrive some method of relief—Not one in a thousand
has the courage to look the desperate fortunes of the country in
the face.—Thus you see my dearest Elizabeth, that altho'
you, God knows, have an abundant share of care, your lot is not a
singular one—there are few persons in the world I believe
of any rank, that are exempt, and therefore we must endeavour not
to murmur that we participate in the general lot.
Take care of your health, maintain your spirits as well as you
can, and let hope whisper in your ear, that things are at the
worst with us.—
My beloved Wife,
Your letter by the Hebe has been received nearly a month,
and the days of that month have passed with more than usual
tardiness in expectation of the arrival of the Emu or some
other ship with the information you intended to give me when you
should have a more favorable channel of conveyance for it than
you considered the Hebe to be. Your letter by that Vessel
was kindly and considerately forwarded by Captain Paten in the
first ship that sailed from Batavia after his arrival. Rut for
this precaution I had still been in a worse state of
suspense—The Hebe is now expected every day, when
she arrives I shall endeavour to procure the information you
encourage me to hope from Captain Paten, and I do not allow
myself entirely to despair of some day getting from yourself the
more circumstantial answer which you promise me to the Letters
that the Hebe took to you. . . . .
You assure me, that I have nothing to fear, and every thing to
hope from the benevolence and good will of the Governor. Perhaps
it may be so, and I hope it is; for, altho' a bitter course of
experience has convinced me that fair professions have little
claim to confidence, I always feel more disposed to trust than to
doubt, and I should certainly be tempted to do so, in an instance
that might be productive of so much good, and so many advantages,
if it were not for the consideration, that a misplaced confidence
might eventually overwhelm you, my children and myself in
irretrievable ruin—If the stake were less that I have
at hazard—if it were confined solely to myself I should no
longer hesitate, because no consequences that can ensue, could
cause a larger degree of personal suffering than I now undergo,
but every feeling revolts at the idea of endeavouring to relieve
myself at the hazard of involving you all—I will therefore
my dearest Elizabeth, no longer conceal from you that unless the
instructions, of which I sent you a copy, be revoked, the
existance of your husband, and the fortunes of your
children must depend upon the forbearance of an
individual—which numberless incidents over which I could
have no control might transform into active
persecution—This is a fact that I am persuaded Governor
M—has long been acquainted with, and this was my principal
inducement for urging you to, attempt measures, which might make
him feel an interest to interfere on my behalf.—Could he
have been prevailed upon to recommend me to the favorable notice
of Government nothing more would have been needed—they
would have instantly complied—But this I can no longer
hope, for surely you would not have postponed an hour to impart
tidings of so much importance, had there been anything pleasing
to make known—I shall, however, wait a little longer until
I see what your next letters contain, and if they prove what I
cannot avoid anticipating—I shall make application to the
Secretary of State—I have come to this determination under
the advice of some able and dispassionate friends who, are of
opinion, that, in times like the present, Govt. will be as
desirous to avoid the publick discussion of the merits of Mr.
Blighs deposition, as I can be to escape from its
consequences—A little time must determine and I trust in
God turn all my tormenting doubts and fears into a happy
certainty—of one thing be assured that I shall proceed with
the most guarded caution, and try to the utmost what concilatory
measures will do, before I attempt any others—Let me then
entreat you my beloved Wife to bear yourself with patience and
fortitude, and remember that we have all the reason to confide in
the favor and protection of a just God, which the consciousness
of innocence integrity and honour can give—I need not
caution you not to confide what I have now written to any human
being, and your prudence will suggest to you the propriety of
committing this Letter to the Flames.—It will be delivered
to you by a Mr. Barron Field, a Gentleman who leaves this Country
with the appointment of Judge of the Supreme Court—I have
had the pleasure to see but little of him, but I doubt not he
will prove an agreeable acquisition to your little
Society—I understand he has lately married—but I have
not had the pleasure to see his Lady—He goes out I believe
with very sanguine expectations. . . . .
Let what may happen I shall endeavour to procure a passage out
for James in a ship that has been taken up within these few days,
but whose name I do not recollect, I understand she will not sail
in less than two months, and perhaps not less than three or
four—I will make no reflections upon the alarming account
you give of the impoverished state of the Colony, and the
consequences which the continuance of drought may have
produced—We are all under the Government of a powerful and
merciful God, and it is our duty to submit in the best way we are
able to His dispensations—At the time your letter was
written your Sheep Shearing must have been well advanced if not
entirely over, and yet not one word does it contain upon that
subject nor any information (so earnestly as I desired)
respecting the Wool. . . .
Your remittances have all been accepted and will be paid in a day
or two,—They were more than acceptable for I had been put
to a great expense—Edward returned from America wanting
everything, and placing John in the Temple and providing him with
means to pursue his studies has cost me a great deal—I hope
your next account of the adventure of the Hebe will be
more consolotary—. . . .
I say nothing of publick affairs for they are beyond my
comprehension—Some believe and more I suspect, profess to
believe, that the difficulties under which the whole nation is
groaning, will be surmounted—It may be so, altho' I am
unable to see how it is to be accomplished, but my own opinion
is, that the Country is ruined, that is to say, that an
extraordinary crisis is at hand. In such a melancholy state of
things, it is some comfort that you are far removed from all
chance of being injuriously affected by them—
My dearest Elizabeth,
If I were superstitiously inclined I should be half disposed to
believe that I wrote to you the other day under a supernatural
influence, for altho' so little time has since elapsed I have
already reason to encourage a belief that the tide of misfortune
has turned. I wrote the letter, I informed you I intended to send
to Lord Bathurst the following day, and put it into the hands of
my old and steady friend Mr. Watson Taylor, to revise and correct
as he might think necessary. Without changing a word, or
imparting his intentions to me, he went to the Secretary of
States' Office, and read it to the Under Secretary, assuring him
at the same time, that he knew I was determined to suffer in
silence no longer. This produced the happiest effect, and a wish
was expressed, that I might be induced to suppress the letter he
had heard, and substitute another, which should contain no
allusion to any past transactions; and altho', he said, he
could not undertake to engage, that Lord Bathurst would
revoke the instructions that were given to Governor Macquarrie on
his appointment, yet he could venture to say, that no hostile
feeling existed towards me, and he thought there could be no
cause to doubt Lord Bathurst's readiness to adopt such a course
of conduct, as must be satisfactory: and, that every reasonable
facility would be given to enable me and my Sons to return to the
Colony.
Mr. Watson Taylor considers this tantamount to a promise
of a cessation of hostilities, and that a little patience will
remove every obstacle to my return. Your discernment and good
sense will explain the policy of Mr. Watson Taylor's
conduct—By shewing the Copy of my intended Letter he
created a feeling of alarm, and at the same time gave me an
opportunity of shewing the moderation of my views, by consenting
to adopt any course that might be prescribed, provided that
Government in return relieved me from the hardship to which I
have been so long exposed. Should the Lord Melville be
detained a few days more I hope I shall be able to forward more
positive information by her, but at all events, I shall be
relieved from every doubt long before the next Ships can be ready
to sail and T am not without hopes that they may bring you
something better and more acceptable than assurances.—James
is almost crazy with joy at the idea of returning to his home to
enjoy the society of his dear Mother and Sisters, and I, who do
not suffer my emotions to be so unruly, cannot boast that my mind
is in the most tranquil state. Practice, my beloved Elizabeth,
yet a little longer the admirable fortitude that has enabled you
so many years to sustain such a train of afflictions; and cheer
your heart with the anticipation that the end of a stormy life
may yet be passed in security, happiness, and peace—We have
yet not received any tidings of the Emu, and I find it
impossible to banish apprehensions of the difficulties you may
have suffered from a continuation of the terrible drought which
your last letters described—I do not, however,
despond—Let me only find you and my dear Girls in health
when I return, and all other evils will appear light, and only
additional stimulants to exertions.
Will you have the goodness to prepare in the most careful manner
you can, a few acres of the Cow Pastures for Seeds, on land out
of reach of floods, and likewise eight or ten acres at
Parramatta, for the same purpose—We shall find room
somewhere for the Vines and Olives I hope to bring out alive.
I have sent in charge of Mr. Grey the first number, of a new
Publication "The Colonial Journal," the Editor of which will be
glad to receive any communications and insert them in this work.
Mr. Grey's relation has just called to say the Lord
Melvilles departure is postponed—this gives me hopes
that I may yet be able to give you still more pleasing news.
I sent in the Letter to which I allude in the
first part of this on the 1st and it is probable I shall have an
answer early in next week, but I fear not in time to inform you
of its contents by the Lord Melville—My letter was
delayed two or three days by Mr. Watson Taylor to make some
alterations.
It will be some relief from the painful suspense I am compelled
to keep you in to know that our dear Boys Edward and William are
arrived and with me in excellent healths, the accompanying
letters will speak for them. . . . . The News Papers will inform
you my dearest Elizabeth how melancholy the prospects of this
Country are—Something must be soon done, but what, it is
impossible to say, whatever it may be it must increase our
population, and I earnestly request that you will not
dispose of any part of your breeding Stock that you can
keep with advantage, hint this to no one.
I hope yet to write to you once more by the Lord Melville
altho' I dare not delay this any longer for fear she should
sail—This makes the third letter I have written you Two by
Mr. Barron Field, and one by Mr. Grey, who has charge of the
"Colonial Journal"—I have sent you nothing but that and the
Newspapers, well knowing that the little things I have by me that
I purchased in France will be more acceptable from my own hands
than from any other. May God bless and protect you and soon
restore us to each other. Adieu My beloved Wife.
Your affectionate.
My dearest best beloved Wife.
The continued delay of the Lord Melville has given me the
means of transmitting to you copies of the correspondence that
has passed between Government and me and my invaluable friend Mr.
Watson Taylor, I beseech you not to suffer yourself to be
dispirited at the apparent difficulties that obstruct my return,
they will, they must be overcome, and be assured that they will
terminate in the most reputable manner to me to you and to all
our dear children. I must not however attempt to conceal from you
that some months may elapse and that it is even probable that I
shall be compelled to make an appeal to Parliament and to lay
open all the iniquities of Mr. Bligh's Government. It will afford
you great consolation to discover that Mr. Watson Taylor approves
of the course I have already taken, and though no man can be
expected to advise in a matter of such importance and nicety it
is clear that he thinks that I am correct in deciding as I have
done not to submit to any thing which can cast the smallest stain
on my honor. It is also evident that Government feel themselves
greatly embarrassed and all my friends are of opinion that they
must be sorry for having proposed anything which may provoke a
publick discussion of the merits of my conduct or an examination
into the motives that induced them to raise Bligh to the rank of
an Admiral and to give him a pension for the faithful discharge
of his duty in New South Wales. Many think they will not venture
to persevere in refusing to concede the point in dispute between
us whilst others think they will. There is however no ground upon
which any correct judgment can be reared, because when men act
without regard to fixed principles and make expediency alone the
rule of their conduct it is impossible to say what they may or
may not do. Your own good sense will point out to you that you
ought on no consideration to suffer these papers to go out of
your hands for if a copy of the private letters were to get
abroad it would ruin me in the opinion of my friends and the
World. I think indeed that it would be most prudent to show them
to no one, but to Governor Macquarrie whose kindness to you
entitles him to the fullest confidence, he will at once see how
desirable it is I should procure a revocation of the hostile
instructions he received from Lord Castlereagh; as he might if I
were to return without that being effected find himself much
embarrassed by new instructions in the same spirit altho' not to
the same extent. I am convinced a man of his benevolent heart
will be gratified to find himself unemcumbered by Official
trammels and at perfect liberty to act towards me in the manner
that my exertions for the advancement of the real interests of
the Colony may appear to him to deserve. I wish to God it may be
my fortune to live some years under his auspices, for from all
you tell me, he is the man best calculated to promote my
undertakings and the only man who has yet governed the Colony
with a sufficient elevation of mind and depth of judgment to
discover, that his own interest and honor would be improved by my
ultimate success.
If I do not come to an immediate settlement with Government James
will take his passage in the next Ship. William is yet too young
to be removed from under my eye and I shall therefore place him
under an intelligent Scotch Farmer to be instructed in
Agriculture until I can bring him to you. We are all well and
anxiously looking for letters from you. I pray God they may
contain assurances of your having got well over the difficulties
that threatened the Colony when your letter was written. The Boys
all unite in affectionate and dutiful remembrances Assure my dear
Girls of my unceasing affection.
[Enclosures.]
Copy of letter to Earl Bathurst.
(Undated.)
My Lord,
The circumstance that causes me to address your Lordship is of
such a nature as I persuade myself will sufficiently apologize
for the intrusion.
Your Lordship is without doubt informed of the extent and nature
of my establishment in N.S. Wales: and as one of the principal
objects I have struggled to introduce has at last overcome all
the obstacles under which it so long languished; and has grown
into sufficient importance! to excite some attention from those
who view with regard any undertaking which has a tendency to
promote the manufactures and Trade of Great Britain, I feel
assured that it has not been considered undeserving some portion
of your Lordship's notice. I allude, My Lord to the introduction
into that distant Colony of a breed of Merino Sheep, specimens of
the Wool of which I once had the honour to submit to your
Lordship's notice. The approbation your Lordship was pleased to
express upon that occasion excite hopes that any additional
evidence may not be unacceptable of the progressive advancement
of an attempt that is capable of so much extension, and the
beneficial consequences of which, both to the Colony and to the
Mother Country, no person is more capable of appreciating than
your Lordship.
Under this impression I have done myself the honor to enclose
herewith a set of samples taken from a quantity of Wool that I
have lately received. The gross amount of the importation was
upwards of fifteen thousand weight and the quality of the whole
of the Wool was so much approved of by those who are interested
in the Wool trade, that much earnestness has been expressed by
several of those persons for a preference in the offer of the
next parcel from the Colony.
The apprehension I feel of being considered troublesome, imposes
a limit which admits not of my entering into details respecting
other designs, I have spared neither labour nor expense to
execute. Your Lordship will have perhaps the goodness to permit
me to state, that I have in a tour through France and a part of
Switzerland made a collection of Olives and Vines (that are now
in a state of preparation to send abroad) and that during my tour
I assiduously studied the cultivation of these two great sources
of human enjoyment and wealth.
There are many obstacles I admit to impede their successful
introduction into an infant Colony, but great as they are, I
think they may be surmounted by patience and perseverance: and
were they to receive the fostering protection of your Lordship I
should feel almost confident of success.
In similar attempts much of my life has been spent with more
advantage to the Colony than profit to myself, and
notwithstanding I have experienced many strange obstructions,
perhaps unavoidable, they have not abated my zeal to perform all
the services that are within the compass of my humble means and
ability.
Your Lordship is, I believe, aware that it has been my misfortune
to be in some measure compelled to abandon the superintendance of
my affairs for more than seven years; and to submit to the severe
suffering of being separated from my Family. And as I am informed
that the same cause which has so long imposed this painful
separation still exists with unabated vigor, I am compelled to
throw myself on your Lordship's candour, humanity, and justice
for relief.
Of what I may be accused I am almost entirely ignorant but the
fearlessness of an upright heart prompts me to declare that I am
and always have been prepared to submit both my private and my
publick life to the severest scrutiny.
My Lord, I am perfectly sensible of the delicacy of this subject,
and no human being can be more solicitous not to give offence but
I owe it to myself and to my family to submit in silence no
longer. I can only conjecture what injurious impressions have
been excited against me, perhaps on evidence without the reality,
but with too much of the show of truth. Your Lordship has the
power to give me an opportunity of stripping these unjust
allegations of their borrowed garb; and it is the only favor that
I at present presume to ask.
Let me, My Lord, be informed on what evidence the proscription
under which I now suffer was issued, and why it was thought right
to select me as a solitary victim from an almost entire
population, and I have no apprehension but I shall be able to
offer such a justification as will convince your Lordship that I
am at least entitled to expect from His Majesty's Government the
fullest security that the remainder of my life may be passed in
the bosom of my Family, free even from the possibility of
molestation on account of the part that I found myself compelled
to take in the affair from the consequences of which I am now on
many accounts so anxious to obtain relief.
Every act of mine in the unhappy transaction to which I am
solicitous to draw your Lordship's attention proceeded from the
impulse of a fatal necessity and to prevent consequences which no
man could be more ready to deplore than your Lordship: and if I
might be permitted the indulgence of a short interview I cannot
fear but I should produce the most convincing proof of what I
affirm.
In the earnest and respectful hope that my request may be
complied with,
I have the honor to remain
&c.—&c.—&c.—
This letter was sent to Mr. Watson Taylor for his approbation and shewn confidentially by him to Mr. Goulburn, the Under Secretary to Lord Bathurst who requested that it might not be sent into the Office. In consequence of this Mr. W. T. advised that the following which he thought more likely to succeed should be forwarded to Lord Bathurst.
Ibbotson's Hotel
My Lord,
Although circumstances have hitherto prevented my return to my
possessions in New South Wales I have had the good fortune
through the prudent and able management of Mrs. McArthur to
continue my establishment there until the principal obstacles I
had to encounter in my breed of Sheep have been overcome, and it
has been brought to such a state of perfection that the
importation of the Wool I have lately made from thence into this
Country has excited the attention of those interested in the
Trade to such a degree that several of them have desired to have
a preference when the next parcel arrives from the Colony, the
gross amount of this last importation being upwards of fifteen
thousand weight from my own flocks. I have for the last two years
directed my labours further for the benefit of the Colony, having
with two of my Sons travelled through France and Switzerland, and
assiduously studied the different modes of cultivating those two
great sources of human enjoyment and wealth, the Olive and the
Vine; a collection of which and other useful plants I have now in
a state of preparation to send abroad.
With these interesting and indeed important pursuits before me,
and with the most confirmed disposition to devote to them and the
care of my domestic concerns, my undivided attention, may I
submit it most respectfully to your Lordship's consideration,
whether after a lapse of so many years, when all the harsh and
violent feelings which formerly distracted the different members
of the Community in Port Jackson have been worn out, your
Lordship might not think it reconcilable with your strict sense
of publick duty to direct an Act of Oblivion to be passed by His
Majesty's present Governor in New South Wales, as to all the
measures in which I was most reluctantly involved and thereby
enable me with my two sons to return to the Colony, to the bosom
of my family where my presence is essentially necessary, and to
the laudable and beneficial pursuits, in which the publick good
is as much concerned as my private advantage, with security to my
person and relieved from those molestations to the possibility of
which I am at present exposed, and which operate as a banishment
from every thing that is most valuable to me in life.
Your Lordship's early consideration of this request will be
gratefully acknowledged, and should you be pleased to comply with
it, your Lordship will never have any reason to be dissatisfied
with so just and so benevolent a decision,
I have the honor to remain with
the greatest respect
&c.—&c.—
To the Earl Bathurst,
&c.—&c.—&c.—
Sir,
I am directed by Lord Bathurst to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter of the 1st Inst., expressing your desire to rejoin your
Family in New South Wales, and requesting that the Governor may
be instructed to pass an Act of Oblivion with respect to all
those measures in which you were engaged in that Colony.
In reply I have to acquaint you that His Lordship taking into
consideration the length of time during which you have been
separated from your Family, the exertions which you have made to
promote the agriculture and prosperity of New South Wales, and
above all the assurances that his Lordship has received from
various quarters as well as from yourself that you are fully
sensible of the impropriety of conduct which led to your
departure from the Colony, no longer objects to authorize
your return.
His Lordship will therefore transmit the necessary instructions
to the Governor not to offer you any molestation on account of
past transactions nor to adopt with respect to you any
measures other than your future conduct in the Colony may appear
to him to require.
I am, Sir,
John McArthur, Esq.
The following are the alterations proposed by my Father and Mr. W. Taylor, instead of the words ** "that you are fully sensible of the impropriety of conduct &c" the following were to be substituted "as well as from yourself that you are fully prepared to devote your undivided attention to these important pursuits within the Colony". And the letter was to conclude at the words "past transactions" on account of the ambiguity of the remaining part of the sentence.
[** Probably written by one of the sons.]
(Private.)
My dear Sir,
I feel much obliged to you for the early attention you have paid
to Mr. McArthur's application, at the same time I must confess
that I consider a passage in your answer of which he has just
transmitted me a copy as rather bearing more strongly on his
feelings than the occasion requires, though I am disposed to
believe not intentionally on your part. I mean where one of the
grounds for Lord Bathurst's favorable and liberal consideration
of the circumstances in which he is placed, is stated to be that
of Mr. McArthur's being "fully sensible of the impropriety of
conduct which led to his departure from the Colony."
He has addressed himself to me by letter upon this point in a
very Gentlemanlike manner, putting it to me whether for any
consideration whatever he can become a party to his own dishonor,
and I really think more highly of him for not being disposed to
compromise his honor, and catch at a most important object upon
any terms to which a man of relaxed principle is too ready to
submit.
I have seen Mr. McArthur's Letter to Lord Bathurst, and the
assurances he therein expresses, appear to me sufficient to
justify his Lordship's indulgence without a recorded stigma on
Mr. McArthur, and I beg leave just to submit to you in confidence
whether the pencilled sentence recapitulating his own expressions
would not reconcile every difficulty, and secure the dignity and
consistency of Government without defeating the object which it
was in contemplation to concede.
I am going to Ryde with my Family early to-morrow and it would be
an additional act of kindness if you would previously inform me
whether you think Lord Bathurst will accept the enclosed original
letter of yours to Mr. McArthur and authorize you to address
another to him of the purport above suggested, I am aware that I
can only write thus to you in private a liberty which I hope you
will excuse.
I remain, My dear Sir,
Henry Goulburn Esq.
&c.—&c.—&c.—
(Private.)
My dear Sir,
As Lord Bathurst only returned to Town yesterday and as I could
not without his sanction alter a letter which he had specially
approved it was out of my power to answer your letter of the 5th
as soon as I should otherwise have done.
I am sorry to say that Lord Bathurst differs from you in opinion
as to the propriety of expunging the part of the letter which you
consider objectionable. If Mr. McArthur thinks that his conduct
in the Colony was not improper it is certainly honorable in him
not to accept a present benefit by a sacrifice of principle; but
I am sure you will agree with Lord Bathurst in thinking that the
circumstances of his entertaining an opinion that his conduct was
right is that of all others which should prevent the Govt. from
sanctioning his return: as it is hard to say that a man shall not
again do what he considers to be right and proper and there is no
security against a repetition of what formerly took place.
Whether there might not be circumstances in the Colony to
palliate or to a certain degree to justify Mr. McArthur's conduct
is another question: but we cannot subscribe to the opinion that
the conduct was not improper upon the very ground upon which Mr.
McA., thinks it out of his power to subscribe to the
contrary.
I have stated freely to you Lord Bathurst's sentiments on this
subject.
There is certainly every disposition to comply with Mr.
McArthur's wish but he does not feel that he can go farther than
he has done. I return the letter not without hopes that Mr.
McArthur may upon reconsideration not consider it so
objectionable as it might have appeared at first sight. I need
hardly add that I shall be happy on this or any other occasion to
hear from you and that you need never give yourself the trouble
of making apologies.
G. Watson Taylor Esqre.
Still we are kept in the most painful state of
suspense. You will find enclosed in the Packet with this the
Continuance of my correspondence with Government and a letter
from James detailing all that has transpired since the date of my
last letter to my good friend Mr. Watson Taylor. At the interview
which I have had with the Under Secretary of State a vast variety
of explanations took place on both sides and I believe I
succeeded in convincing him that I am not to be tempted by any
consideration whether promising present ease or threatening
future evils to depart from those principles that I have ever
endeavoured to regulate my conduct by. Mr. Goulburn paid me many
high compliments and even proceeded to the length of saying that
if he were in my situation he should not hesitate to conform to
the expectations of Government. I in return lamented that it was
my misfortune not to be able to think with him, and assured him
that I felt a great increase of regret to find myself restrained
by the imperious dictates of honor from acknowledging concern for
the part I had taken in the arrest of Governor Bligh, an act that
I had and ever must consider one of the most meritorious in which
I had ever been engaged, still however, I added, if Government
entertain different sentiments, let them express them, but do not
call upon me to acquiesce in their propriety. If they see fit to
censure my conduct let them do so, it will be my duty to bow
under the censure with respectful silence. If they censure me
wrongfully the publick will judge between us and if they incur
publick censure for supporting a tyrant and oppressor it will be
brought upon them by their own act and deed.
I concluded by assuring him that I was determined to suffer in
silence no longer, and that unless an amicable arrangement could
be made I should certainly petition Parliament and lay open in
the best way I was able all the iniquities of Mr. Bligh of which
I hold in my possession abundant proofs, that I was not to be
deterred from producing in the way that the unfortunate and
ill-advised Colonel Johnston had been. I then referred him to the
enclosures in Colonel Johnston's publick letter which I think it
probable have never been read and I could discover that nothing
is wanting on my part but a little patience and a great deal of
firmness to relieve my self from all my difficulties, the first I
shall endeavour for, and the last thank God I can practice
without much exertion. . . . .
You will I fear be disappointed that James is not the Bearer of this Letter but I could not make arrangements for his passage as the Captain of the Morley declined taking my draft on you or an acceptance payable in three months here, and the delay of your remittances put it out of my power to comply with his demand of immediate payment unless I absolutely emptied my purse. Many other opportunities will present themselves early in the Spring, and Surely, ere that letters from you must arrive by other Ships even though this tardy Emu should never make her appearance. Of my own affairs I can speak with no kind of certainty or when it may be possible for me to return to you. I hope you will receive my letters by the Fame and Lord Melville. These contain copies of a correspondence between Government and myself and I now enclose you a copy of the last letter that has passed. Unpromising as are its contents you must not be dismayed or dejected because I think I have good reason to encourage hopes of a speedy change in the plans of Government respecting the Colony—and I positively know that they will be strongly pressed to listen to my opinions and at all events to do me justice. I have been induced to postpone my reply to Mr Goulburn's letter partly on this Account and partly from an expectation that your letters may contain some necessary information. Dearest had this been sent by the Hebe as it really ought to have been how much uneasiness might I have escaped; and how greatly might the period of our unfortunate separation from each other have been diminished. In an interview I had some time ago with the Under Secretary of State he told me that the complaint against Governor Macquarrie were as bad as those made against Bligh. To this I replied that I could offer no opinion upon the subject as I possessed not the smallest information of the Publick affairs of the Colony except from rumour to which my own experience taught me never to listen without the strongest suspicion. That all the knowledge I had of Governor Macquarrie's administration of the Government related exclusively to my own private affairs and that I most willingly bore testimony that you had received more attention kindness and favor from him than from the whole of his predecessors. It is however generally understood that his removal has been determined upon as several persons have been named as candidates for the appointment.* The one spoken of with the greatest confidence is Sir Thomas Brisbane a very distinguished Officer of the highest character. It is known that he has been long desirous to obtain the Government of the Colony and that his application has been supported by the interest of the Duke of York. I am of opinion the Emu's despatches will produce a decision; in which case I shall be able to see my own way more distinctly than I do at present, and having as I hope I shall then have something like a knowledge of my own affairs, be better able to determine what I ought to do. Not however to keep you in needless suspense, if I find that pacific measures will not procure the relief to which I think myself entitled and in which opinion I have the satisfaction to say all who know my case concur, it is extremely probable I shall petition the House of Commons, and bring forward the proofs of Mr. Bligh's peculations which have so long slept and which I am persuaded, as indeed I always was, would had they been produced at Colonel Johnston's trial have saved him, and secured to the cause, for which, poor man, he was so unfit a Champion, a triumph, instead of a defeat. Many publick men who have seen these proofs are of opinion the moment Government know they are in my hands we shall speedily terminate our differences. God grant it may be for I am weary of contention. You will learn from the Newspapers the wretched state of this Country and what an alarming riot took place lately in the City It appears very clear from the evidence which has transpired that nothing but the intemperate impatience of a young" man prevented the plans which had been formed from being executed, and the insurrection of a furious mob rendered desperate by wretchedness and hunger from assuming the most formidable attitude. You have just cause to think yourself highly favoured that your lot and that of your Family has been cast where it is, for whether the discontented multitude prevail or the Government preserve its authority I am sure this Country has to pass through a fiery ordeal. It is past doubt that the Agricultural Capital of the Country is more than half destroyed, and that the manufacturing and commercial interests are threatened with as great if not greater calamity, but the most unpromising or I should have said appalling symptom is the universal apathy which pervades the higher classes whose duty it is to take the lead in times of such imminent peril and alarm, they absolutely act as if they considered the state of the Country desperate and incurable, and therefore not entitled to further care, if something effectual be not done to diminish the enormous weight of taxes I am convinced that most afflictive and disastrous results will be felt by all but more particularly by the higher and middle classes of the Nation. Do not let these opinions go beyond your own circle.
[* Macquarie tendered his resignation in 1817.]
I heard from dear Ned about a fortnight since,
quietly quartered in the neighbourhood of St. Pol, a small Town
about 50 miles from Calais. John is on a visit to a friend in
Bedfordshire and will not return to Town for a few days. James
and William are with me they are all well and continue to be
everything a parent can reasonably desire. The two latter are
going to devote their winter months to some philosophical studies
that may be both ornamental and useful to them in the Colony and
to the learning or rather perfecting themselves in some exercises
in which they are yet but novices. Mr. Smith is this moment come
in he has consented to spend the day with me and I have engaged
in return to escort him to the Play House to see the splendid
Theatre of Drury Lane and the celebrated Actor Kean. I am
exceedingly pleased with this young man and if there be many like
him in the 46th I should think they must be as happy as I am sure
they must be respectable. . . . .
God bless and protect you all.
[Enclosure.]
Sir,
I had not until yesterday an opportunity of submitting to Lord
Bathurst, your anxiety to learn his decision, with respect to the
observations which you made to me, at our late interview, on the
subject of receiving his authority, for your return to New South
Wales.
His Lordship has directed me to observe, that the communications
which he has received from you, since the period, at which his
acquiescence in your return, was notified to Mr. Watson Taylor,
have produced a material alteration in his opinions as to the
propriety of acceding to your wish. So long as Lord Bathurst
believed that you felt the impropriety of the part you had taken
in the Deposition of Governor Bligh, his Lordship thought himself
authorized to accept your regret for the past, as a security for
your future conduct; and therefore, saw no objection to release
you from the restrictions, with respect to a residence in New
South Wales, to which you had been subjected.
But, as you have now distinctly stated, that, so far from
considering yourself as having acted with any impropriety, you
will not even accept a permission to return to New South Wales,
if it can be supposed to imply such an acknowledgment, Lord
Bathurst cannot but think, that, after such a declaration of your
sentiments, it would not be proper to give his sanction to your
return:—calculated under such circumstances to give a
dangerous encouragement, to those in the Colony, who might feel a
disposition, to direct against the authority of the present
Governor, a spirit of resistance, which, under such
circumstances, they would readily persuade themselves, was no
longer discountenanced at Home.
I am, Sir,
I wrote to you by the Shipley two days
ago but suffering so much painful suspense as I at present do by
the delay of Letters, I am more strongly impelled to take the
precautions needful to secure you from similar feelings, if it
should happen that the Morley (by which this is intended
to be sent) should arrive first and therefore I shall now repeat
such information as that Letter (I mean the one by the
Shipley) contained relative to our own immediate
affairs.
The Letter of advice which you wrote by the Emu was
forwarded from the Cape of Good Hope and has been in my
possession a month, Lieut. Smith also arrived in London last
Tuesday (3 inst.) and immediately delivered Elizabeth's Letter to
John and all the little accompanyments mentioned in it—I
had the good fortune to find him out the very same evening and
sat with him until a very late hour, listening to as much
information as he had time to communicate that night. He left
Town yesterday, but with the exception of one day every other day
has been spent with me. I have had the satisfaction to find him
well informed and most willing to bear the labour of answering my
unceasing questions and altho' it was not in his power to tell me
all I wanted to know yet I have learnt more from him than I have
done since my return to England, from the whole of the persons to
whom you have unluckily referred me—I have endeavoured to
return his obliging communicativeness by shewing him every
attention in my power, and I think I may venture to say that he
has left me not dissatisfied with the reception he has
received—He appears to be a very gentlemanly and honourable
young man.
Now for ourselves—you will most probably have heard that
the Emu ran aground on going into Symonds Bay and received
so much injury that it was necessary to repair her before she
could prosecute her voyage—In consequence of this untoward
accident she will perhaps not arrive, in England these three or
four weeks to come—and as Lieut. Frash has thought right to
detain the despatch Box, in which were your letters, I am
constrained to make large Drafts upon patience—and to
submit to some inconvenience for want of your remittances and no
little vexation by the delay of the information which I trust
your Letters contain—The most material and vexatious
consequence of the detention of the Emu it that it has
prevented me from sending out James in the Morley, as it
was my determination to have done—But her Commander refused
to take a Draft upon you for the amount of his passage, or to
receive a Bill payable in this Country at two or three months
date and being short of money myself, I did not choose in such a
time of universal distress as the present to attempt
borrowing—This will try you I fear and it should not have
been mentioned, but that I disapprove of secrets and mystery. . .
. .
It is with painful regret that I acquaint you of the total
rupture of my negotiations with Government. By different ships I
have forwarded to you copies of the correspondence that has been
carried on between us, which I hope will reach you safely, from
these you will discover that I have been required to sanction a
belief that I regret the part which I took in the arrest of that
miscreant Bligh, and that I have unequivocably refused to do
so—My next step is at present undecided and must remain so
until I get your Letters, because in them I expect to find full
information upon all those subjects which my letters by the
Hebe treated on, and if that be of the nature I am taught
to expect from some hints from you and from Elizabeth, perhaps
the present obstacles to a complete pacification may be removed
without much difficulty—This will I know make you, my
beloved Wife, severely lament that the Hebe did not bring
as she certainly ought to have done, answers to the letters sent
by her—but it is past, and my animadversions will not
correct the mischief—I was going to say, and may not
prevent its recurrence, if, (which God forbid) I should be much
longer detained from your arms and my long forsaken home. . . .
.
I must not omit to tell you that no doubt is entertained here
that Governor Macquarrie will be recalled, Sir Thomas Brisbane is
confidently spoken of as his successor, and if he be, it is
extremely probable I shall accompany him to the Colony. William
Wentworth came home in the same Frigate with Lt. Smith, but he is
not yet arrived in town from Plymouth, at least I have not heard
of him—Mr. Smith supposes him to have been detained by some
difficulty in passing his baggage through the Custom House. Tell
his Father he is well and very highly spoken of by Mr. Smith. Say
all that is needful for me both at home and abroad and believe me
My beloved Wife,
Your unalterably affectionate Husband
I fear you will be puzzled to decypher but my
varied feelings when I write to you compel me to write as fast as
possible were I to ponder not a word could I write.
This will be delivered to you by a Mr. Espie (a Surgeon in the
Navy and Agent to the Convicts) You will be indebted to him for
the Postage of this Packet to Deal, which I have not paid,
because I know Post paid Letters sometimes mis-carry—Mr.
Espie has very obligingly exerted himself in my affair with the
Captain of the Morley to procure James a passage and I
have no doubt will prove deserving any attention you may have it
in your power to show him in return.
John Macarthur to Lieut. J.R. Smith.
My dear Sir,
I have delayed doing myself the pleasure of replying to your
obliging Letter of the 20th of December hoping that it would be
in my power to communicate the particulars of an amicable
arrangement with the great personage in Downing Street; but
altho' I still continue to encourage hopes nothing conclusive has
yet been done.—You are exceedingly good to think of the
wants of your absent friends so immediately after your return to
your own from; whom you have been separated so long, and when
every moment must have many pressing claims—The Moss Roses
& Sea Kale I have no doubt will go out securely packed in
Moss, and the Glass which I find on further inquiry is much
cheaper than it can be procured here, will be highly acceptable.
I think about 6 dozen Wine Glasses, 3 dozen Rummers 2 Pair of
Quart Decanters, 2 Pair Pint, 2 Cut Water jugs and any other
little thing you may think useful, will be sufficient. The cost
of them I will repay to your Draft and if it will be equally
convenient, you can arrange in the way you propose with your
friend Colonel Molle, and Mrs. McArthur can pay him. . . . .
Letters are arrived by the Alexander dated up to the
middle of June, I have one from my wife in which she acquaints me
in a most sorrowful style that the Governor had become highly
unpopular but she is silent respecting the cause. I have however
learnt from William Wentworth who also has a letter that
Macquarrie had flogged a man of good character who came free to
the Country for crossing his Domain at Sydney and that
notwithstanding the Magistrate had previously refused to sanction
the punishment. The Colony is reported to be in an absolute state
of fermentation and matters had proceeded to such length that a
subscription was opened by staunch Govt. men to raise a fund to
prosecute the Governor whenever he may return to England. There
is another version to the story in circulation which states that
the Acting Judge Advocate had lent himself as a willing
instrument to authorise the flogging but time will unfold the
truth.
If you have any means of getting at the "Times" News Papers you
will find in the one for Wednesday the 1st of January a paragraph
casting a kind of imputation on the 46th. I wrote to the Editor
and insisted upon his contradicting the part that related to the
Regt: and it was arranged that I should write an article which he
promised to insert, before however I could send it to the Office
the late letters arrived and their contents have induced me to
postpone taking the step I had determined upon until I can
ascertain whether there be or not any quarrel between your
Officers and the Governor. What I had written was as follows. "We
have been informed since the publication of our Paper of
Wednesday the 1st of January that the determination of Government
to remove the 46th Regt: from New South Wales to India has not
been caused by any apprehension of the contagious example of the
convicts extending itself to the soldiery but from a late
regulation that no Regt: is to remain in the Colony for a longer
period than three or four years We also feel great pleasure in
stating that in March last the date as it is presumed of the most
recent advices no disagreement had existed between Civil and
Military Authorities, but on the contrary there was every
appearance of harmony between the Governor and the Officers of
the 46th, who had endeared themselves to all the respectable part
of the Community by the correctness of their conduct and the
exact discipline which they maintained amongst their men.
Unfortunately however the same concord did not extend itself to
every department of the Government various disputes having arisen
between the Governor the Judicial and some other Civil Officers
which we are willing to believe gave rise to the report that
reached us of differences in which the Military were erroneously
said to bear a part."
I hope you will think I did right in forbearing to insert this
until we knew the actual state of things at the time the
Alexander sailed when I hear anything further I will lose
no time in acquainting you and I shall be happy to receive your
opinion and advice. . . . .
After such a dreary period of banishment from
the Society of my beloved Elizabeth I find it difficult to
confide in my own senses when I reflect that I am seated for the
purpose of communicating the happy tidings that all the obstacles
which have so long obstructed my return to you and my beloved
Girls, have this day been removed; such however I thank God is
the fact and I lose not a moment to acquaint you that it is
settled that I am to embark with our Sons James and William on
board one of the Government Transports now preparing in the River
and expected to sail in about a month. How this most desirable
result of all my contentions and negotiations has been
accomplished I trust I shall very soon after this reaches your
hands have the unspeakable happiness of relating in person and
indulging that fond hope I shall now content myself with stating
that it has been agreed that neither concession nor retraction
shall be insisted upon on either side and as proof of the present
amicable disposition of Government they are to provide me and the
boys with a passage, to allow me tonnage for such Implements and
Stores as I may find expedient to take, and to fit up a green
house for my Vines, Olives, &c. I will not ask you if these
are not joyful tidings because a little self examination at once
explains to me what will be your feelings when the doubts fears
and incertitude to which you have been so long exposed are
removed. Three ships are preparing to take prisoners and Stores
and I hope I shall be able to name the ship destined for our
reception before the departure of the 48th Regiment from Cork. I
have before said that the Ships are expected to sail in a month
but you who so well know what unexpected causes frequently arise
to detain ships, one, two, and even three months, beyond the
period originally named will not require to be cautioned if
delays should happen not to suffer yourself to be uneasy or
alarmed. Your letters and their enclosures by the Emu and
Alexander have been all safely received and in every sense
of the word most acceptable to us all altho' our enjoyment could
not be but greatly diminished by the account you give of the
continued ill health and suffering of our beloved Girl Elizabeth.
I indulge the pleasing hope that the society of myself and her
Brothers and the inducements we shall present to her to take
exercise may do more towards perfecting her recovery than all the
Medical Men in the World, nor shall we be unmindful of our dear
Mary as we propose bringing with us a celebrated cure for Tooth
ache which has lately been much spoken of. . . . .
Until the last fortnight I have enjoyed better health than I have
done since I have been in England but a violent cold has brought
back my old tormenting complaint unsettled gout which has kept me
in the house till yesterday. The good news of to day and the
consequent bustle of preparation to depart will certainly soon
restore my usual health and activity, I say my usual for I must
calculate upon requiring a good deal of nursing as long as my
tempest shattered bark holds together. This letter will be
presented to you by Colonel White of the 48th Regt: I have not
the pleasure of being known to the Colonel myself but some near
connections of his are friends of John and through them I learn
as well as from other unquestionable authority that the Colonel
is a man most respectably connected and possesses qualities that
have raised his character very high in the Service. He is a
married man but leaves his wife at home, their children being of
an age which requires the presence and superintendence of at
least one parent. I have introduced the Colonel to our friend
Piper ** and I need not say to you that I shall be gratified at
any attentions he may receive because you will take it for
granted that I am desirous you should use what influence you have
in the Colony to make it as pleasant to him as possible. The 48th
are spoken of as a most excellent Regiment and the Officers a
very superior set this will somewhat diminish your regrets at the
removal of the 46th.
[** Captain Piper, who was naval officer.]
I hope to be in the Colony to thank Colonel Molle for his friendship and great attentions to you and the girls, but if I should not arrive before his departure do not fail to assure him of my gratitude. I regret to find that Party rage burns so fiercely in the Colony. The Governor has many secret enemies as well as open ones who inundate the Secretary of States Office with complaints. In a conversation with Mr. Goulburn the Under Secretary of State he said to me "Sir, we have as heavy charges against Governor Macquarrie as you have made against his predecessor, I replied, "I know nothing of the publick affairs of the Colony but as far as relates to the present Governor's conduct to my Family I am bound to declare that it has been uniformly benevolent, attentive and friendly, and he has absolutely conferred more favours upon me than all the Governors who have preceded him, and altho' I do not pretend to offer any opinion on publick affairs because I want information; I do not hesitate to say that nothing can be more unjust and indefensible that to compare him with such a wretch as Bligh. The latter was a brutal ruffian governed by no principle of honour or rectitude and restrained by no tie but the wretched and despicable one of fear. Governor Macquarrie is a gentleman in manners, humane and friendly to all, at least to all who will take the trouble to recommend themselves to his favor, a man of umblemished honor and character altho' it may not have been his lot to do that which I think no man ever will do to give satisfaction to all. The Secretary replied "what you say Sir, may be true, and at all events it is proper and correct that you should speak as you do. Since that time they have been more close at the Office and altho' I have endeavoured to discover what their intentions are and I have not been enabled to learn anything I can depend upon. I have heard that a disagreeable letter has been written and that it is calculated that it will provoke the Governor to resign but that he has a powerful friend who they do not like to disoblige by appointing a successor. Do not be impatient I intreat, a little more patience and I trust in God we shall be reunited to pass the remainder of our lives in peace and happiness. I write this alone at night and I see very badly by candle light. Time and care have laid hands heavily upon me altho' every one tells me it is not so visible James and William are gone to a private Ball, John was here this evening and is engaged in passing an Act of Parliament to open the Trade of the Colony and to exempt Wool and several other articles that I hope to introduce from the payment of duties for a limited time. I hope to get the Act passed before I sail God bless and protect you all.
My beloved Elizabeth.
The letter that I wrote you about a month since and intended to
be sent in charge of Colonel White will apprise you that I had
then succeeded in removing the obstacles which had so long
prevented my return to my long deserted home When I wrote that
letter I sanguinely calculated that I should be able in a few
days to inform you by what ship I and the dear Boys are to take
our passage. I say sanguinely calculated for I found I had still
to encounter with a train of the most vexatious though petty
obstructions and it was not until yesterday that I could procure
the order for our embarkation on board the Lord Eldon a
fine ship of 520 tons. I will not tell you or attempt to describe
how much I have been harrassed or how happy I now feel to be
released from suspense and incertitude but you will easily
conceive that the last month must have been an anxious one. Thank
God everything is now settled, and settled in such a way, that no
enemy can triumph over me, or friend have cause to blush on my
account. I have persevered with unshaken firmness in defending
every publick transaction in which I have been an actor, and I
have now reason to think that those who have been most earnest in
their opposition to me, and most desirous to humble me, by
insisting upon concessions, view my conduct with approbation, and
me with esteem. I will not however dwell upon a subject which I
am not yet calm enough to recollect without many painful
feelings, nor will I deprive myself of the delight I anticipate
from narrating all my labours when you shall be near enough to
cheer me with your approving smiles and reward me with those
endearments to which I have been so long a stranger. The Lord
Eldon tis said will be ready for sea in a fortnight but I do
not think she can sail in less than a month and even then causes
of detention as you well know, may arise, which is impossible to
foresee or to provide against, you will not therefore my beloved
Wife suffer yourself to be more anxious than you can help, if you
do not see us before November.
Government have ordered a Green house to be fitted up for my
plants which in addition to those we brought with us from France
and Switzerland will contain everything that we can think of that
may be most useful or ornamental to the Colony. We are also
provided with Tonnage for all the best and newest Agricultural
Implements, and for other matters that I will not particularize,
that I please myself with the hope will be acceptable to you and
our dear Girls.
John, James, and William, are romping and laughing by the
fireside, and help to distract a head not too clear just now, for
to speak the truth I am wearied with the task I have completed.
They are all well, John will write to you as soon as we can
ascertain when the ship with the 48th will sail, but I shall
despatch this to Cork today for fear they should leave without
our receiving previous notice.
The boys all unite with me in every affectionate wish to yourself
and the dear Girls and in kindest remembrances to Mrs. Lucas.
God preserve you my dearest Elizabeth and in His mercy grant that
nothing may retard our re-union.
Adieu.
Ever your affectionate Husband.
Lord Bathurst's promise of good accommodation was well fulfilled and the Macarthurs sailed on their homeward voyage in the Lord Eldon transport. The ship touched at Rio and there Macarthur increased his collection of plants. In September, 1817, the following note was dispatched from the husband to the wife who were to meet that day after 8½ years of weary separation.
My dearest best beloved Elizabeth
We are at last safely at anchor within the Heads and waiting most
impatiently for the appearance of Captain Piper. We met the
Matilda on Saturday and learnt from Captain Humphreys who
came on board us that you are all well. This most welcome news
has made us bear with tolerable patience a most annoying adverse
wind.
James and William will hasten to you the moment they can procure
a conveyance. I must follow them at a slower pace, for to speak
the truth fast movements will not suit me—not to keep you,
in suspense, I am returned to you with a most severe fit of
gout—it has lasted a fortnight and I think will take leave
soon—Home will do more for me than the
Doctor—How many dear associations does that word Home
create! For a short time
Adieu.
Your affectionate
Post script from James.
Captain Piper is just come on board, we shall set off as soon as
possible in his boat, and my father will follow as soon as the
heat of the day is over, in his carriage—Adieu, we shall
soon be with you—
In 1812 Macarthur sent his nephew Hannibal to Australia in charge of his trading adventures, and the following extracts from correspondence between them give some insight to the sheep farming at the Cowpastures, and also to the state of affairs in the Colony during Macarthur's absence.
In this I enclose you acct. sales of our
Investment up to Nov. 1st 1812 by which you will see how
unfortunate we have been in entering this market when compleatly
glutted with European and Indian goods whilst the Government are
pursuing a system of economy which must eventually leave the
Colonists to their own resources and you must know those are very
inadequate to the purchase of Cargoes from Europe. . . . .
The Spirits, a prohibition to the sale of which (except for
Government purposes) has taken place from a contract for building
a General Hospital which grants to the Contractors Messrs.
Blaxcell Wentworth and Riley a privilege to import spirits for
three years to the exclusion of any other individual I have sold
to Government for 9/- per gall, free from duty which is 3/- p.g.
. . . . The contractors are now selling Bengal Rum at 36/-.
My dear Uncle.
This morning I closed my Letters for you but I find it is the
Governor's intention to detain the Ship for his Despatches in
which the minutes of a Court Martial on an officer to commence on
the 12th are to be enclosed. . . . .
In this Port the arbitrary measures pursued by the Government are
enough to deter one from having a ship here and more particularly
bound to England as every person is interested to detain her. . .
. .
Indeed the business of a merchant is so incompatible with that of
the Farmer that one or the other must be given up, and as the
latter is by far the most promising at present and an employment
so much more suited to my abilities. . . . . I am convinced it is
better to live up the country as there one can pursue profitable
employment without observation and at the same time live at half
the expense.
12th.—After a great deal of trouble yesterday I managed to
ship every thing on our own account stores etc., and this morning
Capt. Higton waited on the Secretary to muster his men. For the
accommodation of Mr. Campbell every Man or Boy from the Capt. to
the Cook is obliged to attend on shore at his office 2/6 is paid
for every person so mustered and the Fees at the Secretary's
office amount to nearly £10 for which he will neither give Bill
or receipt.
A Court Martial is now sitting (Capt. Darcy President) to try an
officer (Mr. Wright) for ungentlemanly behaviour in associating
with Nichols whilst the Governor brings Michael Robinson to his
Table and the Colonel's House is open to Sir H. Hayes, indeed all
circumstances combined I cannot but think the present Governor as
arbitrary as Bligh only that he has a manner of reconciling
people to his measures. An objection was made to Robinson's
appearing at the Court Martial as a Counsel for the Prosecutor,
the Colonel. He brought with him the Governor's permission and
after a long debate he was allowed to act as Clerk. The Governor
has always held out to me that whenever the Ship was ready he
should not detain her. Yesterday I waited on him to say that with
the exception of some stores which Govt. were to ship for the
Marines, every thing was on board and that the Ship would be
ready for Sea next day! then and not till then he told me he
should detain the Ship for the minutes of the Court Martial which
is likely to sit these lo days—He told me that I must
understand it was no favor he asked but, that from his Public
situation he should command the detention of the vessel. I
replied then of course he would not be displeased at my taking
measures to enable the owners to recover damages as a recompense
for her detention—he promised me his Certificate—but
now every obstacle is thrown in the way of clearing her out so as
to render the delay apparently not worth noticing when in fact
she has already been waiting 3 or 4 days. This circumstance
convinces me that it is better have nothing to do with concerns
that can in any way interest Government. Shipping always must and
in spite of everything one can do to act agreeably to their wish,
there is so much whispering to the Governor by his Favourites who
are a set of them delighting in the annoyance of a respectable
character that to live at Sydney and be on terms with the
Governor is next to impossible—His spies are in all
companies and nothing passes without his knowledge.
I mean to leave this and remain with my Aunt at Parramatta as
soon as I possibly can, and then I shall direct my attention to
forming some little establishment for myself up the country.
Nov. 19th.—Since I wrote the foregoing I have taken a trip
to the Cowpastures I am happy to inform you I found the stock in
fine condition, and as to the success of growing fine wool I now
send you a few samples as drawn from the sheep promiscuously
whilst looking at them in the Folds. You will discover that
Baker's are inferior to Russell's, this arises from the former
having made over the fine Flock to Russell last year. In the more
inferior flocks very fine wool is to be found and I hope to
select at least 600 ewes this season equal to any Spanish. The
cattle tho' rather confined in their feeding ground are much
improved this last month and before any scarcity of feed arises
again I hope to have them removed.
Nov. 28th.—A second Court Martial has detained the
Isabella up to this day and I am just informed by the
Governor that his Dispatches will be ready tomorrow.
Much rain has fallen the last four days—George's River is
very much flooded and much damage is probably sustained at the
Hawkesbury but no accounts have reached us yet.
. . . . I have purchased as a place of Residence Waterhouse's Farm and am repairing the house thoroughly previous to going there which I hope to accomplish in the course of two or three months. I paid £160 for this Farm . . . . The Barouche is entirely worn out and you should not fail to bring a carriage for my Aunt who is much inconvenienced for want of it.
I herein send you memd. of Wool shipt on board
the Minstrel, also Bill of Lading for the same—The
Freight is at 4½d. per lb. but I do not altogether approve of
this arrangement, as I think it can be closer packed and come
cheaper at 12£ measurement. This shipment 36 Bales were pressed
in our own Machine.
After writing by the Isabella I found a very fine screw
among the Iron-work which came out in the Argo, this was
erected and proves to be the best Press in the Country. Should
you have shipt Screws in consequence of my last Letter, it will
be but prudent to keep a spare one and others will sell if not
too high priced. The Nutts should be of entire Bell Metal,
as our present two are and two to a Screw in case of
Accidents.
Mr. Marsden's were Iron Boxes wormed with Metal and are much
injured. The Screw we now use, is about 7 ft. long 16 inches in
circumference square Head with holes for a stout Crowbar. The
Nutts are abt. 10 inches deep cast with a stout brim thro' which
the bolts pass to fix it on the Cross beam of the Press. The Nutt
of Metal bolted to the cross Beam thro' a rim 2 Inches thick.
The Spanish Wool you will find in a good clean state. The Wether
Wool was also washed, and the Cx was laying by a 12 months after
being washed, therefore is not so fresh as might be wished.
The Dx is all the Wool I could collect which has been laying
about the Barn and wool of this years shearing which could not be
washed.
My Aunt is about getting a store built at Camden for the purpose
of securing the Wool and every sheep is to be washed previous to
shearing so that I hope by the James Hay we shall make you
a very handsome shipment of Wool.
Mr. Marsden on his arrival here collected all his wool which had
been saved during his absence (this must have been very inferior)
and sent it to a House in Hull, who have allowed him 3/9 per lb.
after deducting the expenses of washing etc. The expense of
washing Wool would be enormous here—independent of the want
of convenience and we think the least expense is to send the wool
home in its Dirt, when not washed on the sheep.
You have 1300 Ewes breeding this year 700 Lambs already dropped
and the Season is very favourable.
Mr. Riley has sent me 3 Questions which he wishes to have
answered by the Purchasers of Wool. . . . The House from whom Mr.
Marsden had such good returns for Wool is Messrs. Jeremiah and
Wm. Thompson Leeds.
. . . . The Governor has added six months more to this Infamous Tax * in consequence of the Contractors complaining of his Liberality to his Favorites who have been supplied with large quantities at different times. They have also Permission to import 5,000 galls, in addition to the first stated Quantity, in short there is no apparent end to this oppressive Tax. Had 8/- 10/- or 12/- pr. gall, been levied as a Duty on spirits imported the Hospital would have been built and paid for before this and people less dissatisfied, but in addition to building the Hospital the Public are to fill the pockets of the Contractors and what crowns the concern is that there are no sick to occupy it and it is generally thought sufficiently large for a general Hospital to the W. Indies besides affording Palaces for the Surgeon and Staff . . .
[* On Spirits.]
The season for the Stock is very unfavourable, a
colder winter has never been remembered, and as the Frosts have
been attended by a most astonishing Drought the grass is cut off
and the cattle are starving throughout the Colony in addition to
this calamity there is a great scarcity of grain which arises
from the destruction of vast Quantities, by feeding Pigs, the
result of a determined system in the Govt. not to purchase: on
Mr. Allen's arrival, the stores were found empty and on his
making arrangements for taking Wheat from the Settlers, a
scarcity of that article appeared altho' all were lulled in
security previous to this, from its being sedulously given out,
that the Govt. were provided for 6 mths. Wheat immediately rose
from 6/- to 12/- sterlg. and it is expected by some to be at 20/-
before Harvest. The face of the country is so changed within
these last 6 weeks as can scarcely be credited, and every quarter
of it is in the most deplorable situation for want of rain.
My Aunt will write you fully on this subject. I am happy to say
she and my cousins are well tho' not at ease from the present
starving state of the cattle.
. . . . By the James Hay we hope to make
a large shipment of Wool but are particularly anxious to hear of
the Sale of that sent by the Minstrel.
The Season has been very distressing from drought and Frost from
this time last year—and the Wool has suffered materially as
far as I can judge as we have not been able to wash it with any
good effect. The Colony is in a distressing state Wheat is at
this time 20s. stg. p. Bushl. and the Corn has been burnt off by
the heat and drought. This last week has produced some rain which
has given new life to us but I much fear it is too late to be of
much benefit towards a relief from famine. . . .
There is a Brig to sail (The Spring) in a
few months. . . . . The Wool will also be shipped then about 8000
lbs. I suppose we could not get it ready for the James Hay
for want of a Sorter as Dowling is the only man capable of doing
it and is now in general requisition. The Sheep are now in fine
condition and we look forward to a healthy lambing as the Country
abounds in feed at present.
The Natives have become extremely troublesome and amongst others
we have become sufferers in the Death of a Shepherd's wife and
your old favourite Wm. Baker who were inhumanly murdered at the
Upper Camden Yards. This horrid event was represented to the
Governor ** but he is so much taken up with a Parade of a
garrison that he has "no means of Defence or Protection for those
distant Establishments" so that the possession of Stock is
rendered very precarious as in addition to the Natives numbers of
convicts are roving uncontrolled through the country committing
all kinds of depredations, and, I have every reason to believe
some of them were concerned with the Natives in the attack of our
yards.
[** Governor Macquarie.]
I am just returned from the Cowpastures, where
everything is again ajusted and I trust the horrid event (which
my letters by this opportunity closed last week relates to you)
may never occur again. "We have lost Baker and a shepherd's wife
by an attack from the Natives."
The detention of the James Hay is owing to the total
destruction of the ship Three Bees by fire which took
place on Friday last in the Cove to the great terror of the
Inhabitants of Sydney who fled from their houses after the
example of the Governor! Some danger was to be apprehended from
the shot, the guns being loaded. They however discharged at
Intervals without doing much injury. A Ball entered Capt. Piper's
Parlor and destroyed a Writing Desk! This is the only loss I have
heard of on shore.
The James Hay was in imminent Danger for some time as she
could not be removed and had a most fortunate escape as the
Bees was cut adrift in the hurry and confusion. It has
since been discovered that a Party of Convicts had formed a Plan
to take the James Hay that very night and were most
probably frustrated by the watchfulness which the other
unfortunate vessel created. The fire broke out so near the Powder
Room that all on board fled immediately under an impression that
she would blow up instantly which did not happen for nearly four
hours after, but from the alarm at first no means were adopted to
scuttle her or it is generally presumed this fine ship might have
been saved from any material injury Instead of making any
exertion to save the ship from what I can learn it was who could
run fastest. . . . .
. . . . I must now remind you that we want Sheep
Shears
We have now 25 Bales of Wool ready for shipping but from the
delay and difficulty of getting it sorted have not the
opportunity of shipping Per Seringapatam (an American
recapture), which the Governor has allowed to take Freight, but
as I am much in doubt as to the regularity of her doing so and a
seizure might lead to much trouble if not total loss! I do not
much regret that we have it in our possession—
We are again labouring under the effects of a very dry season,
every thing is burned up, and the cattle are beginning to fall
off. The upland wheat will not bring 8 Bushells to the acre, and
we have every reason to expect a great scarcity during the next
Twelve Months.
Large Herds are becoming numerous and nothing promises a return
to the Farmer's Labor but the fine wool which is now taking the
attention of most settlers. Since writing the above Capt. Pitcher
has agreed to take the 25 Bales of wool. . . . .
. . . . The Emu Brig is to leave this in Deer, or Jany. next for England. . . . . You will receive by this ship 60 Bales of Wool the Quality of which I trust will meet with your approbation. The present season is dreadful for the Sheep if one half the Lambs are reared it will be fortunate for us. We still continue to suffer from dry weather and the late Autumnal spring has totally failed this season. . . . .
Let us now return to Mrs. Macarthur, whose letters to Miss Kingdon during her husband's enforced abscence in England, give some account of herself and family.
Governor Macquarie had succeeded Colonel Paterson, who had succeeded Foveaux, at the beginning of 1810, and during his administration Mrs. Macarthur was granted about 600 acres of inferior land in the vicinity of Elizabeth Farm as a mark of approbation for the various improvements in agriculture that she h-id introduced, such as taking the stumps out of the ground, and making hay for sale (both of which were new departures) as well as for her excellent management of a large establishment of assigned servants.
Mrs. John Macarthur to Miss Kingdon.
My dear Eliza,
. . . . I know not what I can say of our mode of life, that will
give you a correct idea of it. It is a mixture of town and
country life; and yet in many respects unlike anything you can
have experienced. Our climate is delightful, and we have in high
perfection and in great abundance the fruits of warm and cold
climates. In our garden, which is large we have Oranges, Lemons,
Olives, Almonds, Grapes, Peaches, Apricots, Nectarines, Meddlars,
Pears, Apples, Raspberries, Strawberries, Walnuts, Cherries,
Plums. These fruits you know. Then we have the Loquat, a Chinese
fruit, the Citron, the Shaddock and the Pomegranate, and perhaps
some others that I may have forgotten to enumerate, such as the
Cherry and Guava. We have an abundance, even to profusion, in so
much that our Pigs are fed on Peaches, Apricots and Melons in the
season. Oranges and Lemons we have all the year round, yet there,
is a particular season from May to August (our winter) when the
trees yield a regular crop. I have I perceive, omitted to mention
the Fig, of which we have many varieties and in abundance. The
Gooseberry and Currant have not hitherto thriven at this
settlement, but at Van Diemen's Land they do well. We grow wheat,
barley, oats, we make hay, at least I do, and so does Mrs.
Macquarie but the practice is not general. We feed hogs, we have
cattle, keep a dairy, fatten beef and mutton and export fine
wool. A variety of avocations arising from these pursuits keeps
the mind pretty busily employed. Our society as the country has
increased in population has become more extended. On particular
days, such as the King's or Queen's Birthday there are parties at
Government House, numbering occasionally 150 persons. I will not
say that these assemblies have been very select. However there is
a sufficiency of pleasant, agreeable persons to visit and to be
visited by, to satisfy one who is not ambitious to have a very
numerous visiting acquaintance. The Regiment now stationed here
is the 46th commanded by Colonel Molle, who is also Lieutenant
Governor. The Colonel is a most accomplished, charming man, who
has seen much of the world. Mrs. Molle—friendly and
affectionate, and pretty conversant with the same sort of
knowledge, but she appreciates it at its true worth. With this
family we visit on easy friendly terms, which is to us a great
consolation. Governor Macquarie is one of the most pleasing men,
but then he is the Governor, and it is not possible to forget
that he is so Mrs. Macquarie is very amiable, very benevolent, in
short a very good woman. They have a lovely Boy, now ten years
old.
I am much indebted to Miss Meyrick for her remembrance of me. Mrs. Macquarie begs her compliments to you. On Thursday I am to dine with her, on the occasion of a farewell party to Lieutenant and Mrs. Forster, and the Officers who return to England in the Emu. This is a sort of mid-station visited by ships from many quarters of the Globe. At this time we have a vessel in the Harbour, from America, two from Bengal, one from Canton, one from the Cape, and one from Ceylon, one also from the Isle of France, several from Europe which are about to depart by way of Java, China or India. With the Islands in the South Seas we also keep up a constant communication. The Church Missionaries there are under the direction of our principal Chaplain, the Reverend Samuel Marsden. Many of the Otaheitians have become converts to Christianity. The New Testament is translated into their language. Attempts have been made to civilise the natives of this country, but they are complete savages, and are as lawless and troublesome as when the Colony was first established. Our out settlements are constantly subjected to their depredations. A great extent of territory has been discovered in the last two years, by three Gentlemen,* who penetrated the chain of Hills, which we call "The Blue Mountains" and which were before thought impassable. The Governor has caused a road to be made which has completely opened the communication. He made an excursion to this new country, and was absent an entire month. The Governor has named the chief place of settlement "Bathurst" which is situated near a large River, and upon an extensive plain. Where the river discharged itself and whether it connects itself with other waters, is a subject for interesting speculation and after search. I am now reminded I must close my letter, I hope my Mother and my Aunt Green may talk comfortably over old times.
[* Gregory Blaxland, William Charles Wentworth, and Lieut. Lawson.]
Many Officers come here from India. They generally return with amended health. My nephew Hannibal and his wife and Miss King, live at a little distance from our house—they have two children, a boy and a girl. Her Brother, Captain King is I understand to marry his cousin Miss Lethbridge.
God bless you my dearest
Eliza,
Your affectionate Friend,
[Extract.]
Edward always recollects you with kindness, I think whenever the soldier has leave of absence and can command a little spare cash he will pay a visit to the neighbourhood of Bridgerule. You may fancy how much I wish to see those dear children, from whom I have been so long separated. Edward last quitted me about seven years since. John left this country at the early age of seven years and a half, and has not since returned. He is now 22, James and William went home with their Father, and when I last heard of them were with him in Switzerland. John is my faithful and most affectionate correspondent. My daughters Elizabeth, Mary and Emmeline, are still with me, and a single lady ** about my own age who shares all my cares. It is not wealth, nor large possessions that entail happiness but health, industry, with the blessing of God affect much. I am much oppressed with care on account of our stock establishments at our distant farms, at the Cowpastures, having been disturbed by the incursions of the natives. The savages have burnt and destroyed the shepherds habitations, and I daily hear of some fresh calamity. Yesterday the Governor was pleased to order a non-commissioned Officer and six soldiers out to protect our establishments from further injuries. Two years ago a faithful old servant who had lived with us since we first came to the Colony was barbarously murdered by them and a poor defenceless woman also. Three of my people are now reported to be missing, but I trust they will be found unhurt.
[** Miss Lucas who had accompanied Elizabeth as governess in 1804.]
My dear Eliza,
I was favoured with your letter by the Lord
EldonTransport, the very same vessel which restored to me
your God-father, and my Husband together with our two youngest
sons, after a cruel separation of nine years. I am yet scarcely
sensible of the extent of my happiness, and indeed I can hardly
persuade myself that so many of the dear members of our family
are united again under the same roof. Mr. Macarthur is
occasionally afflicted with Gout, otherwise I perceive little
change in him during this length of time. James and William from
little Boys when they left me, returned fine young men. James six
feet high and stout withall, William more slender but evidently
giving promise of being stout also. They are delighted to return
to their native land, and breathe not a regret for the gay scenes
of the English Metropolis. Nothing they saw in France or
Switzerland effaced the strong desire they had to return to their
native wild woods in New South Wales. So much for the Love of
Country.
I have seen Mrs. Philip King, late Miss Harriet Lethbridge
several times, she has lately presented her Husband with a fine
Boy. Mr. King is about to go to sea to perform the object of his
mission here, which is to survey a part of the coast, not
effectually done by the late Captain Flinders.
I cannot even now repress the ardent desire which I have once
more to see the place of my birth. So many and so great have been
the obstacles that I have never dared to cherish the hope. In our
Colonial Gazette of the 11th and 18th of August there is
an account of a tour or expedition, made by our Surveyor General
to the westward of the Blue Mountains—the party was absent
nineteen weeks from the new settlement at Bathurst, and passed
through a great variety of country. Their purpose was to trace
the progress of the River Lachlan as a persuasion existed of its
emptying itself into the sea. Such however was not the case as
after tracing it in its wanderings for many hundred Miles it
appeared to lose itself in stagnant lakes and pools amidst a
desert marshy country. Mr. Oxley however had the good fortune to
discover a better country to the northward of west, and a river
which promised to be one of the first magnitude. Want of
provisions prevented Mr. Oxley tracing the course of this river
which he named the Macquarie.
Emmeline is not yet sufficiently composed to write to Samuel by
this opportunity. She is so much engaged in running about, and
showing her brothers everything that she can think will amuse
them. Pray pardon this confused letter—I have some
difficulty in collecting my own scattered thoughts at a moment
like the present.
Adieu.
We are here in deep mourning for the Princess Charlotte. You wish to know how we pass our time? Not very much unlike what you do in the country. We are now a very large family of ourselves. James and William assist their Father in the management of his farm and stock. By way of amusement, they ride, shoot wild fowl, fish and occasionally associate with the Officers of the 48th Regiment which is now here. We have an excellent collection of books—we receive most of the new publications from England. James and William amuse us with an account of their travels in France, and of the manners of the Swiss, amongst whom they resided many months. As we have frequently ships from various parts of India and China, we see many passengers who come here to re-establish their health. This makes a little change in our society. We have also frequent communication with the south Sea Islanders, and inhabitants of New Zealand. The latter are a stout hardy race very different from the natives of New Holland. They avail themselves of the opportunity of visiting this Colony, in a vessel belonging to the Missionary Society, which goes to and fro. These savages, for such, in truth they are, generally pay us a visit, and amuse us much. We frequently visit Sydney, a very agreeable distance to ride or drive. Last week one of my daughters spent a few days there with her Father. They dined at the Governor's and now my son William is on a visit to Mr. Baron Field, one of our Judges. Mr. and Mrs. Field are agreeable and well informed people, with whom we live on terms of intimacy, visiting each other without ceremony and frequently.
Adieu.
Some interesting matter may be gleaned from the correspondence of Elizabeth, their eldest daughter, with Miss Kingdon.
Miss Macarthur to Miss Kingdon.
Altho' I have not the pleasure, dear Miss Kingdon, of being personally known to you, yet my Mother permits me to hope you will not reject my correspondence. Dear as the members of your family have ever been to this beloved parent I cannot feel that I am addressing an utter stranger. Nor does it require any great effort of imagination to persuade myself I am already known to you. At this vast distance, it is only through the medium of letters, that I can ever hope really to become so; and I hope you will not refuse me a gratification so earnestly desired on my part. Should you kindly admit me amongst the number of your correspondents and consent to furnish me with some accounts of persons, whose names, at least are dear and familiar to me, I will in turn send you intelligence from our southern hemisphere, which will however destitute of other qualifications possess at least the recommendation of novelty. My Mother I believe has already given you some account of the discoveries made in the interior of this Colony; and of Governor and Mrs. Macquarie having visited the newly explored country, laid there a town * and returned highly pleased with the excursion. Since that time nearly one hundred miles more of country has been discovered. The result of these researches may I trust benefit us materially by making valuable additions to natural history. All the animals and plants hitherto discovered are entirely new, and differ from the productions of any other known land. The inhabitants resemble the natives of this district. They are a singular race utterly ignorant of the arts, living constantly in the open air, and without any other covering than occasionally, cloaks of the skin of wild animals, but even these are not universally worn, it is not uncommon to see them without any covering at all. They are nevertheless very intelligent and not obtrusive. They have great vivacity and a peculiar turn for mimickry—acquiring our language, tones and expressions with singular facility. Their carriage is very graceful, and perhaps they possess more native politeness than is found amongst any people. They deem a great want of good breeding to contradict. In all the European modes of salutation they make themselves perfect. The benevolent exertions of) Governor Macquarie have induced some of these people to send their children to a School which he has formed for their reception and instruction. The little creatures have been taught to read and write, with a readiness truly astonishing, and in the hands of Providence let us hope they may be instrumental in civilizing their countrymen. Pray pardon the partiality of a native for native subjects.
[* Bathurst.]
My dear Miss Kingdon
I was much gratified by the receipt of your kind and obliging
letter, pray continue to favour us with your correspondence and I
in return will endeavour to give you such accounts of our infant
community as are likely to interest your curiosity. It is now our
winter season, and I am now sitting round a wood fire, with other
dear members of the family circle. But to show how we abound in
contradictions—the windows are open—and near to them
are two large orange trees loaded with ripe fruit, and at the
same time bearing flowers, and fruit but newly formed. All our
deciduous trees are however leafless, and you would smile at the
contrast presented by the English Oaks, and our luxuriant and
beautiful orange trees. Yet when in leaf it must be admitted that
the beautiful green of the English trees, far surpasses,
particularly when the leaves are young, the verdure of our
unchanging ever greens. We therefore continue to intermix them as
much as possible, and enjoy the beauty of each in their season. I
wish it were possible to convey to you some of our flowering
plants; their bright and varied colors would please you much; and
their form so different from the productions of Europe. At this
moment, the middle of our winter, the thermometer is at 60
degrees. Can you believe that we need a fire. Yet so it is, and
this morning not four hours since there was ice upon all the
standing water—not very thick you may imagine, but still
ice. It is at this season we are enabled to take the most
exercise in the open air, and indeed we frequently remain out
almost the whole day, for altho' we can have a fire in the house;
the sun is warm and pleasant. We remain out rambling in our
woods, or diverting ourselves in our garden until the evening
surprises us. The history of our day, is in truth that of our
life, for in a country so remote, where society is necessarily
very confined there is not much variety; yet because perhaps
there is little to mark its progress time appears to glide away
with even more than common rapidity.
After Macarthur's return to New South Wales he found much to occupy him in the furtherance of his agricultural schemes, though his health and spirits had suffered greatly from the strife of the years spent away from his home and relations.
In 1818 his sons, James and William, assisted by Andrew Murray, the gardener, who had lived with Sir Walter Scott at Abbotsford, began work at Camden, where but one acre of land was cleared and a small weatherboard cottage built.
Governor Macquarie received Macarthur with marked attention, and quickly increased his staff of workmen, so that clearing, fencing, and building were rapidly proceeded with.
The following is a letter to his friend Walter Davidson, which was copied in 1840 by his son Edward. His impaired health would account for his depressed spirits.
My dear Davidson,
The receipt of your most friendly and affectionate letter by the
Lynx gave me great pleasure, and your interesting
narrative of the disaster you had encountered excited many
conflicting feelings. Reflecting on the amount of actual loss you
must have sustained concern and regret predominated, but when I
considered that a little longer continuance of uninterrupted
success, would have induced you to withdraw yourself from a
situation which gives you such ample scope to exercise your good
sense and display your talents I cannot but think, that the event
which compelled you to abandon that plan, ought to be rather
accounted an instance of good than of ill fortune. Be assured
that many years must elapse and much dear bought experience be
accumulated of the fallacy of every human scheme of happiness,
before your ardent and active mind will permit you to enjoy even
a small portion of content in seclusion and retirement. Do not, I
entreat you, indulge the deceptive hope but persevere in the
great high road of fortune, until age, infirmity and diminished
desires shall give you notice to seek repose. I am perfectly
convinced that in less than two years of the enjoyment of what is
termed a life of pleasure, you would become the victim of satiety
and disgust, and most earnestly wish to be restored to those
cares and occupations, you now so ardently desire to escape; or
that you would be induced to return to active life, and perhaps,
be tempted, or be compelled to plunge once more into the vortex
of competition and speculation, on terms far more disadvantageous
and insecure, than your hitherto prosperous fortune has compelled
you to submit to. Possessing as you do so much better information
than any I can pretend to on the subject of trade and of the
growing difficulties and frightful risks to which all trade in
Great Britain is exposed I will only beg you calmly to contrast
your present advantages and future prospects, with anything you
could rationally calculate upon in England or Scotland.
An old and worthy friend of mine blest with the cheerfullest
temper, with excellent health and fifty thousand pounds acquired
in the East Indies, told me a little time before I left London
that he would cheerfully and thankfully resign all the fortune
which more than thirty years had been spent in amassing, if he
could only be placed in the situation he had unwisely resigned to
return to England, and enjoy his fortune. "Whilst the novelty of
the change continued" said he, "all went well and I thought
myself a happy man, but no sooner did I begin to feel that I had
no business left except the pursuit of pleasure or amusement,
than the scene changed and words cannot convey to you how heavily
my time hangs and how thankful I feel when the day is at an end."
I have known many whose countenances and conduct bore testimony
to the same effect; altho' with too much pride, or too little
candour to make a similar avowal. I trust, in God, my dear
Davidson I may never hear you have added one to the fatal list,
for believe me, I shall always feel the deepest interest not only
in your success, but in your happiness, of which but too
frequently success is not the harbinger.
You will now expect that I shall say something of myself and my
pursuits; and I would fain say something that might give you
pleasure but fear I shall not succeed. You will be concerned to
learn that my health is not at all improved since my return to my
long deserted home. During the summer months I became so much
better that I began sanguinely to calculate upon continued
cheerful spirits and renewed strength and activity, but the
winter mild as it is in this fine climate brought with it a
return of my old complaint. I have been confined more than a
month to the house. I assure you it is only by great exertions I
have been enabled to collect a sufficient stock of spirits to
undertake writing this letter. You have witnessed how much I used
to suffer from mental depression. It is now so much increased
that I often pass weeks, without one cheerful moment, and I am
seldom relieved from this dreadful gloom, except by the return of
acute pain. As yet I have never had a regular attack of Gout, but
from recent symptoms, I think it but too probable my complaints
will terminate in a decided rheumatic Gout. This is no very
pleasant picture of the past, or agreeable prospect of the
future. Of the past I have had so much sad experience—so
much adversity, and adverse fortune, that I do not willingly
encourage retrospective views; of the future the prospect is not
much brighter, but it may change—I discover from your
letters that you have received a tolerably accurate information
of the state of things here—little therefore, is left for
me to say on that head—we have the usual conflict of rival
interests, and I think more than the usual portion of rancour,
and party spirit; in so much, that he who will be of no party
finds himself almost beyond the pale of society. Such is almost
our state at this time. We only visit or are visited by one
family. The regenerated few are in high court favour. The
illiberals are in as fierce opposition and they console
themselves with hopes that Governor Macquarie will soon be
relieved—but for this I think there is no better foundation
that the reports of those, who are supposed to possess the
Governor's confidence, and they undisguisedly say, that he wrote
to be relieved by Mr. Riley's ship the "Harriet." Governor
Macquarie is certainly humane, liberal, and of most courteous and
gentlemanly manners, but with what extent endowed with talents to
govern this most singularly constructed society, the condition of
the Colony will present you with a better criterion to form your
own judgment than any opinion of mine. In fact, it is a subject I
never speak nor write upon. Our chief, indeed, almost only
export, is Bills upon the Treasury and I am not aware that any
encouragement is given to create any other. I believe the Bills
this year will amount to £150,000, and as convicts are
continually arriving the amount must rapidly increase, and
continue until ministers take alarm at its magnitude, or the
nation become indignant at the enormous weight of the
burthen.
My feeble attempt to introduce Merino Sheep still creeps on
almost unheeded, and altogether unassisted. Few of the settlers
can be induced to take the trouble requisite to improve their
flocks, or to subtract a few guineas from their usual expenditure
(tea and rum) to purchase Spanish Rams, altho' mine is the only
flock from which they can be had pure, I do not sell half a score
a year. Many believe that whatever improvement the wool receives
is the effect of climate, and not attributable to any particular
breed. I am waiting impatiently for accounts of the sale of the
wool of 1816. The whole of it was more uniformly fine than any
that had been sent before, and that of 1817, the present year is
still better. It is yet capable of further improvement. I expect
will continue to increase in value for three or four years. With
respect to numbers I fear my flocks must remain stationary,
unless an unexpected change should be made in the system of
managing the prisoners. It is now the most difficult thing to
keep a small number in any kind of order and I am of opinion that
he who should employ many, would injure instead of improve his
fortune. I am endeavouring to break James and William in by
degrees to oversee and manage my affairs. They appear to be
contented with their lot, but I by no means think them well
calculated for it. They have not sufficient hardness of character
to manage the people placed under their control, and they set too
little value upon money, for the profession of agriculture which
as you know requires that not a penny should be expended without
good reason. Whatever may be the result there is no alternative
for them. Here their lot is cast. Mine is a singular fortune, of
seven children, not one is yet provided for, altho' the eldest is
nearly thirty years old. A little time will show whether John
will be more successful than his elder Brother. Elizabeth and
Mary you see remain unmarried, and the prospect is indeed very
small of their obtaining any eligible settlement. They are too
sensitive and too well principled for this society. The last
expression seems odd, but it is true. Before I quit this subject
I must not omit to offer you my sincere thanks, for your kind
proposal to take James under your protection. Had the thing been
practicable, I should have accepted the friendly offer most
joyfully; but I find his assistance indispensible and should I be
removed his Mother and Sisters would require his aid. He is as
you always knew him, grave and thoughtful, and if he should
acquire a little more firmness, and energy he may become capable
of sustaining the weight, which my death would impose upon him.
William still continues a good tempered thoughtless fellow, very
like Edward in character although of a more lively temper. I am
sure John will be much disappointed at the failure of his last
years letter to you. He wrote, a little time before my departure
from England and sent you some new publications, and little
trifles, that he thought might be acceptable or not easy to
procure in China. I am sorry there are no lemons at this season
to send you, but what are so very ripe that they would be rotten
before they reached half way to China. I have been contriving for
some months to get a drawing of our little cottage, executed by
an Officer who draws beautifully. I hope still to succeed and to
be enabled to send it to you very soon. It may sometimes remind
you of those who often think and speak of Walter. I had almost
forgotten your request to be informed in what way Mr. Watson
Taylor's friendship became serviceable to me. He was in the
kindest manner instrumental to my opening and carrying on the
correspondence with Government which ended in the removal of the
obstacles that existed to prevent my reunion with my family.
Perhaps you may have heard this I had the good fortune soon after
to be instrumental in extricating George Halliday from a very
embarrassing situation for which the whole family considered
themselves obliged. It is very pleasing to evince that friendship
is not misdirected towards you.
I conclude Hannibal writes to you upon his present mercantile
prospects. For my part, I find myself so unfit to embark in any
pursuit of the kind, and think the prospects and funds of this
Colony so uncertain that not even your kind offer of support and
assistance could tempt me to engage in any adventure. Would to
God I had always entertained the same sentiments, I should now
have been independent, instead of being condemned to struggle for
a subsistance, at a period when years and infirmities make repose
desirable, nay almost necessary. But the past, bygones, cannot be
recalled. This is a dismal miserable letter for the entertainment
of an absent friend, but I am ill, and unable to consider what I
write, or to write more entertainingly, if I thought however
much. Let me hear from you, whenever you have an opportunity and
be assured of the sincere and unabated regard of, my dear
Davidson,
Your faithful friend,
P.S.—I regret to have seen so little of Mr. Ritchie. Your female friends will thank you for for your delightful present of teas. They were very acceptable to us all.
In 1820 Macarthur writes to his son John enclosing copies of a correspondence between himself and Lieut.-Governor Sorell, in Van Diemen's Land, who had also grasped the possibilities of the wool industry.
My Dear John,
The accompanying sheets have been written in bed and with great
difficulty, and I find myself so much depressed with pain and
disorder, that I can write to no one else except a few hurried
lines to dear Edward in Elizabeth's Letter—You must
therefore perform the task of acquainting him with all the
important matters I have told you—All the Regalia's
goods came safe, but much disordered from the broken state of the
Packages the seeds and Plants entirely spoiled—acquaint Mr.
Gibbs that our collection of seeds could not be sufficiently
dried (many of them being in cases) to send him by this
conveyance, but will be sent by a Whaler which is expected to
sail in about two months. Pray what is become of the Iron Plough
presented to me by Colonel Campbell, that was relanded from the
David Shaw—and why have you made no mention of the
machine for flax dressing that I wrote so particularly
about—where also is the Horse net that poor Ned procured
for me—we have been put to great inconvenience, and we have
to suffer it, from your neglecting to send the piece of Blue
Cloth for Servants Liveries—Cloth about 20s. a
yard—and the gross of large and gross of small yellow
Buttons with our Crest. . . . .
The opinion I have formed of the Commissioner ** is in perfect
agreement with that which you say is entertained of him in
England, he is polite and courteous to every one and active,
acute and intelligent in the prosecution of the enquiry in which
he is engaged but I suspect he is not making the progress he
calculated upon at its commencement, and that he has already
discovered that ninety nine hundredths of the information which
he has collected will require abundance of sifting, and that in
too many instances the labour will be badly requited—As yet
I have had very little conversation with him on business except
on our own immediate subject the Wool—indeed I do not think
I have seen him more than half a dozen times owing to several
causes, his fixed residence is at Sydney to which place I seldom
go and the prejudices, which he knew existed against me in
Downing Street and the jealousy (I fear I must say dislike) which
prevails at our Government House has made him (I suspect)
consider it necessary to avoid even the appearance of being
biassed by my opinion or Counsel. You must not, however, imagine
from this, that he has been cold or disregardful when we have
met, quite the contrary not only to me but to every individual of
the Family, I know that he has on several occasions said, that he
considered me a public Benefactor and the example set by the
whole of us most praiseworthy. Immediately after his arrival Mr.
Scott (the Secretary) who brought a particular introduction to me
from Dr. Warren (you will recollect he attended me in South
Audley Street) said we are aware Mr. McArthur of the importance
of your friendship and the value of the information you possess,
but we are very particularly circumstanced. There is so strong a
prejudice against you in a certain quarter at home that we are
unwilling to ask you any questions but shall nevertheless be
thankful and feel always disposed to receive with the greatest
attention anything you may be inclined to impart. To this I
replied that nothing would give me greater satisfaction than to
assist the enquiry of the Commission and that I should at all
times be ready to answer in the most unreserved and candid manner
any questions they might find it expedient to ask me, but if the
prejudices of Government or other considerations imposed upon the
Commissioners an obligation not to seek information from me in
that way I had nothing to communicate in any other, and I trusted
that my reserve and forbearance to obtrude myself would allow
them an opportunity to bear evidence how little I was disposed to
meddle with the transactions of Government, or to make myself
troublesome. This I saw startled and surprised the Secretary who
had certainly been cautioned against me as what is termed by
honest thorough going men of all work, a dangerous, officious,
troublesome man, I added however, that the silence imposed upon
me respecting public affairs would not extend to private ones,
and that nothing would give me greater pleasure than
opportunities of contributing to make the Commissioner's and his
stay amongst us agreeable to them. This was of course politely
replied to and several little accommodations which I immediately
offered were frankly accepted and have been gratefully spoken of
since. For instance the Commissioner and the Secretary have
constantly rode two beautiful valuable horses that I lent them,
two such as could not be equalled in the Colony and which I would
not sell, one being a favorite mare from which I proposed to
breed and the other a high bred Stallion of Arab Blood from whom
I have already had some valuable Stock and propose to breed from
again when the Commissioner leaves the Colony. The Commissioner
as you must have observed is not inattentive to externals and
'tis evident for he is an accomplished Horseman that he bestrides
his prancing Arab with no little satisfaction. I mention these
little things to set your mind at ease as to the real feeling
which Mr. Bigge entertains for did he not feel respect he is the
last man in the World to submit to be obliged. In the course of
conversation with the Commissioner he has three or four times
touched generally upon the affairs of the Colony and I could
easily discover that the opinions I expressed upon these
occasions were in conformity to his own altho' he affected to
think differently, evidently with the design of drawing me out,
in which, however, neither he nor the Secretary have ever
succeeded beyond the point I had previously prescribed to myself.
They both departed from this Settlement to visit Van Diemen's
Land early in this month and are not expected to return before
April or May. The last interview I had with them was on the day
before they embarked and our conversation was highly
satisfactory. After going a considerable length into a proposal I
had submitted to him for supplying all the Settlements with
Merino Bred Rams (the particulars of which T shall give you
directly) he concluded by saying "Mr. McArthur, I have avoided
entering into particular details with you respecting my enquiry,
because I have been desirous to hear what every one has to say
before I apply to you. When I left England I was certainly
prepared to encounter great difficulties in the execution of the
business I had undertaken but I find them much greater than I had
comtemplated, in short, they so thicken upon me that I cannot at
present form any opinion of the period when I shall get through
them all, we have much to say to you so much indeed that I cannot
think myself at liberty to request your attendance at Sydney or
to withdraw you so much from your own affairs. Your examination
will be a work of many days perhaps of weeks we have therefore
determined after our return to come to Parramatta. I want
evidence to show that Government may be relieved from the heavy
expense which this Colony creates and at present I have received
none. If I do not I shall be under the necessity of reporting
unfavourably and recommending that no more convicts may be sent
here." I replied as before that he would always find me ready to
answer any questions and give him my opinions in the most
unreserved manner, that I saw no reason to despair of reducing
the expenses of the Colony or in fact of adopting a system of
management which would ultimately enable the Colonists to provide
for themselves and I drew a rapid sketch of my plan. He listened
attentively, often when I paused in the midst of a sentence
eagerly finished it (to shew that he entered into my views), and
concluded by declaring that he concurred in the opinion that the
Colony might be made productive instead of continuing an
increasing burthen but that the more he waded into the follies
and abuses now practised the more he became disgusted. "There is
but one excuse to be offered for your Governor which is his total
incapacity, but that of course Government have long known." The
Governor and the Commissioner I am sorry to say parted on very
distant terms owing to a foolish attempt made by the Governor to
smuggle from the Magistrates and Clergy a favorable report of the
morals, virtue, religion, improving agriculture, flourishing
commerce, pure administration of Justice, strict discipline
maintained among the Convicts and surprising advances of the
Colony in every respect from the commencement of his command.
After I had taken leave of Mr. Bigge Mr. Scott followed me to my
cottage and after a long and interesting conversation told me
"that they looked to my evidence as the Key or Touchstone of the
Truth of all they had heard." The same thing was said to Dr.
Bowman who is of course on intimate terms and enjoys their
confidence, indeed the Dr. has frequently repeated many handsome
things which the Commissioner has said though perhaps they were
said with an expectation that they would reach me. The
Commissioner is a man of the World and knows that a little
flattery well applied seldom does mischief.
[** Commissioner Bigge.]
The business of the Merino bred Rams is as follows: About a year ago I took a favorable moment when I thought His Excellency disposed to be a little friendly to recommend that he would adopt some measures to patronise the increase of Fine Woolled Sheep, and I endeavoured to excite him to decided steps by hopes that he might procure the favorable opinion and interest of the Commerical and Manufacturing Gentlemen at Home to oppose to that of his inveterate foes the Saints, I however could no further succeed than to prevail upon him to write to Lt. Governor Sorell to enquire if such an attempt would be acceptable to the Settlers in Van Diemen's Land. The Lt. Governor it would appear caught at the proposal with eagerness and wrote me a very handsome letter of thanks (No. 1) ** for having made it To this letter I replied in polite terms accompanied with some general suggestions calculated to keep alive the feeling that had been raised and stating that the young Rams were ready to be delivered whenever the Governor should be pleased to call for them. This produced another letter from Governor Sorell (No. 2) *** and a few days after a notification from His Excellency that he had received information that the settlers at Van Diemen's Land were desirous to be supplied with my Rams he should therefore be glad to see me as early as possible to fix a price upon them and to arrange some plan for their conveyance to the Derwent. I had heard that the Settlers at Van Diemen's Land were willing to give £20 a head for such as might be delivered in good health, but as I had been obliged to use great caution in my approaches before I could prevail upon the Governor to write about them, and being fully sensible that my advancement has always been, and continues to be, a fearful object at Government House and to the creatures that surround it, I told him that I should be satisfied to receive Five Guineas per head for the Sheep and take land at 5s. per acre in payment. To the price of the Sheep he made no objection (how could he when he knew the Settlers expected to pay 20 Guineas) but said he thought I valued the land too low, I replied that he must know it was the current price at which thousands of acres had been selling for some time past. It availed nothing and I clearly saw that I must consent to take land at 7s. 6d. per acre or give up the plan I had so long and so anxiously been seeking to commence. You will observe this is the first land in New South Wales that Government have ever received anything for. When I had closed the agreement for the purpose of the Rams. I cautiously suggested to him for fear of giving umbrage or increasing jealousy that they might on their arrival at the Derwent be disposed of to great advantage by Public Auction, if Government would give a little Credit (our settlers never have money), and consent to take provisions in payment which might be done without any increase of expense to the Crown as provisions so received would remove the necessity for making purchases to the same extent, and that as Government only gave land for the Sheep the whole of the proceeds (except about four hundred pounds for freight and food on the passage) would be applicable to the creation of a Fund to be distributed in prizes amongst the most enterprising settlers who should endeavour to improve their Flocks. That it would be also very agreeable to Lt. Governor Sorell who much wished for Funds to appropriate in that way. This proposal was well received and I was directed to write to Colonel Sorell and acquaint him with the arrangement. I know not whether Colonel Sorell borrowed the idea of Prizes from me (for it has been long spoken of by me as a method which ought to be adopted to encourage the breeding of fine Woolled Sheep) but whether it originated with him or me it matters not, it cannot fail to prove beneficial. No. 3 **** is a copy of the Letter I wrote to Colonel Sorell next day. The 300 Rams are to embark on board a fine Ship in two days and I sincerely trust that they will safely reach their destination. The Commissioner had always been acquainted with my intentions and as soon as I had completed the bargain with the Governor I waited upon him and told him the particulars. He was so much satisfied with what had been done and with my plan for raising Funds to encourage the Settlers to proceed, that I thought it a good time to enter upon a discussion I had before touched upon—the necessity of adopting some plan for making the breed of Merino Sheep universal throughout the Colony. I signified my willingness to undertake the management and to reserve the whole of the Male Sheep of my Flocks to distribute amongst the Proprietors of Sheep, taking land in exchange at any fair price that might be determined upon. The only condition that I insisted upon was that Government should give me the exclusive use of fifty thousand acres to pasture my Flocks upon, for the following reasons: That mine is the only Flock in the Colony from which pure Merino Rams can be obtained. That to give the Merino Race every advantage of constitution and size it is necessary they should enjoy a large range of pasturage and be secured against all hazard of intermixture with the coarse woolled Flocks which would be sent to graze in the vicinity of mine (with a view of exchanging by bribing the Shepherds or mixing with my Rams and consequently mixing their coarse woolled Rams with my fine woolled Ewes to the certain destruction of the whole undertaking) the moment it should be known that my Sheep were sent to the Common Forest to pasture That it was well known the sole cause of my Flocks having remained pure so long was their having been strictly confined to my own enclosed grounds, which of course I could continue to do upon a limited scale but not to an extent to supply a hundredth part of the growing demands of the Colony for Merino Rams. That such an establishment would secure an abundant supply of fine woolled Rams which the Government might distribute at their pleasure without a shilling of cost or any care or any other equivalent than a grant of a certain proportion of such lands in exchange for the Rams they might require, as they now bestowed gratis, and with no other object than the production of corn and cattle, for which they are obliged to pay by Bills on the English Treasury there being no inducement to the Settler to grow either corn or Cattle beyond what he wanted for his own support unless Government were the purchasers of the surplus. That by storing the Country with Fine Woolled Sheep a most valuable export would be obtained, the returns of which would increase the demand for labor and gradually prepare the Colonists to depend on their own exertions and in time enable them altogether to provide for their own expenditure. That by granting me an exclusive pasturage to the extent I asked compleat security would be had for the Merino Race of Sheep being preserved pure, for their being increased and improved to the greatest degree of which they are capable—and for their offspring being diffused throughout all the present coarse woolled sheep in the Colony—That a compleat check would be given to Fraudulent Speculators who frequently sell coarse bred sheep shewing a little cross of the Merino, the offspring of which is still coarser, and the ignorant Farmer who purchases disheartened from prosecuting a business in which he finds "he has no luck." Such is the almost universal excuse for ignorance or neglect. That if Government took Provisions in exchange for the Rams, they would sell at a high price—and the Provisions be applied to the supply of Government Dependants—That the more wealthy Farmer would pay money with which Government might give premiums, or apply it to discharge the expense of any objects of publick utility—say the expense of a Seminary for the education of Youth.
[** See post, p. 341.]
[*** See post, p. 342.]
[**** See post, p. 343.]
The Commissioner started many objections, which
I endeavoured to remove—the principal one seemed to be the
quantity of land I should acquire—You only ask, said he,
for the exclusive use of 50,000 Acres, but I see that you look to
the Perpetual Grant in payment for your Rams—I answered why
should I not—Is there any just reason why a respectable
Family, consisting of seven children should not possess 7,000
Acres of Land each in a New Colony, which will be enriched by the
exertions of their Parent—Look at your present
system—How many acres does Mr. D'arcy Wentworth own! Nearly
40,000 it is understood by Grant and Mortgage—How many Mr.
Terry, and others of the like description—18 or 20,000
Acres (upwards of a 1000 is by grant from the Governor to himself
as a mark of esteem) and is not every clever active scoundrel in
the Colony becoming the Proprietor of large Estates—and
must not all the small Estates that are bestowed upon the herd of
the Prisoners finally centre in such vile characters? The
American Government who have never been accused of want of
sagacity, make no objection to any man's possessing a Million of
acres if he have the money to pay for them, nay they will give
credit for a considerable portion of the purchase money—Why
then should it be objected that I am likely to obtain 50,000
acres for which I am willing to pay in an article of public
benefit, and on the sale of which a large profit will arise?
The Commissioner seemed to be convinced at last, and said he
really saw no objections—and he desired me to give him the
Heads of our conversation in a written Memorandum—I send
you a Copy of what I wrote for him—it was very hastily done
(late in the Evening before he embarked) and, I now perceive does
not contain all the reasons I urged in conversation. In the
fervour of our debate, he dropped "Consider the prejudice
Government entertain against you, I own it is not a deserved one,
but 'tis an obstacle"—I replied that your late
communications encouraged me to hope that the prejudice to which
he alluded no longer exists. "Well," he said, "I wish it may be
so, but I fear." If they do continue I rejoined and to the extent
of rejecting my proposal, it will be for you Sir to consider in
what way the object which I have so successfully founded may be
made a national one—In that case, I of course am out of the
question, I must endeavour to take care of myself—and it
will not be expected that holding some Trumps in my hand, I shall
resign them to others to play—"Government can import Merino
Sheep." I admit they can, but let us calculate the expense and
risk—I shall next year have nearly 3,000 breeding Ewes all
fine enough to breed Rams from—and even that number will
not supply Rams enough for the whole of the Settlements if
spirited plans be adopted. Suppose Government were to import
3,000 Merino Ewes and a proportion of Rams what would they
cost—First price, freight, food, and Risk, at least £60,000
and when imported, if you contrast the price at which English
bred Merino Wool sells with the price mine sold at the last
Sales, probably much inferior in the quality of their wool, and
certainly not so well calculated to flourish in this Climate, and
on our peculiar pasturage as Sheep bred in the Colony. Very true,
said the Commissioner, but yet I fear there will be objections, I
told him I had spoken to the Governor upon the subject but that
he had declined taking any steps himself but promised that if I
sent him my plan he would recommend it at home. "Do so then,"
said the Commissioner. On mature reflection I declined doing so
for in the first instance I have no faith in His Excellency and
in the second I am of opinion that any project from him would
receive little favourable notice unless it had the support of the
Commissioner. For my doubts of the Governor I have many reasons
but as I have no desire to increase the prejudices against him I
will not detail them. I leave it to your own discretion to
mention the business in Downing Street or not. To judge of the
footing you may be on there is impossible. If you do speak of it
the chief points to enforce are that this Colony must continue an
increasing burthen until exports are found; for without exports
what have we to pay for our supplies but the money expended by
Government—That no export has yet been discovered the
produce of our soil but Wool, (a few hides excepted and a very
little Tallow) that the increasing excellence of its quality
makes it of importance to our Manufacturers and affords a fair
prospect that it may be still more improved—that the new
discoveries of luxuriant pastures to the South West of the Cow
Pastures admits of our Flocks being increased to an amazing
extent—that by my means Rams may be soon had to improve all
the Flocks without any actual cost and Government receive in
return for them a considerable price—that from my Flocks
they would always be sure of an improved Stock which will advance
the general improvement—that Government must take spirited
measures to push this object forward as whatever may be said to
the contrary the Colonists in general are very supine and will
continue so as long as they can find in Government ready
purchasers for their Grain and Stock—that as long as this
system continue there can be no relief in point of
expense—that at present there are not ten sheep breeders
pursuing any measure for the improvement of Wool and not more
than six of them that pursue judicious ones—The practice is
to breed from their own cross bred Rams by which means after
their sheep are arrived at a certain point of improvement they
degenerate again—This would be obviated if Government took
all the Rams I may breed off my hands and distributed them. Many
do not like to apply to me because they have always scoffed at
the project from its commencement—some are led by their
neighbours others have no money to spare (you will understand
that every Settler of any character has always a Pig or two, or a
Bullock or some grain which he could give Government in exchange
for a Ram, tho' he cannot at all times dispose of them for money,
with which only he could come to me to purchase) and many will
not move unless in a string.
When the Commissioner returns he will have had time to give the
subject due consideration and he will have conversed with Lt.
Governor Sorell, of whose abilities all speak in praise, and he
is a zealous advocate for the Merino Sheep—But I am really
apprehensive, the Commissioner will be very reluctant to say much
unless he should previously receive some assurances from Downing
Street that their hostile feelings are changed—If you speak
of this it must be done with the greatest circumspection, for the
communication was made to me under an understanding of strict
secrecy—I omitted to inform you that the Governor
conditioned when he agreed for the Young Rams, that Government
were to have the right reserved for them of paying me fifteen
hundred Guineas if they preferred it, and of annulling the Grant
of Land—but I suppose there can be little danger of their
preferring to pay that sum in money to reserve Land in New South
Wales. The Grant will be made out in the names of your Brothers,
James and William—I have given it to them as the reward of
their assiduous attention to their business—They have a
promise also of Two thousand acres from the Governor, the whole
will make them a pretty Estate to commence the world
with—Now I am upon the subject of Grants—I might as
well explain what passed between Lord Camden and me about the Cow
Pasture Grant—It was at first absolutely settled that I was
to receive Ten thousand acres but about a week before I left
England I met Lord Camden at Mr. Cook's House by
appointment—when His Lordship in his Courtier like way said
"Mr. McArthur I sincerely hope you will succeed in the business
you have undertaken and you may always depend upon my protection
and interest—But it has been suggested to me that as no
large Grant has ever been given in N.S. Wales, ten thousand acres
sounds a little excessive you will therefore lay me under an
obligation if you will consent to my taking off Five thousand of
the Ten I have promised you, and rest assured that you shall have
that quantity or a greater when your Flocks are increased to
require it—I answered that I was entirely in his Lordship's
hands and should be satisfied with any arrangement he
approved—he thanked me repeated his assurance of Patronage
and we parted—how well His Lordship has kept his promise
you know, Mr. W. Taylor will probably recollect this, if you
repeat it to him. He said when I acquainted him with what had
passed between His Lordship and myself, this is Cook's doing at
the instance of Sir Joseph Banks. I cannot see any cause for
doubt about the propriety of asking for a Grant to the extent
promised, if you are quite sure, that there is anything like a
friendly feeling towards me, and the supply of Rams I have
furnished for the Derwent, and the necessity of continuing it,
with the want I suffer of more extended pasturage for the
increase of my Flocks, would I should think strengthen the claim.
I thought I had been so explicit before respecting my plans for
your Brothers that no more need be said on that subject—You
will however tell Mr. Campbell that we are properly sensible of
his friendly recollection, but that William is a Shepherd from
choice, and will not be tempted to wield a sword unless in self
defence—We are equally averse to all Mercantile speculation
for many reasons, but it is sufficient to assign one—Your
Brothers have no time for anything but the care of our Flocks and
Herds, and in that they will soon require assistance—I
shall really be very glad if young Du Villend come to us, and
when I am able I will write to his Sisters, tho' I suppose it
will be settled whether he be to come or not long before any
letter from hence can reach Geneva. But altho' we decline
Mercantile affairs I am quite of opinion with Mr. Barnard that
respectable men should be encouraged to settle here and break
down monopoly—with a view to this I have introduced to you
a Mr. Berry a Gentleman I have known many years—He and a
Mr. Woolstencroft (a nephew of the well known Mary Woolstencroft)
propose to form an establishment here—Mr. Woolstencroft I
believe intends residing here, and Mr. Berry in
England—they are both sensible men—and I am of
opinion very respectable, and I know of none more likely to
forward Mr. Barnard's views if he should be disposed to patronise
them—I have in confidence told them what you wrote me, and
shall be glad if you can introduce Mr. Berry favorably in Downing
Street—or indeed pay him any other attention—He (was
I fancy bred a Surgeon) has some philosophical attainments, and
proposes I hear, to write an account of the Colony—its
present state, and future prospects—But, I am half inclined
to think, had been talked into a jealousy of me before I
explained myself to him and offered him an introduction to
you.
I have been highly pleased even with the distant prospect of your
Brother Edward coming here in some respectable situation, and if
it should be practicable to procure an appointment in a New
Governor's Family it would be more desirable—But I do not
revel much in this hope—However the design meets my deepest
approbation—I know not whether I shall be able to write to
him upon this occasion—I fear not, for I now write in Bed,
and in great pain from wandering gout—You talk of the
present Governor leaving here. Take my word he will never leave
unless ordered—It is a melancholy thing to think of, for
the progress of his Convict system—his wasteful
expenditure, and absurd management is ruining the Colony and will
every day increase the difficulties of his Successor, however
able he may be. You will perhaps be startled at my complaining of
expenditure—it is hastening to ruin the Colony as much as
anything—and its principle effect, in the way it is chiefly
directed, is to encourage vice and profligacy, and to confirm the
cultivators in a habit of looking altogether to the Government
expenditure instead of industriously endeavouring to produce
articles for exportation. The accounts you give of the Wool and
the price of the last sales are very encouraging—though we
are not a little alarmed at the subsequent report of depression
in the Market from the disordered state of Trade—we hope
however, that a favorable change had happened before the arrival
of the Surrey with her valuable consignment—The
consignment we send upon the present occasion is in general in
still better condition than that by the Surrey—there
is much less coarse wool and a much larger proportion of the best
and second quality—In another year we shall put it all up
in equal condition, and the quantity of coarse wool will be still
less and the fine greater—We are sanguine enough to
calculate that our improvement exceeds the depression if it
should still continue—It had need to do so I assure you for
our expenses with the utmost frugality of management are very
heavy. I have been constrained to draw upon you a Bill in favor
of Jones and Riley for £200, and another to Berry and
Woollstencroft—for £90, both at 30 days' sight and dated
25th Feby. and I fear I shall have occasion to draw for £800 or
£1000 more in the course of the year—I have only had the
courage to glance over your last account up to July, nor shall I
say another word upon the subject of your expenses until I get
your answer to my Letter by the Surrey. Think well what
you are doing for depend upon it our present returns will not
admit of your spending beyond the limit I have fixed—and if
you will not regard that limit, you will impose upon me a painful
task, but one that I must perform.
We are all much pleased with our Coats—the quality of the
cloth, I think cannot be exceeded, and I am well satisfied with
what you have done in distributing Coats—but let it stop
there I see no necessity for more presents, unless it be two or
three Coats at the Colonial Office—where, notwithstanding
Mr. Watson Taylor's opinion to the contrary, I think it would
have been prudent to have sent some at first.
In the Bale No. 32 there are some particular Fleeces labelled and
numbered to which I wish to bespeak the particular attention of
Mr. Young and Yourself. The Fleeces No. 1 and 4 are from two Rams
that I esteem the finest in my Flocks, and by whom I have bred
this year with my choicest woolled Ewes—I shall be glad of
a particular report on the quality of these two Fleeces
contrasted with No. 2 and 3—Nos. 5, 6, 7 and 8 are the
Fleeces of three Rams and a Ewe, a remarkable variety that has
sprung up in the pure Merino Flock—You will observe these
Fleeces are remarkably long and heavy tho' not so fine in the
hair as the preceeding numbers—It has struck me that this
long wool may be valuable to comb—for worsteds to be used
in the Shawl or Norwich Manufactures, and I am desirous that they
should be shown to some persons concerned in that Trade and a
valuation of them be obtained—If they should prove of
greater value to be used in that way than in the Manufacture of
Cloth it may be worth attending to—You will not fail to
keep in view their superiority of weight over the Finer Fleeces
of shorter Wool—We propose to keep the breed distinct until
we receive your report, which I beg may be as ample as
possible—not only respecting the long wool but all the
numbered Fleeces.
I have read Mr. Wentworth's Book, and am quite shocked at the
delusive Statements respecting the profits of breeding fine
woolled Sheep—I trust you had no hand in it—it will
be flatly contradicted by many, and very properly so. Respecting
the general merits of the Book, I think with Mr. Barnard and you
that its tendency is highly mischievous, his notice of me is very
obliging and is I suppose intended in payment for the free use he
has thought proper to make of my plans for the reformation and
improvement of the Colony—I cannot however say that they
have received much benefit by the alterations they have undergone
in his hands. The scheme for the education of the Youth and that
of a Bounty a premium on the employment of Prisoners is so
changed and fancifully arranged that I had some difficulty in
recognising them as branches from my tree—You must remember
my decided disapprobation of Trial by Jury and anything in the
shape of a Legislative Assembly in the present condition of our
Society and I hope you have not neglected to say so at the
Colonial Office—The establishment of either the one or the
other at this time would seal the destruction of every
respectable person here. I refused to sign the Petition to the
Prince Regent and gave great offence by so doing—Hannibal
foolishly signed it, and I really believe did so contrary to his
own conviction, from fear of offending.
You will easily imagine how much it must have gratified me that
you had succeeded in procuring for the Colony almost all the
indulgences that can be useful to it in its present state, and
your success in forming a friendly connexion in Downing Street.
You cannot cultivate that too assiduously—With respect to
the appointment of Colonial Agent it must not be thought of until
we are entirely regenerated by the change which we hope from Mr.
Bigge's Mission. In our present state Governor Macquarie's
distinguished Convict friends are the majority and their voices
preponderate in every publick question—They depend
altogether upon the continuance of the Government expenditure and
when that becomes seriously diminished they will be involved
together in a mass of ruin and bankruptcy—Their abuse and
clamour against the organs of such a change whenever it do take
place, and take place it must (unless it be intended the Colony
shall abstract Millions instead of hundreds of thousands of
pounds of the public wealth) will be of course
outrageous—what then I ask would be the situation of an
Agent to such constituents. Do what he might he would be blamed
for the miscarriage of all their absurd and impracticable
requests, and after all his labor be ignominiously discharged
their service without a guinea of recompense. You have no idea of
these people my dear John, nor have I any desire that you
should—the only place to acquire it out of this Colony are
at St. Giles' and the flash houses to which the Gentlemen of the
Fancy Clubs resort—Good God! what labors has the new
Governor who ever he may be to perform—I maintain it would
be easier to found five Colonies than to reform this—He
must have unlimited authority and power to cleanse out the Augean
Stables.
Dr. Bowman has performed miracles already at the Hospital
considering that he is entirely unsupported (except by the
countenance he receives from the Commissioner). At Government
House he is an object of aversion which they take little pains to
conceal—Between ourselves the Law Department is a complete
pest—but I am at present in their hands and must preserve a
prudent silence—It was not inaptly remarked by a shrewd man
"when these people came here they represented themselves as the
Pillars of the Colony I think they prove Catterpillars"—It
is a most improper thing to allow Judges' fees—Some
startling cases have I hear been laid before Mr. Bigge which I
hope, altho' he is a Lawyer, make a due impression, if they are
permitted to proceed they will swallow up the Colony, for such is
the litigious spirit of the Convict gentry you cannot avoid Law,
and when you get into the hands of the "sacred Priesthood" you
are at sea without compass or rudder.
I transmit you a letter brought to me in the Admiral
Cockburn from a House in London and I have replied to them
civilly and told; them you would be ready to attend to any
proposition they might have to make altho' not to alter the
present plan of selling the Wool without consulting me—I
adopted this as a civil mode of getting rid of their proposal,
tho' there can be no harm in hearing what they have to say.
I shall write to Lt. Governor Sorell to take measures to obtain a
Petition in due time from the Settlers at Van Diemen's Land for a
continuance of the exemption from Duty on Wool, and I shall take
the necessary steps to procure another here signed by the
respectable people (not Sir John Jamieson's ragtag and bobtail).
The one from the Derwent will have great weight as they have so
large a number of Sheep (170,000) and all very coarse
woolled—consequently any duty upon them would act as a
total prohibition—The Petition shall be forwarded to you if
I can manage it—We look to hear of the success of your Oil
exemption act—I observe what you say of the probability of
Mr. Bigges being offered the Government, I do not know a fitter
man, or so fit, when it is considered that he will have the
advantage of so much sound information of the real state of
things—But I do not think he would accept it unless it were
made more lucrative than it is at present, that is to say by all
honorable means—Nor am I quite sure that he would not be
appalled by the difficulties of the task—difficulties that,
as I before said, are increasing every hour—what can
Government be thinking of?—do not the increasing expenses
alarm them? If that do not the increasing confusion vice and
immorality of all the Settlements ought—But they will hear
enough of this from Mr Bigge when he makes his report. I find
James has told you of the Governor's conduct respecting the Wild
Cattle—it was not my intention to speak of it on this
occasion—nothing could be more ungentlemanly and
faithless—first he cajoled me out of my plan—approved
of it and promised to leave its execution to me—then made
some absurd alterations of his own and employed another person
without saying a word to me—the truth is—he attaches
no value to consistency on his word. . . . .
I must beg you to make an apology to Mr. Young for my not writing
to him on this occasion, for I am really too unwell to write to
anyone, and it is with exceeding great difficulty that I have
contrived to scrawl these unconnected sheets to you—Tell
him that I have received his accounts and Invoices up to the 30th
of last June—all satisfactory and I believe correct. The
last letter was dated the 19th of July and contained a most
melancholy statement of Trading affairs and the Wool market in
particular but I hope times had mended when the consignment by
the Surrey arrived, or at least that its improved
condition and quality would more than compensate for the fall in
prices—We shall expect to hear in June of its arrival.
February 28th 1820.
No. 1—Letter from Lt. Governor Sorell.
Sir,
His Excellency the Governor in Chief having notified to me that
you had proposed to him to take from Your Flocks about 300 Merino
Ram Lambs, to be disposed of to the Owners of Sheep at Van
Diemen's Land, for the improvement of the Wool, I cannot deny
myself the pleasure of offering you my best thanks for a proposal
of so much importance to this Settlement.
The urgent necessity of providing from the produce of the
Country, one or more articles of Staple Export, has been long
evident, and has been inculcated by me on every occasion; and
from every circumstance, but particularly from the great increase
of Sheep, and the less immediate demand for Capital in the
pursuit, the Wool has always appeared the most adviseable.
In reply to His Excellency's communication, I have had the
satisfaction to state, that upon as general a reference to the
Owners of Flocks, on this side as Time has allowed, I entertain
little doubt that the number of Lambs, which you propose to spare
will be gladly received; I have committed to Mr. Archer as a
Magistrate and Proprietor at Port Dalrymple the communication in
that Settlement of the proposal, and I anticipate a similar
acceptance there.
The intention being that His Excellency should make the purchase
for Government to be repaid by the Settlers; the Lambs will come
at a fixed price free of all risk to the Purchasers; and when I
shall have received the necessary notification from Mr. Archer,
the appropriation to each Settlement can be made.
By the next Vessel proceeding, I hope to be able to write more
specifically on the subject to the Governor in Chief so that the
arrangement may be finally settled prior to His Excellency's
visit to this Country in January. I shall take the same
opportunity of again troubling you and in the meantime I beg to
remain &c.,
No. 2—Letter from Governor Sorell.
Sir,
I beg to acknowledge by the favor of your Nephew with whom I have
had the pleasure of becoming acquainted here, your letter of the
8th inst.
You are aware of the difficulty of inducing the Owners of Sheep
to enter upon improvements, but I think that a price or premium
however low will very much conduce to render it general,
particularly in this Settlement, when several people illiterate,
and incapable of reflection have realized large Flocks—A
person from England lately, made some purchases of Wool, such as
could be found here, and the opening which was offered for
improvement by the importation of Rams from your Flocks, had been
so well received, that I do entertain most sanguine hopes of
perseverance in this important pursuit on the part of the Stock
Owners. Many of them hold Flocks, larger than they can provide
Rams for at once, and with a view to facilitate the separation
which in a Country wholly unfenced, and so much overrun with
Stock, becomes difficult, I have proposed to allot a certain
tract of unoccupied Land, to which the best natural boundaries
can be found, for the grazing ground of the Flocks designed for
improvement.
Our last Muster in both Settlements bore 170,000
Sheep—Admitting an overmuster of 20,000, we should have
150,000, of which, I fancy a large portion of two-thirds are
Ewes. Our Muster of 1817, was in a great degree verified by
subsequent Inspection, and as the increase since does not exceed
the Natural Estimate I believe we cannot be under the number
stated.
Sheep in 1914 [Pure-bred Descendants of Original
Flock.]
I have mentioned the subject in my present Letters to the Governor, and doubt not of His Excellency's attention to it, if his health be, as I hope it is, sufficiently recovered, and this Season Ships for India generally coming round to the Southward sufficient opportunities cannot fail for conveying the Rams. I shall therefore hope to be favoured with a communication respecting them by an early arrival. I beg to remain &c.
No. 3—Letter to Governor Sorell.
Sir,
I avail myself of the present opportunity to acknowledge the
receipt of your Letter of the 21st ultimo by my Nephew and to
offer my best thanks for your polite attention to him at Hobart
Town.
It gives me great pleasure to be enabled to inform you, that I
have arranged with His Excellency the Governor in Chief for the
purchase of the young Rams intended for the supply of the
Settlements under Your Command and that it is His Excellency's
intention to forward them to you by the first good conveyance he
can procure—The terms on which the Rams are purchased are,
Five Guineas per head, to be paid in Land at 7s. 6d. an acre.
I am fully sensible of the difficulties you will have to
encounter to induce many of the Settlers possessing Flocks of
Sheep to adopt a system for their management and improvement as
may be best calculated to lead to the accomplishment of the
important object you have in view, but I indulge the most
sanguine expectation of your ultimate success from the judicious
measures you propose to adopt in appropriating a particular
District for the exclusive pasturage of the Flocks intended for
improvement, and the distribution of prizes or premiums to the
most deserving proprietors.
Anxious to do everything in my power to facilitate a plan
promising so many advantages both to the Colony and the
Government, I took the liberty to suggest to His Excellency
Governor Macquarie, that if the Rams were sold by Auction it
would probably give rise to an active competition amongst the
purchasers, and as they are reported to be willing to pay a
liberal price it might not be excessive to average the sale
prices of the whole number at Fifteen Guineas per Head. More
particularly as it could be no disadvantage to Government to take
Grain or Wheat in payment, and to grant the indulgence of six
months' credit for one moiety of the purchase money and twelve
months for the remainder. This would create a Fund of 4,500
Guineas, for which it would be only requisite to deduct perhaps
500 Guineas for freight and food during the passage (His
Excellency being anxious not to subject Government to any
expense) and the remaining 4,000 Guineas would be applicable to
the Establishment of Prizes. His Excellency was pleased to
approve of the idea and to say that he would write to you upon
the subject. I may, therefore, I hope Sir, congratulate you upon
being relieved from all apprehension of obstruction in the
execution of your plan from want of adequate funds; and permit me
to assure you, that I shall feel the sincerest pleasure, if I can
by any further services promote the progress of an undertaking,
that I am convinced will reflect great credit upon your
administration, and be productive of the happiest consequences to
all, who have the discernment to embark in it, and to merit the
liberal encouragement you propose to offer.
I have the honor to be &c.,
In 1821 Mr. Bigge, the Commissioner of Enquiry as to the state of the Colony under Governor Macquarie wrote to Macarthur for his opinion regarding employment of convicts, to which Macarthur sent his reply.
Sir,
Having had under my consideration the various modes of employing
Convicts now pursued in New South Wales; and wishing to have the
benefit of your observation and experience upon a subject
connected with one of the most Important objects of my Enquiry I
beg leave to propose to you the following questions to which I
earnestly request your attention and answer.
1st. Have you observed and are you of opinion that Agricultural
Occupations in their most extended sense afford better means of
employing Convicts and have a greater tendency to reform them
than any other species of Labour?
2nd. What are the peculiar kinds of Labour that you consider to
be most beneficial to the Agricultural interest of this Colony
and best adapted to its Soil and Climate?
3rd. What extent of Superintendence or Scheme of management would
you recommend or think necessary to enforce a constant and
sufficient quantity of Labour from Convicts employed in the
ordinary occupations of Agriculture or such other as you may be
disposed to recommend in your Answer to the 2nd Question?
4th. What other mode of remunerating Convicts than that which at
present exists of giving them £10 per Annum for extra Labour, do
you think would be more effectual in stimulating their Industry
or would have the effect of more nearly combining their own
Interest with that of their Employers?
Your answer to the foregoing questions will greatly oblige
Sir,
Sir,
I should have done myself the honor to reply to your Circular
Letter much sooner had not ill health and other obstructing
causes prevented me from considering your questions with that
serious attention, which their great importance claim.
I am of opinion, that no occupation except Agriculture is to be
found, at this period, in New South Wales for any considerable
number of Convicts, which would make a return to defray the cost
of their provisions, even taking it for granted, that the most
economical mode of feeding them were to be adopted—By
agricultural labour, I conceive, it would not be difficult to
make every man, who has strength to work, produce more than would
be requisite for his own subsistence and such Convicts as have
been brought up to that employment, could certainly with the
assistance of Cattle, cultivate Land enough to furnish bread for
Ten times their own number.
From every observation I have been enabled to make upon the
character and conduct of Convicts, both during the time of their
servitude and when they are restored to freedom, I am confirmed
in my opinion, that the labors which are connected with the
tillage of the Earth, and the rearing and care of Sheep and
Cattle, are best calculated to lead to the correction of vicious
habits—When men are engaged in rural occupations, their
days are chiefly spent in solitude—they have more time for
reflection and self-examination—and they are less tempted
to the perpetration of crimes, than when herded together in Towns
amidst a Mass of disorders and vices.
I should certainly recommend the cultivation of Indian Corn as
the most beneficial employment for the generality of the
Convicts; because every man or woman, however ignorant of labor,
may be easily instructed in the whole process of its culture, and
preparation for food—It is a grain, much better adapted to
our Climate than Wheat—it is exceedingly
nutricious—and it is not liable to casualties in
unfavourable seasons; and it is, in fact, the only corn the lower
class of Settlers use in their families during more than eight
months in the year.
After the cultivation of the Soil to a sufficient extent to
supply Bread and corn for the consumption of the
Colony—articles for exportation have the next claim to
attention—There is much speculation entertained here upon
this subject—Tobacco, Bark, Hemp, Flax, Oil, and, if a
Settlement were established to the Northward, Sugar, Coffee and
Cotton are spoken of as articles that might make a profitable
return to the Colonists—But these are only speculations,
and, I confess, I cannot divest myself of apprehensions, that no
cultivation of any article for exportation, requiring skill,
attention and assiduous labour, can be carried on with any
prospect of success unless the Convicts be first in some measure
reformed, and effectually restrained from the indulgence of their
present idle habits.
The only thing we have yet produced to export advantageously is
Sheep's Wool—that article has been so much improved in a
few Flocks, that the best quality is acknowledged to be as fine
as the Saxon, and superior to the Spanish Wool—Upon this
head. Sir, I presume you are perfectly informed and, I trust
satisfied of the excellent quality of the Wool; and that the
increase of our most improved sheep, would provide employment and
food for a great many convicts, and also afford the Proprietors a
sufficient Income to support their families respectably.
I feel much hesitation in offering any suggestions respecting the
regulating and rewarding the Convicts for their Services; because
no arrangement, however wise, can, in my opinion, effect any
material change for the better whilst the practice is persevered
in of indiscriminately granting Lands to Convicts—and
whilst the most vicious and enterprising are permitted to roam
through the Country, tempting our Servants by their ill example
to neglect their Master's business—and seducing them to
commit depredations upon any property within their reach.
If a large body of respectable persons could be induced to settle
in the Colony much good might be accomplished—provided the
New Settlers were of a description to entrust with authority to
punish disorders—to compel their servants to perform a due
quantity of work—to determine the amount of their
rewards—and to make the quality and in some measure the
quantity of their food depend upon the servants' industry and
good behaviour. The Convicts would then discover, that honesty
and diligence, vice and idleness, were differently estimated; and
that nothing but desert could establish a claim to a Master's
indulgence.
I am sensible that such an Authority, as I have described, would
sometimes be misused by harsh and selfish men, in defiance of
every check that humanity and wisdom could devise; and that such
abuses of power might often escape detection—But that
portion of evil, or a greater must, I fear, be submitted
to—for experience has proved, and I am assured, Sir, that
you must have remarked, the pernicious and demoralising operation
of general regulations, which place the good and the bad servant,
the honest man and the thief, upon the same footing—and
authorise him not only to claim, but to insist upon the same
indulgence.
If this Colony is to be continued a receptacle for Convicts and
if it be required, that they shall be reretained in proper
subjection, that they shall be compelled to procure by their
labour their own subsistence—and be restrained from vicious
practices, I can imagine no means by which these important
objects can be attained, than by confiding extensive powers to
intelligent and honorable men—Subjected to the inspection
and control of a vigilant Government—prompt to correct
abuses, and ever ready to distinguish and reward merit.
Under such a system—there would be some rational ground of
hope, that a few of the unfortunate men, sent hither for their
crimes might in time be completely reformed—and that most
of them would be restrained from the Commission of Gross
Vices.
Suggestions.
If His Majesty's Government propose to retain
this Colony, as a dependency of Great Britain, there is no time
to be lost, in establishing a body of really respectable
Settlers—Men of real Capital—not needy adventurers.
They should have Estates of at least 10,000 Acres, with reserves
contiguous of equal extent—Such a body of Proprietors would
in a few years become wealthy and with the support of Government
powerful as an Aristocracy—The democratic multitude would
look upon their large possessions with Envy, and upon the
Proprietors with hatred—as this democratic feeling has
already taken deep root in the Colony, in consequence of the
absurd and mischievous policy, pursued by Governor
Macquarrie—and as there is already a strong combination
amongst that class of persons, it cannot be too soon opposed with
vigour—If forty or fifty proprietors, such as I have
described, were settled in the Country, they would soon discover
that there could be no secure enjoyment of their Estates but from
the protection of Government—As the population increases,
the aristrocratic body should be augmented; and as fine woolled
sheep will increase, in a few years, with surprising rapidity,
the New Settlers, with Capital, would find no difficulty to stock
their Estates—They would maintain a large body of domestic
Servants and labourers; and from their numerous Flocks supply
Great Britain, so abundantly with Wool of the finest quality that
the price must considerably diminish—This point once
attained what nation could export a yard of fine cloth at the
price the English Manufacturer could produce it aided as he would
be by cheap wool, machinery, capital, and skill—In return
for the Wool exported from hence British Manufactures to an
immense amount would be consumed in the Colony, and as the
carcase of the sheep will be of no value off the estate in which
it is produced the Proprietors would be desirous to take as many
convicts as possible—These men would produce Bread for
themselves and their surplus labour would be directed to
clearing, fencing and draining, so that every year the estates
would become capable of supporting more sheep and the proprietors
in circumstances to provide for more Labourers to carry on his
improvements—surely these are points entitled to the most
serious attention of Government—they present the double
advantage of giving Great Britain the most extensive monopoly
that any Nation ever enjoyed and that upon the most
unexceptionable principles namely supplying other peoples cheaper
than they can be supplied elsewhere, and there is a certainty of
an increasing demand for the labour of any number of convicts or
paupers Great Britain and Ireland may send forth—Effectual
means must be adopted to compel the Grantees of Large Estates to
fulfil the conditions, if it be made a job of, it will disappoint
Government, and embarrass the Colony—Adventurers without
Capital retard all improvement, and as they sink deeper into
poverty and distress swell the mass of discontent, become most
furious democrats and attribute the misery into which they are
plunged not to their own idleness or want of discretion but to
the errors of Government and the oppression of the
wealthy—At a moment of more leisure I will endeavour to
suggest some plan to provide against the progress of this
evil.
The following suggestions are respectfully submitted as a basis
for the establishment of a system of Regulations for the
correction of the evils which arise from idle and disorderly
servants being authorised to demand the same allowance of
provisions and the same amount of wages that the most industrious
and deserving man can claim.
That seven pounds of Beef or Mutton or four pounds of salted Pork
and eight pounds of wheaten or twelve pounds of maize meal be
considered as the established full weekly ration of every Convict
servant—That £7 per annum be the amount of wages to be paid
in clothing and other necessaries—That every Settler to
whom the services of Convicts may be assigned shall be authorised
to stop for neglect, idleness, or disorderly conduct his
servants' allowance of animal food and his wages for any number
of days not exceeding seven—Let the Master be obliged to
suspend a Board in a conspicuous place near to the spot where the
weekly rations are issued on which must be written the name of
any servant put under such stoppage, the number of days to which
the sentence may extend, and the cause of its being
inflicted.
That on the first day of every month the Master do make a return
to the nearest Magistrate, of the amount of wages and provisions
stopped and a copy of the notices that may have been written on
the board—That such returns be transmitted every quarter to
the Office of the Police Magistrate to whom the Master shall pay
the amount of all the stoppages he may have made—That the
money arising from such payments shall be applied to the support
of a rural Police to be established in every District for the
detection of Petty Thefts, the discovery and conviction of
receivers of stolen property or for any other publick purpose
connected with the prevention of crime—It is presumed that
the formation of such an establishment would be productive of
great publick utility and in a little time become a powerful
engine for the reformation of the Prisoners.
By giving the Master the power that is proposed of inflicting
immediate punishment for all minor offences the happiest results
might be expected and when it should be felt by the Convicts that
their employer has a power to make distinctions between an
industrious and an idle servant, an orderly and a disorderly one,
it would excite the well disposed Prisoners to merit reward and
in a great degree deter the idle and vicious from incurring
punishment—It is to be observed that the master would have
no temptation to subject his servants to undeserved stoppages,
but the contrary, as the amount of all the stoppages must be paid
to the Police Magistrate in money. Thus a Fund might be created
sufficient to defray the expenses of maintaining the proposed
rural Police, the whole amount of which would be levied upon the
idle and vicious convict and that in a manner which would be most
severely felt and dreaded, for it has been sagaciously remarked
"that a thief's most vulnerable part is his belly." The whole of
the Settlers in the Colony, with the exception of a few who
direct their attention to rearing fine woolled sheep and Horses,
produce nothing upon their Estates for sale but provisions.
Government are the principal purchasers of these provisions, both
grain and meat, and almost all the funds of the individuals who
buy and consume the remainder are derived from the pay of the
Civil and Military Establishments or from the miscellaneous
expenditure of the Crown—The demands of Government have of
late so much exceeded the internal supply that they have been
constrained to have recourse to the purchase of imported
provisions for which unusually high prices have been
paid—This extended market has excited many of the Settlers
to increase their live stock and others to enlarge their
cultivation of grain. By these means the demand for labourers has
been so augmented that Government have been urgently solicited to
distribute most of the Prisoners whom they at present retain and
feed. But that request has only been complied with to a limited
extent and the demand for provisions has rather increased than
diminished; because the number of Prisoners who have arrived
within the present year has been greater than the number
distributed into the service of private cultivators—The
universal cry now is—"Give us servants"—and in their
eagerness to secure as large a share as possible of the
advantages of a brisk demand, almost all seem to have forgotten,
that an unqualified compliance with what is asked, by increasing
the number of productive and reducing that of non-productive
labourers would multiply the sources of supply, and at the same
moment lessen the demands of Government—There would then be
as there repeatedly has been—loud complaints—we have
no encouragement—our crops rot—or are destroyed in
our Barns—and we are left to encounter every evil without
relief. In fact—an opinion generally prevails that it is an
incumbent duty upon Government to provide a constant market for
the whole produce of the Colony and to ensure the Settlers
against all the consequences of their own want of foresight.
Constituted and regulated as this Society is at
the present period, it seems, that unless Government continue to
maintain a due proportion of persons to the supply of food
produced in the Colony, a clamourous and distressing competition
to sell to Government must inevitably ensue, and a great quantity
of provisions must be left unsold on the hands of the Settlers,
for which there can be no purchasers—From a similar cause,
the same result has been felt more than once before to the great
injury of the Colony, and to the ruin of many individuals.
There does not appear to be any remedy for these evils, but that
of influencing the cultivators to employ a certain proportion of
their servants in the production of articles for exportation; and
by not giving Grants of Land to any but men of Character, who
have some skill and capital, and who are actuated by the laudable
desire to create a permanent and respectable provision for
themselves and families. It might then be hoped, that the habit
of entirely relying upon Government for support may be changed,
and the community in time be taught, to depend for the supply of
their wants on their own exertions and resources, instead of
continuing a pernicious and increasing incumbrances to Great
Britain. As yet there is only one Export deserving notice
established—which is fine wool—The best quality is
certainly equal in fineness of staple, and perhaps superior in
elasticity and strength to any in the world—But, altho'
much has been said and written on the subject, the undertaking is
still in an insignificant and languishing state, and is attended
to only by a few proprietors; not many of whom proceed with much
spirit, or adopt those means of improvement that are within their
reach—Most of the flocks in the Colony bear Wool too coarse
to export, and their careless or ignorant owners will not take
any trouble, nor incur any expense to produce a favorable change.
Should His Majesty's Government consider it advisable, to direct
any portion of its fostering care towards this hitherto neglected
mine of future wealth and prosperity, it would not be difficult
to devise methods by which the most respectable class of
Proprietors might be excited to more strenuous exertions to
increase their flocks and to improve the Wool, to the utmost
degree of fineness; and even some of the most uninformed, and
careless, might slowly be led into the adoption of arrangements,
calculated to promote their own and the public welfare.
Parramatta,
19th December 1821.
Macarthur, later in his evidence before Commissioner Bigge in 1821, stated that he maintained eighty convict servants, who received in rations, 7 lb. of beef or mutton, a peck of wheat, milk, vegetables, fruit, tea and sugar twice a day, clothing, tobacco, and money to the value of £15 a year, unless they were unusually idle or worthless, when they received £10, which was the wage established by Government.
To the best servants he gave gratuities varying from £1 to £5. He also employed some free, and some ticket-of-leave men.
On being examined about the state of his flocks and herds and agriculture, he said his sheep in 1821 numbered 6,800 of which 300 were pure merino, that his breeding flocks averaged 330 ewes, his store sheep from 350 to 400. He considered July the best month for lambing, and during that time fed his merino flock on turnips, rape, and occasionally rank forward wheat, and that had he sufficient labour he would feed all his breeding flocks in a similar manner. That his merino ewes seldom produced more than one lamb annually. That the carcase of the merino sheep of the mixed breed occasionally weighed 70 lbs., that the average fleece weighed 2 lbs. 7 ozs., and that the wool was steadily improving. The sheep were washed before shearing, and then allowed to remain a few days before being shorn to enable the yolk to rise as it was found it preserved the staple of the wool during the long voyage.
Some bales of the finest wool were sold in England in 1809 by auction at 5s. 6d. per lb. He thought it would be unsafe to stock more than one sheep to the acre of land with natural pastures. His flocks suffered much from the depredations of the native dogs. He sold some of his rams as high as £28 a head, and at a late sale 48 rams averaged £14.
He had a herd of 700 cattle founded from stock imported from Bengal and the Cape, and also English breeds from Devon, Suffolk, and Lancaster, and the carcases sometimes weighed 1,000 lbs.
His horses numbered 100 of mixed breed from the Cape, India, England, and a few pure Arabs. He considered the best horses produced in the Colony, very active, capable of bearing great fatigue, good tempered and fast, the largest breeds being excellent for draught purposes.
When asked what observations he had made about the native-born youth, he said, "They are active, intelligent, and I think will be enterprising whenever a proper field is opened to their industry. At present many of them have but little instruction and their future prospects are very confined."
Even after Commissioner Bigge's departure, Macarthur endeavoured to forward his views by submitting the following suggestions to Sir Thomas Brisbane, who had succeeded Macquarie as Governor.
Suggestions relative to the Employment, Discipline and Ultimate Reformation of the Convicts in New South Wales—
That a Committee of the following named persons be authorised to assemble at Parramatta, that being a central station and possessing the further advantage of being the present residence of His Excellency the Governor to whom immediate reference could be made if required:
The Revd. S.
Marsden.
Mr. Throsby, Mr. Cox.
Mr. Howe.
Mr. H. Macarthur.
Mr. Oxley.
Mr. MacArthur.
That the Committee be instructed to deliberate
and consult together upon the following subjects and to make
their report to the Governor.
1st. In what kind of Labour it may be most beneficial to employ
Prisoners on their arrival in the Colony, and in what manner
their labour can be most effectually superintended.
2ndly. In what manner can the Prisoners be maintained at the
least expense to the Crown bearing a due regard to their always
being supplied with wholesome food.
3rd. What kind of superintendence and discipline may be most
easily adopted to restrain the Prisoners from acts of disorder
and immorality and to enforce the performance of such a portion
of labour as will oblige every healthy man and woman to produce
at least their own subsistence.
4th. What degree of authority would be beneficial to entrust to
proprietors of Estates over their servants to deter them from
disorderly conduct and compel them to work industriously.
5th. What restraints could be imposed upon the Masters to secure
in an effectual manner the worst behaved prisoner from being used
with improper rigour and to secure to the industrious and
inoffensive servant such compensation as might incite them to
persevere in a course of honest labour and reformation.
6th. Whether it might be prudent to confide such authority as is
contemplated to every class of settler and if not what substitute
can be adopted to enforce industry and preserve order and
obedience amongst the servants of that class of settlers to whom
no compulsory authority may be entrusted.
7th. What inducement can be offered to the female prisoners to
restrain them from indulging in the licentiousness of promiscuous
intercourse with the men and to prevail upon them to become
sober, honest industrious wives and affectionate Mothers.
8th. What would be the most effectual mode of giving moral and
religious instruction to such prisoners and children as may
reside in situations too remote for attendance upon the
established Churches and Schools.
With a view to obtaining the utmost information upon topicks
which involve the consideration of the means of subsistence, the
discipline, and reformation of the most numerous portion of the
community, as well as the security, the prosperity, and the
happiness of all, it is recommended to the Committee, to
correspond with, and endeavour to elicit the opinions of the
Clergy, Magistrates, and every intelligent Proprietor of land in
the Colony.
On this manuscript appears the following note evidently written by Macarthur at a later date for the information of his sons in England. The Judge's letter will be seen later.
This Memorandum was presented to Sir Thomas
Brisbane and he expressed himself so pleased, that a Committee,
composed of the persons named in the margin, was to be ordered
forthwith—Immediately Dr. Douglas took alarm—it
suited not with his views that the old Proprietors should have
any influence in the affairs of the Colony, and it was equally
obnoxious to the Secretary, that my opinions should have any
weight with the Governor—These considerations undoubtedly
caused the celebrated Letter from the Judges, remonstrating
against my appointment to the Office of a Magistrate—the
stratagem succeeded and the Governor and myself were estranged
for several months—The Judge Advocate has since
acknowledged, that he never should have thought of such a measure
had he not been urged to it by Dr. Douglas—and the poor man
fell into the snare, thinking no doubt, he should increase his
influence with the Secretary.
I can suggest nothing to stimulate most of the convicts to
exertion but coercion or a promise of speedy liberation from
servitude, nor do I believe that it is possible by any means to
induce them to consider their interests combined with that of
their Master. Rewards and indulgent treatment produces no feeling
of gratitude amongst the greater part of these unfortunate beings
or any desire to secure a continuance of kindness by good
behaviour, on the contrary it is notorious that the most rigorous
and parsimonious masters are best served. The Regulation which
directs the Master to pay every Servant Ten pounds per annum
wages is only I believe complied with by a few respectable
Settlers and in their families it is destructive of all emulation
the good and the bad Servant the industrious and the idle, the
honest man and the thief are placed on the same level and are
entitled to demand the same reward. I have long been convinced
that there is no remedy but by placing the Convicts entirely in
the power of their masters to reward or to withhold. This
authority would perhaps be often abused and it might not be easy
to find a remedy for such abuse. We have only our choice of evils
and it remains to be decided whether it be better to place the
Servant in the power of the master, or the Master in that of a
servant.
The circumstances that led up to the celebrated letter from the Judges are that in 1822 Sir Thomas Brisbane invited Macarthur to become a magistrate, and what ensued will show the feeling that still prevailed over the deposition of Bligh, even after an interval of 14 years. Macarthur forwarded the particulars of the case to his son John in England.
Copies of Message delivered by Frederick Goulburn Esqre., Colonial Secretary to Mr. MacArthur with his reply—
Sir Thomas Brisbane has commanded me to acquaint
you that in consequence of your Son having served in the Brigade
under his command, in consequence of the high character he heard
of you in England from several of his friends, in consequence of
the useful pursuits in which he finds you engaged in the Colony,
in consequence of your talents and the good opinion he has formed
of you since his arrival from a personal knowledge he was induced
to request that you would become one of the Magistrates of the
Territory.
But having since discovered that great party spirit exists in the
Colony which he has endeavoured in vain to conciliate he finds
himself under the painful necessity of declining to receive your
assistance in the Magistracy.
Sir Thomas Brisbane has further desired me to assure you that in
forming this determination no change has taken place in the
esteem he entertained for your character, and that he shall be at
all times most happy to see you.
And for myself allow me to assure you that I should have no
objections to meet you on the Bench and that I shall at all times
have pleasure in receiving you.
To which I replied:—
I cannot but consider myself particularly unfortunate in having
been invited by His Excellency the Governor to become one of the
Magistrates; and I can assure you Sir that there are
circumstances which perhaps it would be improper to detail that
would have induced me to decline the offered appointment, had not
the high respect I entertain for Sir Thomas Brisbane's character,
made me feel anxious not to incur the chance of being thought
disinclined to contribute my feeble assistance to the support of
his Government. But as unfortunately I did consent to accept the
appointment of a Magistrate, and that consent is a matter of
common notoriety, it is impossible for me not to consider the
omission of my name in the New Commission, which is to include
those of so many other gentlemen, in any other light than that of
a public degradation, a degradation that nothing but the
consciousness of rectitude of conduct and honorable intention
would enable me to support. Indeed it is doubly painful as
proceeding from so highly distinguished a source, and I appeal to
Sir Thomas Brisbane as a Soldier and a man of honour, to afford
me the only relief which is now possible; that of knowing to whom
I am to attribute my disgrace and what are the particulars of the
representations which can have made him feel it obligatory to
inflict so deep a wound upon a man of whom he is pleased to
express such favorable sentiments. I solicit no favour but that
of being permitted to defend myself against the masked attacks of
my enemies. Indeed I will not conceal that I have heard the most
active of these are the Judge Advocate, and the Judge of the
Supreme Court; and many collateral circumstances leave not the
shadow of a doubt that they are the men. Permit me again to
request you will in my behalf respectfully entreat His Excellency
Sir Thomas Brisbane not to withhold the information I have asked
as it has become indispensable for the relief of my injured
feelings and the support of my honour. Accept Sir, my best thanks
for the polite and considerate manner in which you have inparted
Sir Thomas Brisbane's message, and do me the justice to believe
that I am incapable of thinking so illiberally as to suppose you
have encouraged the conspiracy by which I am assailed."
The foregoing was immediately dispatched to Major Goulburn with a
request that he would correct any error if it did not contain
what had passed between him and Mr. MacArthur. He kept the paper
from the 31st of January until the 16th of February when it was
returned with three words altered; * it was enclosed in the
following letter:—
[* These three words occur at the beginning of the second paragraph—"great party spirit," being altered to "divisions unfortunately."]
My dear Sir,
The departure of the Surrey leaves me an opportunity of
returning you the Statement with the perusal of which you honored
me some time since, in the body of which I have taken the liberty
of making only one immaterial alteration.
Repeated messages were sent to Sir Thomas Brisbane requesting the copy of the Judges' Letter. It was as frequently promised but not sent, which occasioned Mr. James MacArthur to write to Capt. Fennell, A.D.C.
My dear Sir,
I called this morning in hopes of having the pleasure to see you
and of ascertaining whether you had any conversation with Major
Goulburn on Tuesday. My Father is becoming more and more
impatient for the Letter and as I understand you are going to
Sydney so early tomorrow it will prevent the possibility of my
seeing you. May I beg of you to write me whether you saw Major
Goulburn and whether there is any probability of a copy of the
Judge's Letter being obtained. If you had no conversation with
Major Goulburn upon the subject on Tuesday perhaps you may be
able to learn from him tomorrow what is the cause of his delaying
so long to comply with Sir Thomas Brisbane's orders. If the
letter does not make its appearance soon my Father will be
compelled to write Sir Thomas officially which he is very
reluctant to do. He desires me to say that he cannot help feeling
he has just cause of complaint, that he who is so deeply
interested should be kept in ignorance of the contents of a
letter which has been for nearly a month a subject of almost
universal animadversion throughout the Colony.
On the 20th March Mr. William MacArthur being at Sydney called to enquire if the Letter was to be sent, he was desired to ask for it officially and his letter produced the following enclosing the long expected Epistle from the Learned Judges.
Sir,
Having submitted your letter of the 16th inst. to His Excellency
Sir Thomas Brisbane, the Governor has commanded me to forward you
the accompanying document.
[Copy.]
Sir,
In your Excellency's late appointment of additional Magistrates,
we have been induced to consider the measure as highly expedient
and useful on the ground that the increased weight of duty,
incumbent of late upon the Magistracy might thus be fitly
relieved while the unanimity prevailing among the Gentlemen
proposed to be inserted in the Commission seemed to secure that
Harmony of Proceedure, and cordial co-operation which can best
give facility and effect to the Magisterial Jurisdiction.
In due consideration of this Principle we are urged, however in
reference to a like appointment, which we understand to be in
contemplation with your Excellency, as to John MacArthur Esq. of
Parramatta, to declare the opinion, that although we believe that
Gentleman to be a man of general ability, and readily acknowledge
the Public benefit which his private Pursuits have conferred upon
the Colony; yet calling to mind the part, which he took in the
Rebellion or rather the Rebellion which he almost alone caused in
this Government in the year 1808, and having reason to know, that
good terms so little, if at all prevail between him and the
Magistrates generally of the Settlement, we cannot but doubt,
whether the appointment would be approved by His Majesty's
Ministers, and consider it at least our Public Duty respectfully
to submit to Your Excellency whether it should at all take
place.
John received this correspondence and replied.
. . . You may be assured my dear Father, that I have not lost sight of the attack made upon you by the worthy Judges of N.S. Wales. I expect that Lord B. or Mr. Wilmot will address a Despatch to Sir Thomas Brisbane, censuring as unbecoming, and foreign to the duties of their stations, the remonstrance of Messrs. Wylde and Field—and stating, that Government having already expressed their desire that the events connected with the arrest of Govr. Bligh should be buried in oblivion, they disapprove of any reference to them, and, in consequence, that Sir Thomas may acquaint you, publicly, that there is no objection to your acting as a Magistrate when you think fit to accept the office. I expect also that it will be accompanied by another letter, mentioning that Mr. Wilmot had learned from me that you had not been solicitous to obtain the office, and were not anxious to act at present, as a Magistrate; and, therefore that Lord Bathurst thought Sir Thomas should pay you the compliment of offering it you for one of your sons. . . .
John's efforts on his father's behalf bore fruit—but James and William refused the Magistracy which was offered and then forbidden to their father.
Sir,
A Dispatch from Lord Bathurst having desired the Governor to
offer the Commission of a Magistrate to your Brother or Yourself,
should you feel anxious to undertake the duties of this office, a
notification of your appointment will take place on an early
occasion.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
Sir,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the
7th inst. wherein you inform me, that My Lord Bathurst having
desired the Governor to offer the Commission of a Magistrate to
my Brother or myself, a notification of my appointment will take
place on an early occasion, should I feel anxious to undertake
the duties of this Office.
We are both deeply impressed with gratitude for the highly
flattering mark of distinction conferred upon us by My Lord
Bathurst but many painful local considerations make us the
reverse of anxious at present to undertake the responsibility of
any Publick Office—Whenever these may cease, nothing will
more gratify my Brother and myself, than zealously to devote our
humble services to the support of His Majesty's Government, and
the promotion of the peace and happiness of our Native Land.
Having had the honor to explain myself very fully, in a personal
interview, with His Excellency the Governor this morning, I feel
it unnecessary, on the present occasion to trespass longer on
your attention.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
The episode closes with Macarthur's indignant letter to Baron Field.
Sir,
Now that you are divested of your Judicial Armour I find myself
at liberty to make you an equitable return for the part you were
induced to take conjointly with the Judge Advocate in the Letter
to Sir Thomas Brisbane advising him not to appoint me to the
Magistracy.
But before I proceed I must endeavour to repay the obligation I
owe to yourself in particular for having without provocation
thrice given me the lie, once in your own house, and twice in
mine. These are facts which prove that neither respect for
yourself when I was your guest, nor respect to me when I was your
entertainer could suppress that propensity to insult which I am
convinced is inherent in your nature. To attribute outrages like
these to ill breeding would be absurd, for the worst bred man
alive after having been twice generously forgiven must have been
restrained by a sense of gratitude from repeating an insult that
none but the lowest vulgar ever inflict When I have indignantly
reflected on the last affront I have always been thankful that
you had the prudence to make a precipitate flight for when you
forgot you were addressing a gentleman I certainly ceased to
remember it was a Judge who insulted me. Now Sir, to the act of
justice which without doubt you anticipate. In the Letter that I
have adverted to I am reproached with having been almost the sole
cause of a rebellion in the Colony. Such a reproach proceeding
from you did greatly surprise me as I could not but remember how
frequently I had heard you boast of your nearness of kin to
Oliver Cromwell and how, often I had seen you exultingly point to
the most conspicuous ornament of your private Hall of Justice a
cast of the Regicide's Head. The Judge Advocate and you not
satisfied with accusing me of rebellion were pleased to attempt a
further illustration of my demerits, and asserted that "good
terms so little, if at all prevail between Mr. MacArthur and the
Magistrates generally of the Settlement that we cannot but doubt
whether his appointment to be a Magistrate would be approved by
His Majesty's Ministers; and we consider it at least our duty
respectfully to point out to Your Excellency whether it should at
all take place."
To Your learned Coadjuter I have nothing to reply because I take
it for granted that the character I have often heard you give of
him is correct and I thank you for having advised me to avoid his
Society. To you then, I confine what I have further to say, it is
this, the Magistrates generally when asked if they had authorised
the use that had been made of their names disavowed it and
expressed their readiness to contradict your assertions. You will
therefore Sir be pleased to understand that I accuse you of
having knowingly and deliberately committed an act which the
manners of a gentleman forbid me to name even under the sanction
of your example.
I remain Sir,
Copy of an Open Letter Delivered to Mr. Field February 2nd 1824.
P.S.—The foregoing was intended to have
been delivered to you immediately after your embarkation
expecting that the Note presented by Mr. Murray on the 29th
instant would have been answered agreeably to the usage a
Gentleman. On the receipt of that communication you gave Mr.
Murray to expect that you would consider its contents and send me
a reply but none having been received and as I am solicitous to
avoid the imputation of insulting a man who shelters himself
under the sacredness of the judicial character utterly regardless
of his own honour and the opinions of the exalted profession of
which he is a member I have directed this to be presented to you
at a time when you can no longer be considered a publick
functionary.
Parramatta February 3rd 1824.
Mrs. Macarthur's letters bring us into a more peaceful atmosphere.
My dear Eliza,
In your last letter from "Ham Common" you request our opinion of
this being an eligible place for young men of good family and of
small capital. To this I answer that at present their emigrating
to this country would be a most hazardous experiment. Things are
too unsettled. The lands in the vicinity of the townships are
granted, so that a new settler would have to go back a long
distance into the woods—quite cut off from society, and
compelled to dwell in a bark hut, with convict servants, and
surrounded by gumtrees, the Emu, and Kangaroo of the Forest. The
little capital a new settler might bring with him would melt away
in the town like snow before the sun, for Sydney is a most
expensive place, and most of the inhabitants are vicious We are
hoping for a reform; when that shall have taken place, and some
exports have been established, a fairer prospect will be opened.
Wool is at present our sole export; and that may be said to be in
a languishing state—few pursue their branch of industry
with vigour, and the being obliged to depasture the waste lands
with flocks, under the care of men as shepherds, who are for the
most part worthless and careless is a great drawback upon
enterprise. Be assured I have been careful not to let a word
escape me, which might tend to mislead you in England. Be assured
that when things mend you shall hear from me. Our two youngest
men devote themselves entirely to agriculture and the care of
stock. They are sometimes absent from us three and four months at
a time. To establish our flocks, much money has been expended,
and many years have elapsed. Our son James has lately made a tour
into the New Country as it is called in "Westmoreland," where we
have an establishment of cattle, and thinking it may amuse you I
copy a part of his journal. "On Monday 11th January 1821 I set
out from Camden on my tour. I left my dear Father, and William
cheerful and happy full of business harvesting, shearing and
Woolpacking. On the 18th crossed the Western River—a
beautiful glassy sheet of water, winding thro' an open meadow,
tufted here and there with magnificent Eucalypti, wearing the
appearance of venerable moss grown Elms. The scene reminded me
much of the Avon. To the westward of this stream, the forest road
runs thro' about ten miles of open country, intersected by
thickets of Daveysia. The vistas are sometimes fine—in
places quite park-like, chains of ponds, connected by running
brooks pass thro' every meadow. I never saw a country so
admirably adapted for horned cattle, but it is too wet for sheep.
Its extent is not great. Dr. Throsby's herd in number about 800
occupy one half of this valley, and our cattle the remainder. I
had been here before, but it being then winter, when the grass
was brown, now its appearance is wholly changed. The herbage is
in full luxuriance and forms a close compact pasture consisting
of grass common about Parramatta and the Cowpastures (Camden)
mixed with lotus and wild chickory. This tract of land was named
by Mr. Bigge 'Sutton Forest'. Kangaroos are here in immense
flocks. The distance from Camden is fifty miles. Continuing my
journey I came to Bredalbane Downs fifty miles beyond Sutton
Forest. The intervening country with little exception consists of
bad land, and after a careful examination of the Downs I came to
an unfavourable opinion of them. In summer, perhaps, they might
prove healthy for sheep; but in winter there would be no pasture
upon them. Even at this season it is very cold, and there have
been two frosty nights by which the grass is much injured. It is
certainly a beautifully watered country and nothing more can be
said in its praise. I could not help regretting so great an
advantage should thus be thrown away. To me the appearance of
these immense treeless plains was dismal in the extreme. Brown as
a stubble field, and wearing scarcely a vestige of
life—they seemed the abode of desolation. We saw but one
Kangaroo and two Emus. The latter whose gaunt meagre forms agreed
but too well with the dreary scene around them, were searching
almost in despair for a solitary spot of green. They found it at
last and so did I; and it is a fair question whose satisfaction
was greatest—mine or the Emu's.
"There were no temptations to remain, and I accordingly retraced
my steps as speedily as possible to Sutton Forest. In that
interesting spot I passed a week very agreeable—inspecting
our cattle—superintending the putting up a stock yard and
kangarooing. On the 27th returned to Camden, a ride of fifty
miles. My opinion of the new country is that at present it can be
of little use to the Colony. Hereafter it may prove of use as
opening out to other districts.
"On my return to Parramatta I found a letter to tell me that the
Commissioners Mr. Bigge and Mr. Scott were to take a farewell
dinner next day at Parramatta, I accordingly set out and reached
home in good time, and in much better health than when I set out
bushranging. This sort of life is to me an efficacious, and at
the same time agreeable restorative. Roaming in lonely
independence through almost tractless wilds, and contemplating
without interruption the vast sublimity of nature we lose the
recollection of those unpleasant circumstances, which within the
influence of Sydney's pollutions continually occur to harrass the
mind."
You are so good as to say that my letters are acceptable to you,
and I am sure I cannot do less than write to thank you a thousand
times for your kindness to my dear Mother. A visit from you must
cheer her so much. It makes my heart dilate when I think of it.
How sad a reflection to me that she should prefer to surround
herself with the persons whom you describe, and who must render
any assistance to her so much less availing. I will write to her
soon, and pray that you will communicate to her such parts of my
letter, as you think will be of interest to her.
My dear Eliza,
We have received the sad intelligence of the loss of the ship
Grace, laden with colonial produce and having besides
letters to our friends. Our last letters from my dear Edward are
from Ireland. He thinks of soliciting leave of absence from his
regiment for the purpose of visiting us. I fondly hope he will
obtain it, but I much doubt whether he will like to remain here
after he comes. The number of respectable persons who begin to
arrive from England is now considerable.
Could we but meet, how interesting to me to listen to all the
details of your domestic affairs—whilst I in turn should
relate our Australian Wonders—depict our mode of life, our
occupations, our wanderings amidst the woods, attentive to the
notes of the Bell Bird, and tracing the steps of the Kangaroo and
Emu. Our two youngest sons make "Camden" their principal
residence.
They are excellent young men, with minds highly cultivated they
devote themselves to the management of a very large agricultural
establishment with unceasing assiduity. Mr. Macarthur talks of
making Camden the residence of all the family; as yet there is
not a suitable house, nor do I know when we shall be enabled to
build one. It is what we much want. For our poor Parramatta House
is tumbling down it is quite a ruin. The Clan Macarthur is not
likely to be much enlarged by our family—they all seem
prudently to think these are not marrying times. Hannibal
Macarthur whom you know has six children—they live near us.
We continue to like our present Governor Sir Thomas Brisbane.
Lady Brisbane and her sister Miss Macdougall are gentle and
amiable—perfectly unaffected in their manners and habits,
yet possessing all the acquirements of wellborn and well educated
persons.
Mrs. Macquarie will probably not visit Devonshire. She continues,
I believe, to correspond with Miss Meyrick. The public measures
of Governor Macquarie have been severely
reprobated—particularly for making convict Magistrates, and
for otherwise bringing forward that description of persons. Even
his bounties have been forgotten by many on whom he bestowed them
with profusion. Mr. Macarthur I am happy to say has had better
health than heretofore. He desires to be most kindly remembered
to you. How did I wish "That I had wings like a bird" that I
might sit myself down beside you, at the Bridge so often passed
and repassed in my younger days, and there fondly embrace
you.
I have more than once written on the subject of young Gentlemen
migrating here with small capital. It requires, perhaps, more
than ordinary fortitude to go back to settle in the interior of
the Colony. Several Officers of the 48th Regt. reduced in the
Peace Establishment are about to become settlers, but the greater
part return to England by the Ship, by which I now write. I have
already said that we are much pleased with Sir Thomas Brisbane
and His Family. The Governor himself is fond of scientific
pursuits, and is devoted to astronomy in particular. He brought
with him a number of valuable instruments, which are set up in an
observatory which he has had built near the Government House at
Parramatta. Mr. Rumker a Gentleman well known in the annals of
science, and a German by birth came to this country with Sir
Thomas. He is domiciled with the family and has charge of the
Observatory. The ladies are fond of and live in great retirement.
They mix little in society and give none of those large
entertainments, which Mrs. Macquarie used to do. They have a
Dinner Party once a week. Their table is handsomely set out, and
served in a manner superior to anything we have yet seen in the
Colony. Lady Brisbane has a good Piano, on which she occasionally
plays, and accompanies the instrument with her voice. Miss
Macdougall plays the Harp, and Mr. Rumker the Piano in turn. The
Germans are passionately fond of music. Emmeline grows a tall
girl, and is fond of Butterflies and Flowers.
My dear Eliza,
Since my last letter, written about a fortnight since, we have
had the pleasure to see Mr. Boughton who brought us a most
welcome letter from you.
Mr. Macarthur and myself were glad to see your brother Roger's
handwriting once again. He will consider the subject of his son's
coming to this Colony. But at present they are too young. My
Husband is decidedly of opinion that no young man should become a
settler in this Colony under the age of one or two and twenty. In
truth we see no pleasing prospect held out to respectable
persons. There are a world of difficulties to be encountered,
when they arrive at this far distant place. Still we hope for
favourable changes. The report of Mr. Commissioner Bigge has not
yet been acted on. Indeed when we last heard from dear John it
had not been given in. We flatter ourselves that the report will
notice many existing evils; which it depends on Government to
correct; and to turn their attention to many beneficial changes.
The want of exports keeps us like beggars and depending on the
expenditure of Great Britain. Wool, a little Oil, and a few
cargoes of Seal Skins collected in these seas are as yet our sole
exports. When Mr. Boughton travels into the interior, he will be
delighted with its appearance. It is with the country—not
with our towns that strangers are pleased. I hope he may form a
correct judgement and neither deceive himself or others.
The accounts from England are so gloomy that I wonder not at the
desire to emigrate. If we could persuade ourselves to live
altogether as shepherds, and be contented with bread, milk, meat,
vegetables and the variety of fruits that are raised in
perfection in this climate, it would be all very well. But we
must have a number of imported luxuries. Even our servants will
have tea, sugar and other things, which many of them have never
in their former lives been accustomed to indulge in.
About this time the Macarthurs began to think of making their principal home at Camden, but there were many difficulties to be surmounted before Macarthur was given the land that had been promised him by Lord Camden in 1804, who had agreed that he should have 10,000 acres in the Cowpastures provided that he had sold his commission in the Army (where he held an advantageous position, being senior captain of his Corps, and also a high place on the captain's list), and devoted himself to the production of fine woolled sheep in Australia.
Owing to Banks' interference, the amount of land had been reduced to 5,000 acres, with the promise of the remainder should the enterprise prove successful.
In December, 1805, Macarthur had received two grants, one of 2,250 acres on which the homestead now stands, and the other called Upper Camden, consisting of 2,750 acres.
Between these tracts of land lay Belmont, which had been granted to Walter Davidson at the same time, and was purchased from him by the Macarthurs for £4 an acre at a later date.
In 1821, when Commissioner Bigge returned to England, John endeavoured to get Lord Camden's promise fulfilled, and wrote to his father—
. . . On Monday I had a long conversation with him (Mr. Bigge) . . . I entered upon the business of the grants, and related everything contained in James' letter by the Shipley, excepting the Governor's declaration that he, Mr. Bigge, had required and obtained a pledge that no more land should be granted at the Cowpastures and that he had objected to your receiving then the grant of 4,200 acres for the rams. He said with some appearance of surprize, "I thought it was settled before I left the Colony that your father was to have both grants—the 4,200 acres and the land for the Pennant Hills ** Estate adjoining his old boundary at Camden. The Governor mentioned it to me, and altho' I was startled at first at the quantity and made some objections, I subsequently acceded to the propriety of it, and heard nothing more of the affair." We then talked over Lord Camden's promise. Mr. Bigge gave no opinion respecting it, nor did I press for any. He said it would put you in possession of a large tract of the finest land in N.S.W., but certainly when he reflected on the good use you had already made of your grant there, or the number of men in your employ, and the importance of the Wool he should think it well bestowed . . . The next day I sent him a copy of Lord Camden's promise . . . He wrote to me on Wednesday to say that he had talked with Scott upon the subject who was quite positive "that an arrangement was all but concluded before we left N.S.W., by which both the land agreed for the rams as well as that taken in exchange for the Seven Hills Estate was to be provided by an adequate or corresponding quantity in the Cowpastures in that part immediately adjoining your father's present boundary." Of his own recollection he speaks more doubtfully than at first, but adds, "I have had reference to all the maps with which I have been furnished by Mr. Oxley, but I do not find any trace or memorandum there of the positions that Govr. Macquarie intended to have granted to your father." Mr. Scott brought up this from Blackheath and confirmed what Mr. Bigge says that there is no track laid down on his map. The previous statement, therefore mentioned by James in his letter by the Shipley. that he, Mr. Bigge, "particularly pressed upon him the necessity of reserving all the ungranted part of the Cowpastures for Government purposes and that he even went so far as to have the portion to be given in exchange for the Seven Hills land laid down upon his map, and to say that he hoped he might rely upon no alteration being made must be incorrect.
[** It must be borne in mind that Macarthur had purchased in 1801 3,000 acres of land near Toongabbie, from Foveaux.]
Mr. Bigge recommends an early application to
Earl Bathurst . . . I find that but little of the Report is yet
written. . . .
Scott thinks that I should urge the claim of 4,200 acres and the
claim for the 5,000 at the Cowpastures in the same letter . . .
Barnard is of opinion that it will be better to confine myself to
the promise of Ld. Camden and leave the grant of 4,200 acres for
further discussion; such also is my opinion, because the new
claim will be embarrassed by any discussion about the latter. If
the 5,000 be ordered I can then mention that the 4,200 had not
been allotted to you at the date of the last letter and request
an order that in the event of its being still unlocated the Govr.
may have permission to give it at Camden. I cannot hear whether
any part of the land will be sold . . . Another reason for my
present opinion that it will be inadvisable to say anything about
the 4,200 acres, is the probability that Govr. M. may change his
mind on his return from V.D. Land and give it you there or
recommend Sir Thomas Brisbane to do so . . . Our only fear is
that when Lord Bathurst hears of 5,000 acres and 4,200 his habit
of looking at the extent and value of estates here may make him
hesitate, and think the favor greater than it really is. There
may be some difficulty in bringing him to reflect, as he ought,
that the latter is a purchase and already ordered to be granted.
The 4,200 must be given somewhere and it is of the greatest
importance to secure the 5,000 at Camden. . . .
On October 8th, 1821, John wrote to Earl Bathurst asking that the 5,000 acres promised by Lord Camden, in 1804, should be granted. His application was deferred pending Mr. Bigge's report. After almost a year the answer came—
Sir,
With reference to your Letter to Lord Bathurst of the 8th October
last on the subject of the promise made to your father by the
Marquis Camden, when Secretary of State to the Colonies in the
year 1804, of an additional grant of Five Thousand Acres of Land,
whenever he should have completed the terms of his agreement as
recommended by the Lords of the Committee of Privy
Council—I am now directed by his Lordship to acquaint you
that as he has been enabled to ascertain from the Report of Mr.
Bigge, the Agricultural progress which Mr. Macarthur has made in
the Colony, the state and extent of his Flocks, the Purity of his
Breed of Sheep and the value and fine quality of the Wool, his
Lordship cannot but concede that the Terms of the Agreement are
satisfactorily complied with, and have therefore directed Sir
Thomas Brisbane to grant an additional Five thousand acres
adjoining if possible to the original grant in the Cowpastures,
or in the event of any of the Land adjoining being already
occupied that it should be made as near as possible, in order
that if any private arrangement can be effected by Mr. MacArthur
for an exchange of the Land so granted, he may be enabled to
accomplish the desirable object of having a tract of country for
preserving his Flocks in their present state of Purity and of
Perfection, without incurring the risk of loss or interruption
from the Establishments of neighbouring settlers.
On August 10th, 1822, John wrote to his brother James.
. . . . By the Eliza I forward three
copies the first part of Mr. Bigge's report, and you will also
receive by her long letters on various subjects. One packet with
the Govt. Dispatches contained Mr. Wilmot's letter to me of which
the enclosed is a copy . . . I trust my dear James that the order
of Govt. will be carried into execution as soon as possible after
the arrival of the Eliza. . . .
The grant of land at the Cowpastures, the flattering terms of
Lord Bathurst's dispatch to Sir Thomas Brisbane, and the Report
of Mr. Bigge, have been productive of pleasure not merely to
Edward and to me but to all our friends here. Major Williams, Mr.
Brogden, Mr. Coles, Walter Davidson and the Farquhars have all
desired me to offer their remembrances and congratulations, the
former in particular laughed heartily, and charged me to request
my father would compare Lord Bathurst's gracious expressions with
those contained in his correspondence in 1817. . . .
Lord Bathurst's despatch did not have the desired effect, and these extracts from memoranda prepared by Macarthur for transmission to his son in England will show the difficulties that still beset his path.
On the 22nd of last November, (1822), the
Eliza arrived and brought your letter, enclosing the
letter from Mr. Wilmot. I was then at Camden entertaining Sir
Thomas Brisbane who had paid us a visit to see the sheep
shearing, but as the report of an arrival had reached us we
returned to Parramatta the next day. The morning after I saw Sir
Thomas Brisbane and learnt that he had a letter to the same
effect as the letter to you. Sir Thomas expressed the greatest
satisfaction at its contents, and said "now I know Lord
Bathurst's opinion I need not hesitate to tell you, that it is
more than a month since I determined to make you an offer of the
use of the whole of the reserved lands at the Cowpastures for
which I would have taken Rams or Bulls for the improvement of the
Government Flocks and Herds. By the reserved land Sir Thos. meant
a tract of 10,700 acres . . . bounded by the River Nepean and
West Camden, Brisbane (that I received in payment for the flock
of Rams) and a creek called "Mount Hunter Creek", this tract was
named by Governor Macquarie "Cawdor", and it is understood, he
applied to Government for a grant of it and had been refused.
. . . The Land now offered to me is the range Land to the
Southward of Brisbane * and to the Westward of your brother's
grant. It is stony, mountainous, and so full of steep ravines
without water that the offer of it is an insult . . . I shall
simply acknowledge the receipt of it and (as the land offered is
from its situation and barrenness of no value to me) that I beg
to decline the offer and shall await the result of a further
reference to Lord Bathurst,.. the affair is now entirely thrown
upon you . . . I have just heard that a plea is set up that I had
agreed with Govr. Macquarie that I should not have Land in the
Cowpastures in payment for the Rams . . . The fact is I
particularly agreed with Govr. Macquarie that I should have the
land for the Rams in the Cowpastures subject however to the
approval of Lord Bathurst, if that was withheld I was to be paid
Five Guineas per head. Lord Bathurst did approve as you have
informed me, but Macquarie suppressed that and wished me to take
land distant from Camden, and to secure my not getting my land
there he wrote a letter to Sir Thos. Brisbane in which he falsely
stated "that I had at first agreed to take the land at a
distance. Sir Thos. mentioned this to me after Macquarie had
sailed, and I convinced him from circumstances that it was
untrue. Amongst those proofs was an order to Oxley to measure the
land in the very ranges that Sir Thomas has now offered me and
which I then refused as entirely useless. Macquarie answered he
was sorry, but had no authority to grant it elsewhere and at the
same time gave Douglas and D'Arietta their grants.
[* Mrs. Macarthur wrote by the same Mail—"We lost some 50 or 60 fine Ewes some weeks since by a shepherd feeding them down one of the steep ravines of Brisbane! !. . . . I remark this to show how liable we are to receive injuries by grazing sheep on such lands entrusted to such shepherds as we have here."]
John immediately took action in London, and on July 21st, 1823, wrote to Bathurst's Under-Secretary, R. Wilmot Horton—
. . . . that unexpected obstacles had been raised in the Colony and that Lord Bathurst's order has not been complied with . . . I am compelled to intrude again upon his Lordship's and your attention, by entreating that his Lordship will be pleased to direct that my Father may receive a grant of 5,000 acres adjoining his present estate and out of the district coloured green in the accompanying map ** . . . or that his Lordship will permit him to take the whole of that district, consisting of 10,700 acres . . . on his either agreeing to pay for the surplus of 5,700 acres at the highest price named by the Commissioner, or to yield, in return, any annual quit rent Earl Bathurst may think it just to impose. . . .
[** The Map is not to be found.]
I must further remark that all the other good Lands in the Cowpastures were granted subsequently to my first application to Earl Bathurst, and after I was assured by Mr. Goulburn, in 1819 that the Governor would not be authorized to dispose of them until my father's claim was settled. There appears therefore no other mode of fulfilling the promise. . . .
The reply came from Downing Street on 19th August, 1823—
Sir—I have laid before Lord Bathurst your
letter of the 21st July referring to the delay which had occurred
in making the grant of 5,000 acres of Land to your Father in New
South Wales and soliciting either that the same might be allotted
adjoining to his present estate and extending from the district
called Brisbane and extending to the River Nepean as marked green
in the map which you enclosed or that his Lordship would permit
him to take the whole of that district, consisting of 10,700
acres bounded by the River Nepean, Mount Hunter Creek, Brisbane,
and West Camden, on his either agreeing to pay for the surplus of
5,700 acres at the highest price named by the Commissioners or to
yield in return any annual Quit Rent his Lordship might think fit
to impose.
I am directed in reply to acquaint you that a copy of your letter
has been in consequence forwarded by Lord Bathurst to Sir Thomas
Brisbane with instructions that the proposal made by you be
complied with either by actual purchase on the terms stated * by
the Commissioner at page 48 of his third report, or by the
payment of a proportionate reasonable Quit Rent by which
arrangement your Father will not only receive immediately the
grant of 5,000 acres to which he is already entitled on account
of the promise made to him by Lord Camden but will secure to
himself the possession of an additional contiguous district
amounting to Five thousand seven hundred acres.
I am Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
[* These terms were 10s. per acre for good lands and 5s. per acre for poor and inaccessible land.]
On May 27th, 1823, Macarthur received a grant of 4,368 acres in the Cowpastures in payment for 300 rams, and also 3,630 acres in exchange for land surrendered at Toongabbie, the land he had purchased from Foveaux.
On October 19th, 1823, Macarthur wrote to his son—
We were lately roused from a comparative state of apathy by a notice published in the "Gazette" from the Secretary's office of an intention to lease the reserved Lands of Cawdor . . . as the execution of this plan would effectually bar the completion of any arrangement in England either for the whole of that Estate or the portion ordered to be granted to me in a former Despatch to Lord Bathurst I considered it prudent to put in my claim for a grant of 5,000 acres.
Macarthur's request dated 1st Oct., 1823, was refused on 7th Oct., and on the 8th Brisbane sent Macarthur a message by Lieutenant Macalister that he would feel much pleasure by Macarthur taking a lease of the 5,000 acres together with all or any other portion of the land advertised to let for 7 years. Macarthur was to write to Major Goulburn which he did on 9th Oct., accepting Brisbane's proposal.
The "Gazette" of the following week repeated the advertisement re leasing from which Macarthur inferred that the Secretary had determined he should have no part of the land.
On 6th Dec., Goulburn wrote to Macarthur that he and his sons could lease the lands, the Government reserving 1,000 acres around Cawdor, and another 1,000 acres near Mr. Hassall's ford. Macarthur objected to this as it cut up his estate, and there were more delays, but on January 17th, 1824, the Sir Godfrey Webster arrived with John's letter enclosing the letter from Wilmot, informing him of Bathurst's orders to Brisbane, dated 19th Aug., 1823. Although Brisbane received his orders on 17th January and desired that Macarthur should be put in possession of the land, it was not until after he had twice written officially that Major Goulburn on 17th February informed him of the receipt of Bathurst's despatch, and on 5th Oct., 1825, he was given the promised grant of 5,000 acres and allowed to purchase the additional 5,700 acres.
Some of the trouble about the grants may have arisen from the friction between Brisbane and Goulburn, of which John wrote to his brother James—
Everyone here is acquainted with the rupture between Sir Thomas and Major Goulburn, and I suppose it must lead to the recall of both but when is very uncertain since every thing is so slowly arranged.
Macarthur's letter to John gives an account of the receipt of Lord Bathurst's second despatch and circumstances connected therewith.
My dear John,
Your welcome letters and your Brothers by the Sir Godfrey
Webster reached us here on the 17th—You will easily
conceive what pleasure their contents gave to me and the whole
family—You have absolutely accomplished a labour not much
short of a miracle, and for all your Family, I return you my
sincere thanks, and that from me, you know means a great
deal—The arrival of these Letters has created no small
bustle amongst us—and as you will naturally be anxious to
know everything, I will commence the detail—The day after
the Letters came I despatched James to Government House with the
Copy of your letter to Mr. Hunter, with orders to explain as much
as might be needful of what you had written, if it should prove
that Lord Bathurst's despatch had not arrived—The Governor
on seeing James appeared startled, but James introduced his
business by telling him that I had sent him a Copy of the Act of
Parliament, with the Royal Assent, not knowing whether he had
one—He "was exceedingly obliged by this attention and many
others, he had not received the Act, nor should he have had the
Commissioner's Report but for my attention—He had no
letters—had I heard anything respecting the Cawdor
Estate"—Yes replied James, "My Father has most satisfactory
Letters—Lord Bathurst has been pleased to order him a Grant
of the whole Estate, part in confirmation of His Lordship's first
order, and the remainder to be paid for"—I am quite
rejoiced—I always wished your Father might have it—I
knew he must—Tell him I have always had your and his
interest at heart, and the moment I get the Order he shall be put
in possession." "My Father, Sir, has always been convinced of
your friendly intentions, and has always regretted that an evil
influence prevented you from carrying them into effect—To
convince Your Excellency of this, and of the moderation with
which the appeal to my Lord Bathurst has been conducted, I have
brought you a copy of my Brother's Letter—which you will
also receive with His Lordship's Despatch"—The Letter was
read, "I will go to Sydney to morrow and order Major Goulburn to
proceed no further with the Leases (see the detail and
correspondence about leasing the Cawdor Estate) Your Father may
depend upon my protecting his interest, I will come and see him
very soon, I have the greatest regard for him"—
The next day James and I drove to Sydney, and James went to
Government House to call on Capt. Fennell—He met the
Governor at the door—a violent start—"Oh Mr.
MacArthur I have read your Brother's Letter—Major Goulburn
has orders to do nothing more in the affair of the Cawdor
Estate—the moment I get orders assure Your Father he shall
have the possession, it will give me the sincerest
pleasure"—"My Father will be exceedingly happy to receive
this assurance"—The conversation passed in the presence of
Fennell and several other persons—James then called upon
Mr. Oxley on some business—they had a long talk together,
and Mr. Oxley let slip that Major Goulburn had shown him the
Chart, and read the Order from Lord Bathurst, to grant me the
District coloured Green—"We are fairly beat Oxley!!" "Ha Ha
Ha! well it is nothing to me, I have no interest in the affair
and I give Mr. MacArthur credit for his perseverence"; did you
ever hear of a prettier scoundrel?—Oxley then said "Your
Father will now get the land except a thousand acres that are to
be reserved as Common for the accommodation of the Publick who
have Cattle in Argyleshire—He had better make no
difficulties—if he does there will be a Publick Meeting
called, and a Petition to Sir Thomas Brisbane not to act upon
Lord Bathurst's order until an answer can be obtained to the
Petition"—James answered, Very well Mr. Oxley, you know
best what you intend—but take care, you have once been the
principal cause of My Lord Bathurst's orders being
disobeyed—take care how you offend a second time" this
evidently alarmed him—The next morning they met again, and
in an altered tone Mr. Oxley said. "I have thought of what you
said, and I must admit that your Father ought not to give up a
thousand acres—but surely he will not object to one to two
hundred"—"My Father will never consent to have a
Common established in the Heart of his Estate, to which
every vagabond may have access, with all the vilest and most
diseased Sheep in the Colony, it will be a nest of thieves and
destroy the value of the whole Estate"—"Why upon my life
that is very true, I should not like it myself" rejoined he.
James, "If Common Land be wanted there is 1700 Acres reserved at
Stone Quarry Creek (about five Miles from our South boundary) and
there are five or six thousand acres in the ranges, including the
beautiful tract that you advised Major Goulburn to offer my
Father. Mr. Oxley you had better be quiet—you know my
Father—he is now in an excellent humour as you may suppose,
and if you could only be induced to act as a man of honour and a
good neighbour, I have no doubt I could effect a reconciliation
between you, and all would be forgotten that you have done to
annoy him—I declare to God nothing would give me more
pleasure—I will do nothing inimical to your Father's
interest and if I hear anything more about the matter and the
Petition I will apprise you."
Having ascertained that the order to grant the Land was in the
Colony, I determined to commence a brisk attack, that they might
not have leisure to contrive more schemes, but still it was a
delicate business to manage, as Sir Thomas had, both on the
Sunday, and on that day, denied that he had any orders—I
therefore wrote to say, I had received information that the
Despatch had been sent by the Sir G. Webster, and that I
concluded that it had been overlooked in the Mass of Publick
Papers.—I prayed it might be sought for, and that as my
flocks were suffering from the long continued severe drought, I
might be put in possession of Cawdor—See my Letter (No.
10). This Letter I have reason to believe produced great
consternation, and Mr. Secretary contrary to his usual practice
answered me the next day, but without admitting directly that
orders had been received by the Sir G. Webster (so that I
am still to learn whether they came by that Ship, or by the
Castle Forbes that sailed from Cork in Sept.)—he
acquainted me that the earliest possible attention would be paid
to every instruction from Lord Bathurst (see Letter No. 11)
pleaded that time must be required to make the necessary
arrangements and evaded my complaint of distress by a stale
miserable jest, that the Governor would have had the greatest
pleasure in relieving me, had not my Flocks been rescued from
danger by the rain of the preceding night (it had rained about
three hours). To this I have made no direct reply but shall write
a private Letter to Fennel, enclosing a copy for Sir Thomas's
perusal, with some other remarks, which if they do no other good
will keep alive the fears of the enemy—Thus stands the
affair of the Land at the present time.
After the departure of Macarthur and his sons James and William from England, the superintendence of the wool sales fell upon John, who was then entering upon his profession as a Barrister.
He was a constant correspondent, and it would appear that he, in common with the rest of his family, took the keenest interest in all that pertained to the welfare of New South Wales.
The letters cover a wide range, and have much to say about the formation of the Australian Agricultural Company, of which John was one of the promoters, and the three Macarthurs in Sydney directors. The two first minute books are still at Camden Park, but to enter into the history of the A. A. Company is beyond the scope of this volume.
My dearest Mother,
. . . . I have nothing very particular to acquaint my father with
on the subject of business. The Lord Melville was to sail
from Bengal in September or early in October, and is daily
expected, we are very anxious to see the Wool in this Ship. The
account you give of the washing, induces us to hope that it was
packed in a state very superior to the last, and as the market
continues favourable we expect a considerable advance in the
price. I mentioned in my letters by the Tottenham, that
Mr. Young has made an insurance for £2,500, on wool valued at 2s.
6d. by the Harriet or Ships, as in the last Policy. I
requested him to do this on hearing that this ship was taken up
by Mr. E. Riley, and was to sail for England in December last. If
there should be no interest the policy will be cancelled free of
expense. Of course, if I ascertain the Wool in the Lord
Melville to be worth more than 3s. an increase in the
valuation of the next shall be made in order to cause the
interest that may possibly be embarked in the Harriet. It
will be a great advantage to the Colony, and to the owners of
wool in particular, to obtain the repeal of that clause of the
East India Charter, which by its inactments, now prevents the
free intercourse of small vessels, but I am fearful that it will
be impossible to obtain the interference of Mr. Goulburn, without
some representation is forwarded from General Macquarrie, or the
respectable Colonists. When the Wool by the Lord Melville
arrives, I will do all I can to engage him to interest himself
and Lord Bathurst in our behalf, by forwarding to him samples,
and specimens of the cloth manufactured from it—but still I
shall labour under the disadvantage of not being authorised to
address him on the part of any person but my father, altho'
others must be suffering from the grievance. James's friend Mr.
Smith has promised to exert himself to make the character of the
Wool known, and will probably become a purchaser. Mr. Young will
send the samples and the orders for sale to Messrs. Marsh &
Ebsworth, with whose character in the markets of London my father
is already well acquainted. . . . .
My Father's acquaintance Mr. Bakewell called on me a few days
since, for the information respecting the wool that my father
promised to supply him with, for an article he is preparing on
the subject, to be inserted in Rees' Encyclopaedia. I have
undertaken to assist him to the best of my power. I have
mentioned to my Father in a letter by the Tottenham, that
I understand Walter Davidson has entered into a partnership with
a Mr. Dent, a very respectable young man who has gone from
England, and who is connected with and supported by many wealthy
families here. Mr. Kier informed that they will turn their
attention to New South Wales, and the possibility of opening some
trade with the coast of Chili and Peru. Should this be the case,
it may, perhaps, strike my father as affording a favourable
opportunity of establishing one of my Brothers as a Merchant in
the Colony.
My dear James,
I mean this letter to consist of memoranda and observations upon
the subject of wool, and to include answers to your queries and
such information as I have obtained from persons of experience
and respectability in the trade.
The "curly wool No. 57" is not liked only because it is "curly".
The staple is not bad, but the manufacturers generally disapprove
of it, because they cannot get the curl out, and consequently,
the surface of cloth made from it has an uneven appearance. Some
of the finer fleeces in other Bales have a few curly locks, but
the same appearance is observed in the fine Saxon fleeces, and
one or two persons I have conversed with think, that the same
sheep may bear fleeces without this peculiarity, in another
season. Should this prove correct, the wool will be much admired,
and sell at a high price, on account of the fine fibre, and silky
feel, a peculiarity for which the wool of the Electorate of
Saxony is very remarkable.
Aug. 16th—With regard to 33, 34, etc., many persons have
concurred with Mr. Ebsworth in opinion that they are not
sufficiently clean. It is of great importance that they should be
oily and "full of nature," as the manufacturers say, but then the
dirt should be washed out. I have had the opinions of at least a
dozen persons that the sheep should be washed very attentively
once or twice, and then allowed to run on clean pasture a week or
ten days, until the wool has imbibed the grease or oil again. I
am aware that you want a thick carpet of grass to prevent the
sheep from becoming dirty in a few days, but as your artificial
grasses increase (of which I have to write to you hereafter) I
trust you will have the necessary means of giving the sheep a run
on clean sward, before they are shorn. The Germans tell me that
this is their practise. It does not appear to me that Saxon wool
is cleaner, when brought to the English market, than the wool is
in No. 43 and 44, but particularly 45, which is generally admired
both for condition and quality. Perhaps, however, there is more
oil in it, or the appearance of more, for when our Bales are
first opened, they do not appear to advantage. When the fleeces
are opened out and handled they look much better, and they seem
to improve every day they are on show. I am assured by several
persons of respectability that when the wool is put up in a very
clean state the close pressing is not injurious, but if dirty,
the fleeces are matted together, the grease and oil form lumps,
and the feel of the wool is harsh and unfavourable.
I observe that the Saxon wool is not packed closely, and looks
well when the Bales are first opened. The length of a voyage from
New South Wales, and the apprehension of damage make it advisable
to pack closely, but perhaps my father may think it worth the
experiment to send a Bale or two in a good ship, less tightly
packed (pressed). The 60 Bales per Shipley, were free from
every appearance of damp, and I could perceive no damage
whatever—even of the slightest description. French wool,
washed after shearing, as you may have seen it here or on the
Continent, is generally disliked, and sells at a low price. I
shall endeavour to learn whether the most skilful Saxon farmers
wash their fleeces after they are shorn. I have been told they do
not, but will endeavour to ascertain the fact from better
authority. As 43 and 44 are of very similar quality I am informed
that it is unnecessary to alter your arrangement. Had it appeared
advantageous I should have availed myself of the discretionary
power to do so. The lots seem to be well selected, but perhaps it
would be always advisable to have one or two fine Bales near the
top to excite competition before the coarser Bales are put up.
This is a general rule with the Brokers.
Lot 11, contains Nos. 29, 30. The first is not liked, but No. 30
has some beautiful fleeces—very clean and silky. Mr.
Faulkes, a Saxon importer of the first rank, and a native of
Dresden, admired it much, and thought the fibre capable of great
improvement. Mr. Lovegrove. a manufacturer, told me that if it
improved in fineness, and retained the same softness, it would be
extremely valuable for the best kerseymere. I do not think the
persons I have conversed with thought No. 41 so well assorted as
No. 45, but they were of opinion that it was better than the
greater part of the other Bales. They thought some of the fleeces
very harsh, but the lot is one of the best.
You are quite right in thinking 43, 44 and 45 the best Bales, and
they will certainly sell well. The buyers have examined them very
attentively. The two first are not so well assorted as 45, and a
few inferior fleeces in a Bale make the buyer distrust the
general quality. They are all well washed and from these Bales
Mr. Ebsworth has selected 6 or 7 fleeces for the Soc. of Arts.
They are lying in the warehouse and attract general attention.
The greater number are from 45, and some of these fleeces are so
soft and fine that they can hardly be distinguished from the best
wool of the Electorate of Saxony. I heard an argument between Mr.
Faulkes and a manufacturer on this point. The latter said Mr. F.
could find no wool superior to one fleece in his best mark from
Dresden. This the German stoutly denied, asserting that altho'
the wool was excellent, it was not so fine in the fibre as the
first quality of Electorate wool.
I have been at the Warehouses every day during the last week, and
for several hours at a time. The Bales are placed on one large
floor, in 3 or 4 lanes or rows, near 3 windows, and consequently
in a good light. The inspectors take out different fleeces and
bring them forward to the large front entrance, for particular
examination. This is troublesome but unless the fleeces are
opened out the finest part is not seen. From the close packing
also it is not easy to pull out the fleece in the middle and
lower part of the Bales. You must understand that the Bales are
placed on their ends, presenting one end in front, with the
letters I.M.A. and the number in the proper position to be read.
They are all opened at the top, and by my direction to the
foreman of the warehouse a few fleeces were spread out in each
Bale that the best part might be exhibited for the public
inspection. I promised him 2 guineas to do this attentively, and
it seems to have been of great service.
You are aware, of course, that the neck, and particularly the
part used as a bandage to the fleece contains the best wool. This
is twisted of necessity and it is troublesome to spread it out.
Pray consider, therefore, whether it may not be expedient to tie
up the best fleeces with a coarse woollen bandage, so that when
untied, and spread out, the finest parts may be at once presented
to the sight. It is also important that no coarse or dirty
fleeces, or parts of fleeces, should be put into the ends which
are always opened. If you adopt this suggestion with a few
fleeces, for trial, you can put them into the end which will be
upwards, and which you will know from the position of the letters
I.M.A. I will then ascertain whether it affords better
opportunities for inspection.
I have already said that the wool is injured if pressed tightly
when not perfectly clean. Mr. Ebsworth recommends that the
fleeces should be lightly beaten in a hurdle, to shake out all
the sand or dirt that may remain in after shearing. Mr. Stanley
and Mr. Weaver tell me that the wool would sell better if less
tightly packed, as it would be softer to the feel, and more
readily examined. But many others say it cannot receive injury by
close packing, if perfectly free from dirt, and having sufficient
oil in the fleece.
Mr. Foulkes thought the Lambs' wool would have been finer if it
had not been so long in the staple. He said Mr. Lovegrove (who
stood by and confirmed it) had offered him 4s. 3d. per lb. for
some Bales of Saxon Lamb's wool, but that he asked 4s. 6d. per
lb, that it was much shorter in the staple and finer in the
fibre. He seemed to think the Lambs must have been fat and
unusually strong to have thrown out wool of such length, and that
the fibre would be better if the lambs were kept in moderate
condition, and on fine sweet food. The wool was also too dirty.
Mr. Foulkes invited me to call upon him in Finsbury Square, when
he promised to accompany me to his warehouses, and shew his best
wool, of which he willingly would give me samples. He said he
would also beg a few samples from me to send to his German
friends, who took much interest in your progress—the
quantity being yet too small to excite their jealousy. He is a
Saxon by birth, a very young man, and on enquiry, Marsh and
Ebsworth tell me he has the finest wool in the market. Some they
have on sale, at 9s. 6d. per lb. These Germans do not employ any
particular Broker. Four samples are usually drawn from each Bale,
and sent to the 4 principal Brokers—Marsh and E., Martin
and Co., Jacomb and Brook, and whoever brings a buyer at a
satisfactory price, takes the commission. The Brokers do not like
them, and I am told that Marsh and E. are about to establish 2
houses upon the Continent to buy of the growers for the
manufacturers of this country. I mention this, however, only as a
report. Marsh is now on the Continent, at Vienna—purchasing
wool on a most extensive scale for different houses. Mr. Ebsworth
has taken the whole management, and altho' he is not courteous or
communicative, I have had more reason to be satisfied than on any
former occasion. He wrote to all the principal manufacturers, and
shewed me some of their answers, and has brought up such a number
that I expect great competition. Mr. Maclean says he will
certainly buy some lots, and manufacture a piece of cloth for the
Commissioners to present to the King. His manufactory is in
Gloucestershire.
I have softened Mr. Ebsworth by a few compliments, and he
promises me to write full answers to your queries which I have
submitted to him, and in which he engages to take the advice of
Mr. Hurst, and a Mr. Starkie, a young Yorkshireman of
considerable reputation as a clothier.
I have engaged to dine with Mr. Ebsworth after the sale to meet a
large party of the manufacturers.
From a Mr. Roemer and Mr. Foulkes, both Saxon importers, and the
first the representative of Angers and Co., of Leipsic, of whom I
shall have to write to my father, I have learned that the Saxon
farmers are men of much skill—that many have been at a
German University, and have paid considerable attention to
Botany, which enables them to cultivate upon their plains such
grasses and herbs as seem calculated for their flocks. In winter
they are kept in sheds, and fed on hay etc., in fine weather they
are driven out over a considerable extent of pasture, by which
they have air and exercise, both of great importance in their
judgement. At night they are always driven to the sheds.
Mr. Coles called upon Maitland and Bond, and in consequence of a
wish expressed by Mr. John Maitland (well known to my father) a
fleece was sent over to him from Marsh and Ebsworth. On the
following day, I called with Mr. Coles, and saw both Mr. John
Maitland and Mr. Bond. The former received me most courteously.
He asked after my father, said he took an interest in the
progress of the N.S. Wales wool, and had examined the fleece with
attention. He approved of the condition of it (one from 45),
thought the wool of a very good description, and capable of great
improvement in the fineness of the fibre, by the application of
the artificial means practised by the Saxons, or, at least, to
such extent, as the nature of the climate may seem to render
necessary.
He said he had devoted much time to a consideration of the
subject, and an enquiry into the causes of the rapid and singular
success of the Germans—that he attributed it wholly to
artificial means—to the housing of the flocks—the
fineness and sweetness of the food—and the careful
selection of the rams. I explained to him the difficulty of
pursuing similar plans in a new country—the scarcity of the
best artificial grasses—the expense of buildings—and
the want of intelligent, honest and attentive shepherds.
He said he should, at least, recommend the same attention to the
rams as in Germany (Saxony), where they are considered as
valuable as racehorses, and tended with as much care as the
latter are at Newmarket, housed at night, exercised in the day,
and even clothed in winter—allowed certain quantities of
the finest food, and not permitted to become fat or gross in the
carcase. I told him the winters were hardly cold enough to
require such extraordinary protection for the sheep. He replied
that the treatment might, naturally be varied according to the
climate and soil, but that he should at all events, recommend
that the rams be housed on winter nights, and tended with the
most scrupulous care, as grooms tend the stallions in the best
stables of this country. From every quarter I learn that the
quality of the pasture will in one season make an extraordinary
difference in the quality of the fleece, and that fine and sweet
food, particularly fine grasses and sweet herbs are sought after
in Saxony. Mr. Faulkes and Mr. Roemer, at different times told
me, that last year corn being very abundant in Saxony, and the
farmers unable to find a market for it, they fed their flocks
upon it—that the sheep seemed to improve, but that when the
wool was brought to market, it was stringy and harsh to the feel,
and produced from 2s. to 3s. less per lb. than in former
years—consequently they have abandoned this plan as
injurious and this year again the same sheep are reported to have
borne finer fleeces than before.
I have thus, my dear James, detailed to you, at length, and with
no great regularity, the observations I have heard, and the
general information given me from the best sources. I have done
so because you request me to give answers to your queries, and to
consult the most respectable persons upon every point connected
with so important an object as the improvement and advantageous
sale of the wool.
I could not well make a selection of the opinions I have heard,
for I have neither experience nor skill to enable me to do so,
and I have thought that you may, after perusing these memoranda
two or three times, extract what may be valuable, and throw aside
what is not material. I shall also send you Mr. Ebsworth's
answers to the queries, and as Mr. Coles intends to write to you,
there is a probability of your receiving very full information by
this opportunity.
August 18th. I refer you to my letter to my father for the
particulars of yesterday's sale. There was a very full
attendance, and generally great competition. Mr. Maclean for
Gloucestershire and Mr. Starkun and Mr. Hurst, the King's
manufacturer, ran up Bales 43, 44, to 5s. 6d., and 45 to the
great price of 10s. 4d. Mr. Maclean stopped at 10s. Mr. Starkun
at 10s. 3d. Mr. Hurst bid 10s 4d.
Unfortunately the letter to his father to which he refers cannot be found, but an original copy of the catalogue of the sale, of which the reproduction is given, is at Camden Park.
My dear James,
. . . . I was very much annoyed that military business at the
Horse Guards prevented my being present at the sale, which I
understand was very animated—Mr. Bigge and Mr. Scott were
both there—You may suppose I was much gratified to find
that the finest bale sold at so unprecedented a price as 10s.
4d., but I could have desired that the general average had been
higher, but which was not perhaps to be expected when Spanish
Wool at eight months credit brought no more than 4s. My brother
dined with the buyers after the sale at Mr. Ebsworths one of whom
I understand asked why no pickings had come home this
time—that at the last sale, what he bought had turned out
so well that he had determined to bid half a crown a lb. for them
had any been put up—John has suggested whether it would not
secure a good end to give these gentlemen a dinner annually after
the sale. He is endeavouring to have a meddle decreed to the
manufacturer who shall procure the finest piece of cloth,
manufactured from New South Wales Wool.
I dined with Mr. Bigge before I left London, and I was much
pleased with him and the reception he gave me. I write as
artlessly as I should talk to you, that is with the same
indifference as to precision. You will therefore take my letter
with all its inaccuracies. . . . .
At the same sale Hannibal McArthur's wool brought from 2s. 5d. to 2s. 11d. a lb. His flock had been derived from Macarthur's cast ewes as late as 1814 and 1815.
Oxley's and Howe's flocks also originated from the same source, and their wool at this sale produced from 1s. 7d. to 2s. 6d. per lb. The remainder of the wool offered, with hardly an exception, was sold at below 1s. 6d. to 1s. 8d. a lb.
These high prices were not maintained, but the market was established and Macarthur's sons, who from this time managed for their father, spared no efforts in furthering his schemes for the export of fine wool.
In 1822 the Society of Arts in London presented Macarthur with two gold medals, one for importing 150,000 lbs. of fine wool from New South Wales, and the second for importing fine wool equal to the best Saxon from New South Wales; and in 1824 a larger medal was awarded for importing the largest quantity of fine wool.
My dear John,
The Competitor will sail to-morrow morning. I enclose in
the same Packet with this the Invoice and Bill of Lading of the
Wool, Total 78 Bales Gross weight 18,720 lbs.—The freight
is the same as last year, nor can we expect to obtain it at a
lower rate. The Invoice has been drawn up and the lots fixed upon
the same principle as the Shipments by the Wm. Shand which
you appear to have approved of. In order to draw forth remark,
and to ascertain how far our judgment may agree with that of the
buyers, letters are inserted, in the Invoice, against each Bale.
The letter A denotes the Bale to be a shade higher, in our
estimation, than B. In the first quality, the Italian letters a.
b. c. denote the more minute shades of difference; and the best
Bales Nos. 1, 41, 42, 43, are distinguished by AF—&
A.S.F. In addition to these distinctions, there are two Bales
(Nos. 54, 55) of the fourth quality—Thus the fleece Wool is
divided into seventeen different sorts, and the price marked
against each lot, will be another and still clearer indication of
our opinion. It is a subject of regret to us, that we have not
received the account sales of the William Shand's Wool as the
Auction List only marks the number of Bales in each lot, without
giving the Shipping numbers; and we are not certain whether the
arrangement of the lots may not have been different, in some
instances, from the lot list we sent you—The sale was
certainly not a satisfactory one, and we cannot help considering
that many of the Bales sold considerably under their fair market
value. When the Accounts Sales is before me, I will write more
fully on this subject. At present I shall only observe that the
best Bale brought exactly the price (7s.) which we had marked it
to be worth. In this instance our judgment and that of the Buyers
correspond—and agreeing so exactly on this one Bale, by far
the most difficult to estimate correctly—how is it that in
the immediately succeeding qualities which we valued at 6s., 5s.
6d. and 5s. we should be so completely at variance.
Medals issued to John Macarthur by the Society
of Arts
Your letters by the Asia and Guildford may perhaps throw some fresh light upon the subject, but I doubt whether they will explain the cause of so sudden and singular a difference more clearly, than the following information, which was kindly given me by Mr. Brown of Liverpool, now settled at Sydney, as a partner in the firm of Aspinall Brown & Co.—Last year he shipped a quantity of Wool for London by the Win. Shand. It was placed in the hands of Messrs. Simpson & Co., West India Brokers, of high standing in the City, and well known, if I remember right, to our friend Mr. Coles—They put it up to Auction at Garraway's on the same day, and immediately after the sale by Marsh and Ebsworth—Thirty-eight Bales were bought in, and out of these, twenty-six were sold, by Private sale, a fortnight afterwards, at an advance of 20 per cent. on the price offered at Garraway's—as you will see by the following Memorandum—
Lot | 2—2 | Bales | —bought in at | 1/11 | —sold after for | 2/2 |
3—6 | " | " | 1/7 | " | 1/8 | |
13—2 | " | " | -/12 | " | 1/6 | |
14—5 | " | " | 1/10 | " | 2/5 | |
15—4 | " | " | 1/10 | " | 2/2 | |
21—2 | " | " | 1/3 | " | 1/5 | |
27—5 | " | " | 1/6 | " | 1/8 | |
— | ——— | —— | ||||
26 | Bales | 10/10 | 13/- |
This I think pretty conclusive evidence, that the Auction was not a favorable one. May not an opinion prevail, amongst the Buyers, that Botany Bay Wool Growers want money; and must sell immediately? The circumstances, of the Wool having been almost always entirely sold without reserve, would confirm them in an opinion, so natural for them to entertain—The absence also of our former friends from the North must have damped the spirits of the Sale, may not their absence have arisen from the Sale taking place so much earlier than usual, in the Season? Would it be worth while for a Yorkshire Manufacturer to travel up to London, before the arrival in the Market, of the Continental Wools, for the sole purpose (and that a chance too) of obtaining a few Bales of New South Wales Wool? Why should we hurry into the Market? Ought we not rather to court than to shun competition with the Saxons? These are suggestions which you will, from your abundant sources of local information, be enabled fully to estimate. With us they are, of course, but matters of speculation; but I cannot help thinking them of some weight, and well worthy of attention. Be this as it may, my father has determined to try the effect of holding back, if the prices, offered at the first Auction, are not such as he considers sufficient—In the Duplicate Invoice therefore, for your private information, we have marked against each lot, the price which we are of opinion it ought to bring; and any lots, that may not obtain that price, are to be bought in—These prices have been fixed with reference to the depressed state of the market, last year. Should any rise have taken place, you will, of course, make a corresponding alteration in the minimum prices, you name, to Messrs. Marsh and Ebsworth; but my father is determined not to allow of their being knocked down for less; and he desires that you will hold any Bales, that may be bought in, to the extent of six months, if necessary. In writing these instructions I am quite aware that circumstances may occur, which would render a deviation from them unavoidable—Should any such arise, my father desires me to say that he places full confidence in your discretion and good sense; bearing always in your mind that no sale is to be made at lower prices than those marked (within the limit of six months) unless there should be a certainty of loss, by holding back—He does not wish you to confine yourself to the strict letter of his instructions, but to act according to their spirit, the policy and propriety of doing which no person, I am sure, will see more clearly than yourself. Now, do not my dear John, for a moment imagine, that my father or any of us, can entertain the slightest feeling of dissatisfaction with you, on account of the low prices of the last sale. Such a feeling would be impossible, and having said this, I shall not add one word more upon the subject—I hope you will find the present Shipment superior, in every respect, to any former one—Great pains have been taken during all the stages of preparing it for the market; and I should hope we are, every year, increasing our own knowledge and experience as well as improving the quality of our fleeces—You will observe a very great alteration for the better, we think, in the washing—But I shall say no more on this head at present—Have the goodness to send by the first good opportunity a similar supply of Slop Clothing to that ordered by the Shand and now, we hope on its way out. I enclose Mr. Macalister's half pay voucher for the year 1823—He has sent me some letters for his friends—Since they were written the usual written promise of a Grant of 2000 acres has arrived here for him—William's packet has just arrived—it has kept me in anxious expectation all day and altho' I promised some time since to write you very fully by this opportunity I have been prevented—The negotiations respecting the land and the address to My Lord Bathurst have kept me continually on the move. I hope the former will now meet with no impediment—Oxley has pledged himself to me to take no part in the affair unless called upon by an official Letter from the Secretary and in that case he promises to show my father the Secretary's Letter and his reply before he gives any answer to it—Add to this the uncertainty of the Guildford's and dear Edward's arrival or rather the hourly expectation of them and you have my whole excuse for this shabby letter which I however do not regret as you will receive such voluminous correspondence from our dear Father, Elizabeth and William. The circumstance to which William alludes of the lines marked by a Surveyor is not of any moment now—It was done in reference to the leases, before the arrival of the Sir Godfrey Webster—the value of the wool is very little altered from the memorandum William alludes to. He did make a valuation last year which I will send you by an early opportunity after the arrival of the account Sales per Wm. Shand. Motives of delicacy and feeling can alone have occasioned Wm. to speak of such a thing doubtfully as if not in existence—His letter is a most admirable one—I shall only add to his description of the Drought and extreme heat—that not only the fruits are wasted away but even one's self—The Thermometer is even now above 100—I beg my kindest remembrances to Mr. and Mrs. Coles and Family and to all friends.
My dear John,
James left this yesterday to get the Bills of Lading signed our
Wool having been shipped in the Competitor nearly three
weeks since. You will receive it I hope in good condition, that
is to say free from injury on the voyage—for I confess I
have nearly laid aside my hopes of pleasing the purchasers in
London—We have taken great pains in superintending the
washing, shearing, &c., which have been performed as well as
our present means will permit. The fleeces were washed perfectly
clean, whatever dirt, therefore, may be observed in them was
taken up after the washing, and notwithstanding anything the
buyers may urge to the contrary cannot materially increase the
weight of the fleece. It will be easy however if it should be
preferred to send home the fleeces for the future in much
brighter condition and nearly free from yolk. It will save us
from considerable risk and inconvenience, for instead of
deferring the shearing of the animals for 6 or 8 days after they
are washed, it may then be performed in 2 or 3 days; and the
difference in the weight of the fleeces will I am convinced be
very inconsiderable. The sorting has been attended to with great
care, particularly the finer sorts which have been sorted with
the utmost attention. I feel no hesitation in saying that the
general quality of the present shipment is very superior to any
former one, and that to any impartial person, capable of
deciding, the improvement will appear striking.
With the Sales of our last year's Wool I confess I am
disappointed, not certainly with the best, I did not imagine it
to be worth more; but every other lot brought a price very
inferior to what I considered we were entitled to expect.
You do not mention whether the prices of German and Spanish Wools
had declined, but I conclude they had, because notwithstanding
anything the buyers may have remarked to the contrary, the
average quality of ours had much improved. You mention that the
condition of the best Bales was good, but that fault was found
with the inferior qualities on account of their dirty state. This
objection appears to me to have had little or no foundation,
because the fine and the coarse Wools received precisely the same
treatment, indeed the coarse and the fine fleeces were produced
by the same Flocks. To the best of my recollection the only dirty
wool came from a Flock of Maiden Ewes and nearly the whole of it
was in consequence separately packed in the three bales, that
composed the three lots immediately following the best lot. Had I
fixed a value on these three Bales it would have been as follows,
5s., 4s., and 3s. or thereabouts, at any rate I am certain the
difference in their respective value was fully as great; instead
of which they sold at 3s. 1d., 2s. 11d., and 3s. I have selected
these three as instances of the want of discrimination displayed
by the purchasers, and could point out many others. I think it
fair to infer from them, that little attention should be paid to
the objections that are made because many buyers do not
understand the quality of the article they are purchasing. I am
more annoyed with this circumstance than with the reduction of
the price. I am sure that you will allow that after one has taken
great pains in separating the Wool into so many different sorts,
to find many fine Bales, selected from a number of Fleeces,
selling at prices little exceeding those of the coarse. There is
no help however for these things; time we hope will remedy them.
I know not what to say about the tight pressing; I have no doubt
that the appearance of the wool is injured by it; but those who
purchase must discover that it is only in appearance. It would be
inconvenient to materially lessen the quantity contained in the
bales besides 7 or 8 lbs. less in the tare upon each bale.
The constitution of our Sheep appears to improve materially, the
number of sickly sheep and casualties continue to decrease though
we have not been favoured with abundant Summers. At present the
whole face of the Country is completely parched up by a drought
of long continuance more than five months having elapsed since we
have had even three hours of rain. Heavy showers have
occasionally fallen it is true, but when the soil is dry to the
depth of many feet their beneficial effects are felt only for the
moment. This is the third successive dry season with which we
have been visited and truly we agriculturalists have good reason
to complain of their disastrous effects. Many improvements have
scarcely proceeded in consequence of them. I do not know a more
unpleasing prospect in nature than the appearance of the Country
in one of these dry seasons. Every tree every shrub curling up
its leaves, the fruit not a quarter its usual size, withering and
dropping from the trees utterly unfit for use at the time when we
usually enjoy it in perfection. The grass not displaying a
vestage of verdure on the open grounds and scarcely any in the
Forests. The Earth cracked in every direction with seams one and
a half and two inches wide and several feet deep. The streams,
the ponds, all shrunk into insignificance and many completely
dried up. Such the prospect now presented to us. The severity of
such seasons is now particularly felt by the Plants recently
introduced, great pains are requisite to preserve them alive. I
shall now proceed to give you an account of some of my
hobbies.
Since writing the fore going part of the letter
we have had the pleasure to receive Packet from you dated 4th
August containing the joyful intelligence respecting the Cow
pasture Lands. I need not say how happy it has made me and I will
venture to add a similar sensation was produced in the circle at
Parramatta. We have been long kept in suspense respecting the
fate of these reserved Lands. I trust the early arrival of the
Guildford with Lord Bathurst's despatch will entirely
remove it. I shall not give any details on this head because I
know my Father and James have been writing to you and have given
full details much more intelligibly than I should.
My Father has directed me to put a valuation upon the different
Bales of Wool shipped in the Competitor, that they may be
bought in, in case they do not fetch our price. I do this with
considerable diffidence, first, because the prices of Wool may
have much varied since our last Sales and secondly, having no
samples to refer to I have only the marks of the different Bales
and my memory to guide me. To remedy the first inconvenience I
shall fix the value of the best Bale at 7s. 6d., supposing the
prices of Wool to remain as they were in June last, in case
therefore of any depreciation or rise in the Market allowance
must be made accordingly, a valuation provided it be not very
wide of the truth will be of some service because I have learnt
that part of the Wool sent to England by Brown & Aspinall was
bought in at the first day's sale and sold three days after by
Auction 25 per Cent. higher than the sum for which it was bought
in. There appears to be no delusion in this because Account Sales
of both days' sale have been handed about the Colony, Mr.
Aspinall who was present at the Sale, had written to his Partner
to say, that though the bidding at the first days' Sale was
perfectly fair, and though there appeared to be no want of
competition, yet many buyers did not appear to understand the
value of the lots they were bidding for. This confirms my former
supposition. A scale therefore of the relative values though not
quite correct may be of service. For the future I will take care
to value every Bale as it is packed. The complaint that little
distinction was made between the fine and the coarse Wools
appears to be general in the Colony.
I have now my dear John nearly exhausted my paper, and I fear
your patience—If anything more should occur to me, worth
mentioning before to morrow morning, I will add it in a
Postscript. With every affectionate wish for your prosperity and
happiness,
My dear James,
The Sir George Osborne and Rolla bound for Sydney,
are about to sail at the same time, and I should not write
therefore by the latter, except for the purpose of enclosing you
a catalogue and stating shortly the result of the sale, which you
are, of course, extremely anxious to hear. The wool was
advertized for a month, and on show on the ground floor of a very
convenient warehouse, during the whole of last week. Mr. Marsh
and Messrs. Webster & Co. had advertized sales of N.S.Wales
Wool for Friday last, and our sale was fixed for Saturday, so
that it might follow theirs, there not being time for all on the
same day—From some casual observations, and particularly
from hearing that a considerable number of the Yorkshire buyers
were living together at one Inn, I was led to apprehend a
combination amongst them to purchase the middling qualities at a
low price and then to divide them—a practice which I am
assured is very common at public sales. Being resolved to be
prepared against this, I saw Mr. Simes on Friday, and settled a
limit for each lot, taking a medium price between his valuation
and your "estimated value." At the sales, as I had feared, the
fine lots sold tolerably well, but there was no competition for
the others. The Yorkshire buyers were present, but did not
bid—employing Mr. Ebsworth for that purpose. In consequence
of this, Mr. Simes was obliged to run up the lots marked (a) and
to buy them in, under the name of his partner Mr. Smith. The
Yorkshire men had reckoned that neither Mr. Maclean nor any of
the West Country manufacturers would compete for the low wool,
and appeared much surprised when they found they had an opponent.
The lots, not marked, including 38 bales, were sold at prices,
which will, I think, prove satisfactory, and which Mr. Simes did
not think he could obtain. He had, on the contrary, reckoned upon
selling those which he was obliged to buy in, which shews, if any
proof were wanting, that there was competition in the one case
and not in the other. Mr. Maclean, Mr, Hicks, and Mr. Ebsworth
were the purchasers of the lots sold. With respect to the
others—we propose to hold them firmly for the present, to
show the parties to the combination that we are not at their
mercy, and will not allow them to do as they please. Between this
and the close of the year, we shall be able to ascertain how far
it may be practicable to sell by private Contract, or whether it
will be advisable to avail ourselves of some future sale of N.S.
Wales Wool. There appears to be a fair prospect of the market
improving as there has been a great rise in prices throughout
Germany, and the only drawback therefore, is the delay and the
warehouse rent. No offer has yet been made for the fifteen Bales
of pickings and skin Wool Mr. Maclean does not consider them fit
for his manufactory, as he does not manufacture any coarse cloth.
Perhaps, therefore, we shall be obliged to sell them with the
other 34 Bales—But of this hereafter.—With respect to
the Wool I think it was generally allowed that there was a
greater quantity of fine and less coarse wool than last year. It
was not admitted however, that the finest Bale was better than
the finest of last year. The fine qualities were clean—but
the Merino Rams' wool and the Lambs' wool were too full of
grease. Of the packing Edward will write to you very fully. He
was present when the Bales were opened and could hardly believe
the change of appearances. It would appear that from the pressure
the grease is squeezed into particular parts of the Fleeces which
are matted together and discoloured. The outward part of the
Fleece, instead of being white, as when first packed is of a
yellow colour and extremely harsh. To those who have tried the
wool this is of little consequence, because they know that it is
not injured, and that it will improve in scouring. But it is
fatal with strangers, who compare it with German and Spanish
wool, and greatly undervalue it. Thus many Manufacturers examined
the Bales this year, and expressed an intention of purchasing,
but did not afterwards make any offers. Mr. Spratt assures me
that the Yorkshire men highly approve of the
packing—because it suits their views and prevents
competition—but that he would strongly recommend your
trying a different plan for one year at least. He thinks the
Bales should not contain more than 2/3rds of the present quantity
of wool, and if you pay 3d. instead of 2d. freight it will be
more than compensated at the Sale. I send you by the Sir Geo.
Osborne an account of the German mode of packing, and I
particularly entreat your attention to this subject. In future
pray arrange the lots, for I think William can do it better at
the time of packing than the Broker can afterwards. As a general
rule the finest Bales should be put up singly, and one fine lot,
near the commencement, to excite the spirit of competition as
early as possible. I should be glad to have two
Invoices—one containing the "estimated value" as this year,
and the other for my private use. containing the lowest price you
think the lots should be sold for. This I will never show to any
person, but I shall use it as a check upon the Broker. There is
no regular criterion of the value of Wool. Mr. Maclean has
admitted to me that he finds a difference of 6d. and 1s. per lb.
very frequently in the valuations of different Brokers, and that
he was lately offered 7s. per lb. for wool that he bought for 4s.
6d. per lb. I begin also to doubt the expediency of public sales.
They afford many opportunities for combination, which it is
difficult to counteract. We shall see, however, the effect of
what has been done on the present occasion, and whether our
firmness will triumph over the Combination of the Yorkshiremen. I
have some hope that Mr. Hicks and Mr. Davis who are most powerful
in the West Country will step forward to assist us, but they only
know of the Wool by the Reports of others and see it in the Bales
to great disadvantage. Messrs Webster had a sale on Friday but
Mr. Marsh suddenly put off his to Wednesday in this week with a
view, no doubt of following, instead of preceding us. Messrs.
Webster and Co. sold all their wool, I believe, and at high
prices for the qualities. Indeed coarse wool—that is, wool
from 1s. 6d. to 2s. 8d. is in greater demand now than any other,
and comparatively much dearer. Above 3s. per lb. the German wool
operates as a drawback and with little coarse or fine wool, the
market is absolutely glutted with middling qualities, at from 2s.
9d. to 4s. per lb. This is certainly a great disadvantage to us,
and is the principal cause of my apprehension that we shall find
it difficult to sell the 34 Bales at the prices at which they
were bought in. On the other hand, Mr. Simes appears confident of
being enabled to obtain your "estimated value" for the pickings.
General Darling is at the Isle of Wight, preparing to
embark—I have: written to my father by him, and sent my
letters off the day before yesterday. He takes out a Warrant for
the new Legislative Council, consisting of the Lt. Govr., Chief
Justice, Archdeacon, Colonial Secretary, my father, Mr. Throsby,
and Robt. Campbell Senr, and for an Executive Council consisting
of the four first named who are to advise the Governor upon all
his proceedings. I have had nothing to do with any of these
arrangements, except in desiring my father's nomination upon the
Legislative Council, of which I shall write very fully to him. In
the meantime it must be kept secret, for I do not think the names
are known to anyone in England excepting Edward and myself. I saw
the King's Warrant under his sign manual in Mr. Horton's
possession. Edward has leave of absence until the 24th of August
and will write very fully of his plans, and their partial
success.
My dear William,
As Edward informs me that the sorting and packing of the wool are
in your particular department, I take it for granted that any
information on these subjects may be most appropriately addressed
to you, I have already written to our dear Father respecting the
sales, and it will not be necessary for me to repeat to you what
I have said. The Bales were landed in excellent condition, free
from any kind of damage. It was generally allowed that the
average quality was improved—that is, that there was a
larger quantity of fine and less coarse wool than formerly. It
was denied, however, that the finest Bale was superior to the
finest Bale last year—The Bale No. 73 was well washed in
every respect—but it was said that some of the inferior
Bales were not sufficiently washed and were too full of grease.
The Lambs' wool was not so clean as last year, and the
manufacturers alleged that the waste would amount to nearly one
third—All persons admitted that the Bales were fairly
packed, and generally well sorted. But now to the mode of
pressing the Wool. Edward was with me at the warehouse when the
Bales were opened—There were besides present, Mr. Smith
(Mr. Simes' partner), Messrs. Cooper, Spratt and two
Manufacturers from the West of England, who had never before seen
the Wool from New South Wales—It required a man's force to
separate one fleece in the Bale from another and produced a noise
nearly as marked as the tearing of coarse linen—All parts
of the fleece were closely matted together, and some yellow and
discoloured. Edward remarked that he could hardly believe that
these were the same white fleeces he had seen packed. It has been
conjectured that the operation of pressing with a screw, drives
the oil from the fine to the coarser parts of the fleece that
there is a considerable fermentation during the voyage, and that
the discolouration is thus produced. Suppose you unpack a Bale
after it has been pressed in the ordinary manner, and endeavour
to ascertain from inspection, whether the injury is produced by
the operation of pressing, or by the wool remaining in a pressed
state during a long voyage. I presume the latter, and if so,
there will be no remedy except by adopting the German mode of
packing. I enclose the account of it drawn up by Mr. Marsh, after
his return from Germany and confirmed by Mr. Simes to whom I
recently read the statement. When the wool is not put in fleeces,
it is not tied, but still the layers, about one foot thick, and
the breadth of the Bale are very observeable. The German wool is
often many months on its way to England—Spanish wool the
same, and in the Hold of a vessel, during warm weather, but
neither arrive matted together or discoloured. I entreat you,
therefore, to send home some wool, pressed with feet, and not
with a screw. The strangers, I have before mentioned, were
accidentally in the warehouse, examining German Wool, and being
invited to look at the Bales, I heard them repeatedly say that
the fibre appeared fine, but there was a degree of harshness
about the wool, which rendered it fitter for Yorkshire than the
West of England. Now it is very true that those who try the wool
find out that it is, in fact very soft, when scoured, but
consider on the other hand, how large a proportion of buyers have
never tried it, and that it is the interest of those who have to
conceal its good qualities and to buy again. Year after year we
have the same purchasers. In the West of England it is
comparatively unknown, and with the exception of Mr. Maclean and
Mr. Hicks there are no persons to resist the combination of
Yorkshire Manufacturers. Should the same system be adopted by
these persons in future as in the present year, we shall be
exposed to great difficulties, and perhaps compelled to abandon
sales by Auction, which, however fair in theory are in fact open
to great abuse, what can be more easy than the principal
manufacturers from Yorkshire to arrange beforehand all the
prices—to agree that they will not bid against each
other—and after the sale to divide the lots? I fear that
this was their plan this year, for I hear that they had gone home
greatly discontented and openly complaining that they were not
allowed to purchase the wool at their own prices. The only mode
of counteracting this is to exhibit the Wool in the most
favourable condition—resembling as nearly as possible Saxon
Fleeces which are preferred to any other—so that every
person who sees the wool may be enabled to form a just estimate
of its value—If this be done, we shall have purchasers from
the West of England, and London Speculators to compete for
it—and if any be bought in there will not be the same
difficulty, as at present, in selling by private
contract—Phillip King's wool was packed in imitation of the
German mode, and he says he only paid 3d. per lb. freight, being
1d. per lb. more than ours. It was extremely dirty, but not
matted together, nor so harsh as our wool. The quality appeared
very bad—Under these circumstances, it cannot be considered
as a fair experiment of the German method, but from what I saw
and heard I cannot doubt that it would have answered to him very
well, if the wool had been properly washed. Supposing, therefore,
that you are obliged to pay 3d. per lb. instead of 2d. per lb.
freight, and that more canvas is required, still it is the
opinion of Mr. Simes, Mr. Smith and many others, that this
expense would be more than repaid to you by the advance in price.
They all think you may safely press it as tightly as it can be
pressed by men's feet, but that machinery should not be applied.
I entreat your serious consideration of this subject and that you
will communicate to me what you think, and determine to do. In a
recent conversation, but before the sale, Mr. Maclean told Edward
and me, that the Yorkshire Manufacturers considered New South
Wales Wool as being worth 10 per cent, more than it appeared to
be and that we might state this to our dear Father—I
observed that it would be desirable to make it appear as good as
it really is to which he answered that the fact he mentioned
would spread by degrees, altho' the interest of the buyers, would
of course induce them to conceal rather than to circulate
it—For the last two or three years the Yorkshire men have
always talked against the Wool, but have still bought—This
very year Mr. Hirst declared to a large party that he had not
bought a pound of our wool, and would not give within 1s. per lb.
of our prices. Since then Mr. Simes has traced two lots into his
possession—Mr. Ebsworth being the nominal buyer—This
will prove to you that we have great difficulties to contend
with, and that we should be prepared for another combination next
year—Besides what I have stated, I think it would be
important that all the good wool of the Colony should be sold at
one sale, say for instance, my fathers, Oxley's, P. King's,
Hannibal's, Palmer's, &c., &c. If these parties would
agree to this and give positive directions to Mr. Wilkinson to
employ Mr. Simes, I would insist that no other wool should be
included in the sale, and that it should consist solely of New
South Wales' Wool, otherwise, I fear the quantity would be
insufficient to ensure a numerous attendance—Mr. Marsh was
employed again by Mr. Wilkinson, and I refer you to his catalogue
for the results. Observe particularly the manner of announcing
the sale—Bales of N.S. Wales and V.D. Land Wool, without
distinguishing the one from the other. He does all in his power
to diminish the good opinion entertained of N.S. Wales Wool. . .
. There must be secret motives for this and I wish you would talk
to Oxley, and those you are intimate with, and obtain their
assent to what I propose. If not, we must trust to the increase
of our own wool, and of Buckle's consignments to make up a large
annual sale of N.S. Wales wool. I doubt not that Mr. Simes will
do whatever I require. He is not clever, but he appears to have
the feelings of a gentleman, and to be fair and open in his
transactions. I cannot learn that there is a better broker for
our purpose in London, and it is honorable to him that he is now
employed by Sir John Lubbock & Co., the greatest Importer and
Holder of Spanish Wool, and a very considerable Importer of
German Wool—The Australian Company are about to engage Mr.
Button who has been brought up as a Farmer in Germany and who
will, therefore, be able to give you much practical information
respecting the German flocks, and mode of packing &c.—I
shall make no apology for this long detail, because on important
subjects it is desirable to know the opinions of all
men—Ever, my dear William.
To John.
. . . . Altho' the winter has been
unprecedentedly severe and cold it has produced no ill effects
amongst our flocks, or any other except those of the
inexperienced persons, who injudiciously depastured their flocks
in a cold wet season on low marshy ground when they became
infected with the rot—By the last accounts from Bathurst
the deaths in Capt. King's Flocks amounted nearly to 2,000 sheep,
and it was greatly feared that 700 which were all that then
survived had been infected with the same disease and could not be
saved. I have heard of only one flock that have suffered with
equal severity to Capt. King's altho' in several other flocks the
mortality has been exceedingly great. There is a family by the
name of Hassall who are considerable proprietors. In the flocks
belonging to one of the sons which were kept on dry
pastures—no unusual losses have been sustained—but in
the flock belonging to the Mother the rot has nearly destroyed
the whole—and these suffering flocks were kept on low wet
pastures similar to the Land occupied by Capt. King.
Our losses have been at the usual average rate three and four per
cent, per annum. . . . The returns from the sale of Rams and what
other stock we shall dispose of this year will be quite
sufficient to cover our expenses here and as we shall send you
upwards of 26,000 lbs. of wool I hope my account in St. James's
Street will once more look respectable. . . . The winter has been
cold beyond anything ever felt here before and I have suffered so
much from it as to convince me that I ought not to expose myself
to the shock of an English winter, much therefore as I wish to
see you once more I am constrained to give up all thoughts of so
hazardous an experiment and to decide upon deputing your brother
James—It is proposed he should accompany this year's wool.
. . . We expect our breeding flocks will be extended this summer
to 4,500 ewes we have reared 1,500 ewe lambs and calculate upon
7,000 breeding ewes in 1828. . . .
The new regulations respecting the sale and granting of Lands are
much complained of and I think deservedly so—Many
respectable men have been waiting here all this year for their
grants and they have now as little prospect as ever of getting
them—in the meantime they are exhausting their resources
and lounging miserably about.
John to his Father.
My dear Father,
My former letters to my dear Mother and to James, will have
explained my reasons for delaying the sale of your Wool. Finding,
however, in the course of last month, that the Spring Trade
brought no great improvement in the Wool, or indeed in any other
Market and that a settlement with the Underwriters for the loss
was becoming necessary, I thought it advisable to appoint the
sale for the 9th of March. It was advertized as usual, and there
appeared from the letters and enquiries a more than ordinary
disposition to attend, which circumstances, together with the
knowledge that the damaged Bales must be sold, led me to expect
great competition. The prices, however, as you will see by the
catalogue were very unsatisfactory, and the only consolation is
that lots 1 to 31 inclusive, were damaged, and that all the fine
Bales, without exception, were wet and mouldy. I enclose with the
Catalogue, a valuation made by Mr. Simes and his partner,
previously to the sale (No. 1) and also his Certificate (No. 2)
showing the loss by damage on 62 Bales. Of the remainder, 21
Bales were bought in, and 18 sold at prices which, altho' the
wool was of the inferior sorts, I think very unsatisfactory. I
have so stated to Mr. Simes, and have intimated to him that he
should have bought them in with the other Bales, even altho'
there is no immediate prospect of an improvement in the market.
With regard to the Bales reserved, I know not what to do, not
only because the depreciation in the market continues, but
because I am confirmed in the opinion expressed before, that we
shall find great difficulty in selling by public auction, now
that the novelty of Australian Wool has worn off, and the
quantity so much encreased. Mr. Hart Davis and others have always
said they cannot sell German or Spanish Wool by public Auction,
unless damaged, or very badly washed and sorted. The number of
damaged Bales made it necessary to arrange the lots differently
from William's Invoice, and, as respected them, to try a public
sale. Various samples of different qualities, were carefully
scoured, and exhibited with the samples from the Bales. The best
appeared to great advantage, and several of the most eminent
manufacturers, such as Mr. Hicks and Mr. Shepherd, assured me
they considered No. 37 as equal to Saxon fleeces of the first
quality, altho' not equal to Saxon assorted wool of the first
quality not more than l/3rd of the fleece being comprised under
the latter description. Mr. Shepherd bought this Bale. It was
wet, but had not suffered to the extent of the other fine
Bales.—The inclination of my mind is that it will be well
to send the Bales bought in to a Wool Stapler in Yorkshire, to
assort, and sell by private Contract, but there is some
difficulty in finding an honest Agent in that quarter. I shall be
very glad to confer with James on this important subject, and
endeavour to arrange some plan for the future. I am expecting a
Catalogue with the names of the buyers from Mr. Simes, and I will
enclose it. The account Sales will not be ready for some time,
but I have requested it as soon as possible, in order to make the
settlement with the Underwriters. Mr. Brown informs me that the
mode of arranging a loss upon a Policy where each Bale is valued
is, as follows: Supposing a Bale, valued at 7s. per lb. being
damaged, produces only 4s. per pound, but would, otherwise, in
the actual state of the market (as certified by the Broker) have
produced 5s. per lb.—then as the difference 1s. is 1/4th of
4s. the assured would receive 4s. and 1/4th of 7s. or 5s. 9d. per
lb.—According to this arrangement, we shall be protected to
a considerable extent from the unprecedented state of the market.
To what that is attributable, it is almost sufficient to refer
you to the "Times" newspaper of this day (March 19th) in which
there is an account of the number of County Bank notes in
circulation, and the sudden reduction of the quantity in the last
year, when it is considered that B. of England Notes, and all
negotiable instruments in Commerce, were encreased, and then
suddenly diminished in the same ratio, it is not difficult to
account for the fall of prices. I trust the evils which have been
experienced will be a guide for the future. The quantity of wool
in the Market has greatly diminished, but there is an
apprehension of further imports whenever there is an improvement
in the market prices. Fine Saxon Wool is in great demand, and the
supply very small, the glut is of middling qualities both German
and Spanish Wool. The rapid changes the markets have so
frequently presented, make me fearful of speculating upon the
subject. Time and confidence are wanting to restore the
circulating medium to its proper extent. The Establishment of
Branches from the Bank of England, and Scotch Banks, in the
Manufacturing Districts, may contribute to this end. It was
generally admitted that the average quality of the last
importation was improved, but there were complaints of the wool
being "too full grown."—Since writing the above, I have
recd. a proposal to send ten Bales to Leeds to be examined by Mr.
Gott, the great clothier there, who has expressed a wish to make
a fair trial of the Wool, and I am inclined to accede to this,
consigning the ten best of the reserved Bales to Mr. Simes' Son,
a Broker at Leeds, the father being answerable for the value. He
is to ask the prices, in the first instance, at which William
valued them—The Australian Co. sold the fleeces of their
French and Saxon Sheep by auction last week. Two packs of the
latter assorted brought very high prices—one 8s.
6d.—but the fleeces in the grease sold badly—The
Brokers say they never saw finer Saxon Wool—Mr. Simes and
his partner admire extremely the samples of Wool, you sent by the
last ships, which they think equal to any that can be grown. I
find, upon examination of the Catalogue, that the prices of the
wool that followed have been omitted. I will send another copy,
complete, by the next vessel. . . .
James accompanied the wool to England, and wrote to his father on September 12th, 1828, announcing his safe arrival in London, and also "The wool market is, of course, very dull at this season; at least, so says Mr. Davis, but I very much apprehend it is likely to continue so, at last until the German competition is run down by our superior facilities of production."
From James.
My dear William,
I propose confining this letter to the subject of the recent sale
of Wool. After making every possible enquiry I found that to
depart from our accustomed mode of sale would be exceedingly
hazardous, and that in the opinion of the best informed persons
there was no chance of any rise in the Wool Market for many
months to come—I therefore determined to have our Wool
advertized for Publick Sale on the day following that of the A.
A. Company. My next object was to form as accurate an Estimate as
possible of the Market value of each Bale. I accordingly went
through a number of Warehouses, and after carefully examining
various samples, principally Silesian and Moravian and
ascertaining the prices asked for them. I inspected our own and
noted down my valuation as marked on the Catalogue—On the
day of the sale I showed this valuation to Mr. Swaine and asked
him whether he would undertake to buy in such lots as might not
reach my expectations, to sort the fleeces afterwards, and
dispose of them in that state—Mr. Swaine replied in a
manner highly creditable to him, that if I wished it he
would—and that he thought it probable we might in many
instances realize my valuation: but that if I could obtain within
3d. or 4d. per lb. of my prices by publick Sale he would
decidedly advise me to take it in preference to running the risk
and delay that would attend its disposal by Private Contract,
through him. He further assured me that from his own observation
of the number of Buyers in town he was sure there would be much
competition; and that he had little doubt of my obtaining my own
prices for the better qualities and somewhat more than Simes
& Co.'s valuation for the average and inferior
sorts—Upon visiting the warehouse soon afterwards I found
it absolutely crowded with Manufacturers, Wool staplers &c.,
and I determined upon following Mr. Swaine's advice, which was
most disinterested because he would have been a great gainer by
my proposal to him, whatever might have been the consequence to
us. I accordingly directed Messrs. Simes & Co. to sell
without any reserve as far as lot 98, to buy in lots 114, 116,
and 127 to 133 unless they fetched my prices, and to buy in all
the others unless they obtained their valuation from the Bidders.
The Catalogue shews the result, and the accuracy of Mr. Swaine's
judgment—Six lots were bought in which I intended to have
placed in Mr. Swaine's hands, but upon going into the City the
morning after the sale I received immediate offers for them at
the limitation prices I had fixed upon, and which under all the
circumstances I thought it best to accept without
hesitation—Five Bales (Lots 121 and 125) were purchased for
Swaine—He is going to assort them and promises to let me
inspect the operation, as well as to, inform me of the
results—The Auction was most numerously and respectably
attended. and the competition such that it is impossible that
there could have been combination even amongst the Yorkshire men
to our disadvantage—The prices obtained are considered
quite astonishing in the present state of the Market, and have
excited quite a sensation amongst the Germans. They can only
obtain 4s. 9d. for their best fleeces. It must be borne in mind
too that this is with six months credit, and a discount of five
per cent, whereas ours are sold for ready money—The
character of Australian Wool is decidedly gaining ground. I saw a
letter from Mr. Maclean to his Father in Law in which he says
that at the late Auctions it fetched 6d. per pound more than any
other wool would have done, quality for quality. On the day of
the sale, I was at the Warehouse in the Crowd when I suddenly
felt a smart tap on the Elbow—On turning round, I beheld a
tall, stout, John Bull looking Quaker, opening a Fleece from the
Bale No. 24, from which some bits of dung had dropped upon the
floor. To these he directed my attention and that of every one
present, by exclaiming in a loud tone—"Methinks friend,
this would have enriched the soil, from whence it came." I
assented and remarked it was a pity it should have travelled so
far to so bad a purpose. The quaker replied "True friend,
particularly as it might have injured the value of so fine a
fleece as this—therefore have I drawn thy attention to it
because it should not be." I thanked him and explained it was an
accident that might be expected occasionally even under the most
careful management—he continued the conversation and said
that he perceived a wonderful improvement in the fine Bales and
taking up several Fleeces' from Bales 38 and 39 descanted on
their various excellencies assuring me that there was no wool in
the world to be compared to it; and that we should soon entirely
surpass the German.
He also observed that some of the fine fleeces were nearly long
enough to comb and that if they could be brought to do so
maintaining their fineness it was impossible to say what would be
their value perhaps a Guinea a pound—It might be the means
of introducing a new manufacture—That it would therefore be
well worth while to pay some attention to the families producing
the longest staple; but in so doing to remember it was an
experiment and not to lose the substance in pursuing the
shadow—I found this singular person was Mr. Varley a
Yorkshire Manufacturer who is universally looked up to for his
judgments and general ability in the trade. He was one of the
principal witnesses examined by the late Parliamentary Committee
of enquiry into the Wool Trade.
Shortly after this I found another group assembled round the fine
Bales and Mr. Stanton a Gloucestershire Manufacturer shewing a
sample of the finest wool he could obtain in Germany from whence
he had just returned, in comparison with the fleeces of Bales 38
and 39 some of which he said were so fine that he scarcely knew
to which to give the preference. Messrs. Stanton and Varley you
will observe bought the two finest Bales. They have both promised
me a faithful report upon them—You will I have no doubt
wonder that 38 should sell as high as 39—I will
explain—It had been slightly damaged, and had been almost
repacked so that the fleeces from being much pulled about had
expanded and lost the harsh feel and peculiar appearance arising
from the Press—It was therefore seen to much greater
advantage than 39—I think the condition too was really
better, the fleeces being whiter in appearance and containing
exactly the right proportion of yolk. Last year the washing was
overdone, and I am told it gave the wool a harsh and staring
appearance, and both Mr. Stanton and several others said it was
better to have too much yolk than too little—The whitest
fleeces of last year are said to be got up in the very finest
style of German washing, but those of the year before (per
Australia) were too much washed—I am decidedly of
opinion that we ought to discontinue screwing the fleeces so
tightly—They are not really injured but we are, because
they do not open so readily nor show to so much advantage as they
otherwise would—I have mentioned No. 38 as an instance of
the advantage of giving them more room—The Company's wools
were not pressed at all, and were seen to much greater advantage
on that account. I am of opinion that this circumstance
considerably raised the average of their Colonial bred fleeces,
above the prices that would have been obtained, had they been
pressed. Mr. Hall can give every explanation of the mode
adopted—I will therefore enter into no detail on that
head.
I think the difference in the prices obtained for the average and
lower qualities, and that of the fine Bales arises very much from
the pressure. The finest qualities excite a great deal more
interest and are therefore more pulled about and thus the fleeces
expand and recover their natural character—I have instanced
Bales 38 and 39 as striking examples of the good effects of
opening and pulling about—Those wools which are at all
dirty and contain much yolk suffer particularly from the effects
of the Press—This was the case with McAlister's—The
buyer of one of the lots has since expressed his surprise at
finding it improve so much upon handling. Our No.
37—I believe consisted of the fine fleeces of the young
sheep pastured in Argyle. These fleeces contained a large portion
of yolk and were dark coloured—Mr. Stanton accompanied me
the morning after the sale to look at it, and being told our
price was 4s. said hastily "it will not suit me at that price." I
was indifferent about the sale of it wishing to try some
experiments in having it assorted according to the Saxon mode;
but I wished also to convince him of his mistake—I
therefore ordered the Bale to be cut open, and taking out some of
the centre fleeces, which do not appear to suffer nearly so much
as those on the exterior of the Bales, I opened and spread them
out—He said at once, in a doubting tone "You will ask me
4s. 6d. now"—I replied "no" that "I had said 4s. and would
not depart from my word"—Upon which he thanked me and
acknowledged his original error in the handsomest manner, saying
that it was indeed "a beautiful and highly valuable Bale." I send
you three samples from 37, 38, and 39—That from 38 is
considered perfect in every respect—It is one of the
specimens shown against the fine saxon I before mentioned. It is
said to be worth 8s. or 9s. per lb. even now. This however I
apprehend to be a somewhat exaggerated value—It is however
considered quite unique in the way of fine wool, and to be
characteristic of the best qualities of the Australian
Fleece—No. 217 approaches it, and is also perfect in
condition. No. 39 is thought very fine, but unequal in its growth
and not white enough. I am more than ever convinced that there is
a great deal of caprice on the part of the buyers. A vast deal
depends upon the first impression given by a Bale—If they
find the fleeces matted together, they have not time to examine
them and some cunning North Country man buys a bargain. They all
say the pressing is no real injury, but disfigures the character
of the wool and prevents a minute examination unless the party
has plenty of time at his disposal. This the great Buyers never
have except for the few first rate Bales and thus some petty
jobber makes a living out of our loss—I do not imagine the
difference in the freight would exceed ½d. or at the most 1d.;
and I think we should gain from 3d. to 6d. a pound at the
sales.
If our wool could also be less highly grown it would fetch much
higher prices.
It was the delicacy of the fibre arising from low condition that
ran the Company's best Bale up to 7s. 6d.—That however was
in the opinion of the best judges an artificial price arising
from competition between two Manufacturers one of whom is a large
holder of A.A.C. Shares. These things are well understood in
London and the sale of this one lot at 7s. 6d. has not excited
half the sensation that has been occasioned by our two Bales at
5s. which rose to their price by biddings from various parts of
the room ½d. by ½d. whereas the Company's jumped to 7s. 6d. by
sixpences and nine pences at a bid. I send you a sample of it so
that you may form your own judgment. When I speak of the
advantages to be derived from having our fleeces more delicately
grown, I am quite aware of the difficulty of keeping the sheep in
sufficiently low condition and of the disadvantages, in some
respects, arising from it.
God forbid they should ever be in the miserable state of the
Company's flocks at the time these fine locks of theirs were
produced. Our Bales No. 24 and 30 were also very much admired,
and upon the whole it was considered that the fleeces were in
better state generally as to yolk than last year, but not as to
colour. The dark colour arising from the burnt timber and the
little particles of leaves, seeds, &c. but more particularly
sand are very injurious.
I am convinced however that the intrinsic value of the wool is
becoming more widely known and that the Saxons have carried their
devotion to delicacy of fibre too far. The Manufacturers begin to
look for something more—they want strength as well as
finish—A medium between our fine fleeces and the Saxon
would be preferred. May not this by degrees be obtained. It is
also I think of more importance to attend to exact similarity in
colour, general character, &c., in assorting the Bales, than
to arrange the fleeces with that minute attention to the exact
fineness of the hair which costs you so much anxiety and
labour—I have been unceasing in my enquiries for a Wool
Sorter but cannot find one as yet at all qualified—Mr.
MacLean assured me he had been looking for one for himself for
the last six; months without success—I think a German will
suit us best. Be assured I will not lose sight of this great
desideration and I hope to relieve you, before this time next
year from the irksome task you have so often and so painfully
gone through. . . . .
My dear William,
I intend to confine this letter entirely to the subject of wool
our main stay and only certainty a subject therefore justly the
most interesting to us all; and to you more especially from the
devoted, and successful attentions you have bestowed upon the
improvement and management of the flocks.
The market for wool in this Country has never recovered the shock
it sustained by the excessive importation of the year 1825 when
nearly double the ordinary annual weight was forced upon the
market. Prices have since that time continued to sink lower and
lower until they have reached their present unprecedentedly low
level. Beyond this it is imagined they cannot possibly be
reduced, and indeed the general opinion is that after next Spring
a gradual rise will begin to take place. The price current which
I put up with this will show the relative prices of the different
kinds of wool. The quantity as well as the value of Spanish wool
is greatly diminished I mean its value as compared with German
and the fine Australian Wools, and I make use of the word value
because I apprehend that it is not the quality of the Spanish
fleece that has deteriorated, but the quality of the others that
has advanced, in consequence of greater care and a more improved
mode of breeding. This I find to be a very generally received
opinion and the Spaniards seem at length to be sensible of the
fact. Several of their principal Wool growers have lately been in
this Country making observations and have expressed a
determination to spare no exertion to regain their lost position.
Should the Government of Spain resume a more settled form, it is
not improbable that they may succeed and in this case from the
natural advantages of the Country they will be more dangerous
rivals than even the patient and persevering Germans. The annual
importation into England from Germany, including the Austrian
Dominions and Poland is about 22 millions of lbs. In the year
1800 it was little more than 400,000 lbs. The importation this
year from N.S. Wales will it is calculated exceed a million of
lbs., and including V.D. land it is supposed will amount to
nearly double that quantity. It is not however to be supposed
that the increase during the next thirty years can proceed in the
same ratio, as it has done in Germany—the Germans already
possessed large flocks at the commencement of their
career—coarse woolled, it is true; but by the introduction
of Merino blood a gradual improvement was effected. Flushed with
their success, the Saxons dreaded no rivals and relaxed in their
attention. The consequence has been that Silesia now bears the
palm. Poland does not produce a sufficient quantity of wool I am
told for her own consumption at this day notwithstanding Mr.
Jacob's theoretical visions upon the increase of flocks and the
establishment of manufactures in that Country—A small
quantity nevertheless occasionally finds its way into England the
Poles working up in its place, the lower descriptions of German
Wool. Russia too is attempting to produce fine wool which comes
into this market to a very limited extent under the name of
Odessa. It is not at all esteemed by the Manufacturers who say
that it works up very unprofitably. I have now, I believe,
enumerated the various countries with which we have to contend in
the production of fine wool. The Germans are decidedly the only
rivals we need to fear at the present time, and it is a matter of
no trifling moment to ascertain how the Sheep owners of that
Country are affected by the present low rate of prices. This and
their treatment of the Ewes in lambing time, so as to rear lambs
from animals in low condition will be the principal objects of my
proposed journey to Saxony and Silesia. With respect to
Australian Wool, I need not inform you how much the great bulk of
proprietors there have to accomplish, before their fleeces can be
brought to even a tolerable state of improvement. The reduced
prices of wool render it much more uphill work for them; but it
appears to me that they have no other object to which they can
turn their attention with a chance of success. Necessity
therefore will urge them forward. We are fortunate in occupying
such vantage ground. We have only to persevere steadily keeping
in view improvement of quality, as well as increase of quantity,
and during the approaching twenty years the wheel of fortune will
in all probability revolve so as in some degree to realise the
fable of the golden fleece—at all events we are sure of a
competency sufficient with prudence for the obtainment of every
reasonable object of our ambition. I am indeed surprised at the
reduction you have already been enabled to make in our expenses
and the probability is that as money becomes scarcer in the
Colony our sterling returns will go farther and farther in the
obtainment of labor. Taking the reduced prices of the necessaries
of life into the calculation it appears to me that we are at
least equally as well off now as in the time of Macquarie, and
certain I am that comparing our actual situation and profits with
those of other Colonists and of the Agricultural, manufacturing,
and Commercial Classes in England (I believe I might say Europe)
we may consider ourselves most fortunately circumstanced.
With respect to the washing assorting and packing I need say
nothing in addition to what I wrote last year—except that I
am more and more convinced of the correctness of the opinions I
then expressed.
The plan you propose to adopt this season as detailed in your
most able and interesting letter by the Vesper appears
likely to realize all that can be desired upon that head. I hope
I may be enabled to obtain the services of a competent wool
sorter before I leave England—Hitherto my enquiries have
been unsuccessful, unless at enormous wages, no skilful man can
be induced to go out; and knowing the uncertainty of even such a
man continuing to conduct himself satisfactorily I have been
unwilling to incur the risk—The Bales are considered to be
particularly well assorted that came by the Australia. Mr.
Swaine assured me that he did not see how it could be improved,
but the object is to save you the labor and to occupy less
valuable time in so troublesome an occupation. This must in some
mode or other be accomplished before my return to the Colony and
be assured I shall not lose sight of it in Germany, from whence
all agree in opinion it would if practicable be the most
desirable to obtain a Sorter. In the box of Clothes now sent from
Myer's you will find a sample of Silesian wool which is
considered to be a perfect specimen of what is most desirable to
the Clothiers, both in growth and condition. This wool of which
only about 500 lbs. came into the Market from Flocks of from 30,
to 40,000 Sheep was sold at 7s. per lb. The general average I am
told of the whole flock did not exceed 2s 3d.—From Mr.
McLean I learnt that they (MacLean & Stephens) had bought the
finest German fleeces on the spot for 2s. 3d. per lb., and that
the expense of transport to Stanley Mills did not exceed 6d. per
lb. These are facts which I wish to ascertain by my own
observation upon the spot. The weight of the German fleeces is
another doubtful point to be cleared up. I have mentioned to
several persons your theory relative to the hollowness of the
fibre of N.S.W. Wool. They do not think it possible that such can
be the case; and if it were so they think it would have an
opposite effect to your supposition. As the hollow space is
filled with animal matter constituting the heaviest portion of
the hair. Admitting what you suppose to be the case the
Manufacturers say it would not have the effect of rendering the
Cloth lighter, because in the process of manufacture each fibre
is flattened until the interior surfaces collapse—But
undoubtedly it would have the effect of giving a greater number
of hairs to the pound, that is to say supposing the increase of
hollowness in the fibre to render the weight less, which as I
have before stated they deny.
One fact is undeniable, that a pound of our wool goes farther
than a pound of any other wool—or as the manufacturers
express it the wool "proves better." than any other of apparently
similar quality—This may probably be the effect of the
Voyage which certainly gives it a harsher and coarser appearance
when opened here than it bears when packed in the Colony. Much of
this is in my opinion produced by over pressure. The change of
color is also in some degree attributable to the same cause. But
length of time and the mere voyage itself would in themselves in
some degree produce this effect, as we see in the case of Clean
Linen, which however white when put up comes out yellow and
discolored even on shore and still more so after a sea voyage
more especially I am told if the trunks be in the Hold of the
Vessel. Before I quit the subject of color there is one
circumstance necessary to impress very strongly upon your
attention—I mean the utter objection on the part of
Manufacturers to wools in which they discover the smell of soap
or any alkaline preparation—The very small quantity used in
our present preliminary tub operations does not produce this
effect and is therefore of no consequence. But I have no doubt
the first cargo sent by the Australia was to a certain
extent injured. You may remember that a larger quantity of soap
and (upon one or two of the flocks) potash was used—The
objection on the part of the Manufacturers is not idle
prejudice—they have found by experience that the cleansing
of wool with Alkali injures the fibre—and the longer it is
kept after the operation, the more prejudicial will be the
effect.
The time of arrival in this Country is another very material
consideration—every exertion ought to be made to get it
here early in the summer—It is one of the natural
advantages we possess from our opposite seasons that we are
enabled to bring our fleeces to market first notwithstanding our
immensely greater distance—This in itself is a
consideration of no slight importance—People here do not
like to let their money lie idle, and if we are first in the
market we stand the best chance on this ground
alone—Another consideration is the loss of the interest of
money and the fact that wool naturally deteriorates by keeping
after shorn. But the most weighty reason perhaps for an early
shipment is the difference it makes in the appearance of the Wool
whether it be examined in warm weather or in cold.
This year we were particularly unfortunate, the first day of our
wools being exposed to show it snowed most violently and during
the three subsequent days until the sale the weather was as cold
as it usually is at Xmas—frosts at night and harsh piercing
winds during the day—You can well appreciate the effect of
such weather—It may be said, so can the buyers—but
they won't nor is it in human nature that they should.
Their interest and therefore their perceptions and impressions on
the subject are at direct variance with ours. Another reason is
that as money is the most plentiful generally speaking in the
Summer months, so is it least so about the end of the
year—This operates in all trades and is a generally
received rule with men of business—I come next to the
relative advantages and disadvantages of Public and Private Sale.
There is always a difficulty in disposing of the finer qualities
to any extent at auctions—because it is the custom of the
great buyers of fine wool to make their purchases by sample and
by private contract, at a credit of one month deducting five per
cent, discount, or of four or even eight months. These are the
terms upon which German and Spanish Wools are generally sold and
of late many bad debts have been made—All these
circumstances must be borne in mind when a comparison of our
prices with theirs is made. We obtain the money before we deliver
up our property—But it becomes a question whether as the
quantity increases this system can be continued and whether by
assorting our fleeces and selling the finer qualities by private
Contract, the coarser by auction we may not obtain a higher
average. I am inclined to think that we should find it to our
advantage to sort the fleeces to a certain extent, that is to say
to take off the shoulder locks and finest parts of the fleece in
the same way that we now separate the Brush and coarser portions.
To do this a Woolsorter would be necessary. But these are
considerations for the future rather than for the present. It is
certain that the Yorkshire Clothiers who principally attend the
sales by auction seldom exceed from 18d. to 20d. (at the present
market rates) per lb. in their purchases. At our last sale this
was very remarkable—The West Country Buyers could not
afford to pay ready money in consequence of their recent heavy
losses and the general depression that prevails, whilst the
Yorkshire men wanted nothing above 20d.—Had it not been for
the accidental competition of two great shawl manufacturers I do
not think the fine qualities would have sold at all. The Shawl
& Stuff manufacturers were Messrs. Wood & Co. and another
house, of Manchester—The lots they purchased are marked in
the names of Swaine & Clarke, with the exception of the two
best bales which Mr. Swaine bought for a clothier. This naturally
leads to the subject of combing wools. It is possible that the
demand for our wools for this particular branch of manufactures
may continue and that the competition to which it gave rise in
the late sale may increase on future occasions. The process of
combing has been so much improved of late years that a much
shorter staple can now be used for that purpose. Our wool
combines strength with firmness in a much greater degree than any
other and therefore is more suitable for combing. But the fabric
in which it is thus, employed is not a great staple like the
cloth trade. On the contrary it is subject to the caprices of
fashion; so that one year it may be in great demand and the next
almost wholly out of use. It would be folly therefore to give up
a certainty for a possibility or even a probability. At present
our fleeces appear to combine in a great measure both objects.
Whereas were we to encourage length of staple with a view to the
Combers, we should inevitably sacrifice the demand on the part of
the Clothiers for whose purposes our wool is already more than
sufficiently long. At the same time it is certainly most
desirable to attend to the individual animals that produce the
singularly long staple you speak of and to keep them separate as
an experiment. It has also struck me that the shawls, merino
stuffs &c., in which this description of wool is used are
articles in the manufacture of which the Chinese would be likely
to excel, and I have thought it might be desirable to send a few
of the longest fleeces to Canton with specimens of the yarn, the
shawl stuffs &c. into which it is here converted. If we could
but obtain a demand for fine wool in China it might lead to very
extraordinary results. These are times in which enterprise and
energy as well as patience and perseverance are required, there
is certainly a great similitude in the China crape to the
articles I speak of. If a similar fabric could be produced from
fine wool, what a demand might not there be for it not only
amongst the small footed belles of China but amongst our own
fashionables. To say nothing of the possibility of bringing wool
into general demand for ordinary clothing purposes amongst the
Chinese in general. It is well known that the taste for fine
woollen cloths is increasing both in China and in the East Indies
in general, and why should they not make it up themselves. The
Lady Rowena, as you will probably have heard sold some of
her wool at Rio where a cloth manufactury has been established,
and I am told better prices were obtained than could have been
got in London. The best bale of Lambs' wool was exceedingly
admired. Its condition was however much against it and this was
the case with the lambs' wool in general which would have fetched
considerably higher prices had it been cleaner. It would be
useless to have a longer staple in the lambs' wool as it cannot
be combed. It is generally used for ladies' cloths and fine
Kerseymeres and for hat making. It is of importance to keep the
fleeces of the 18 months old flocks as much together as possible.
Young wool is the favorite with the manufacturers who say that
the wool of old sheep however fine never proves nearly so
well. There was an evident and marked improvement this year in
our wools which was generally noticed and some persons considered
our fine Bales quite equal if not superior to those of the
Australian Company, which altho' very small haired wanted the
generous character of ours—you will observe that I divided
the two best Bales and formed a third. This was done to try the
effect of opening the fleeces. The improvement in their
appearance after undergoing the operation was very great but as
you will have perceived from the A/c sales was not successful in
obtaining for us such satisfactory prices as last year. I hope my
former letters will have prepared you for this. The average of
the sale is 2d. a lb. higher than I had ventured to hope for
tailing into consideration the depressed state of the market and
the inferior condition of the wool. On the Catalogue now
forwarded there are three valuations—the first is my own,
the second, in red ink, the Broker's final and corrected
valuation and the third, with a line drawn through it, their
first from the samples, before they had particularly examined the
Bales and became aware of their condition. The fractions are
occasioned by this valuation being an average of three separate
valuations to different individuals. The samples too were drawn,
and that valuation made up before the setting in of the cold
weather I have before spoken of. The greatest difference is in
the Lambs' wool, in which the defect of washing was most
observable. Had the wool been equally clean with the former
years' importation and the weather at the time of the sale as
mild I think I am not mistaken in supposing that the average
would have been from 2s. to 2s. 2d.—My valuation of the
fine Bales was entirely fanciful—Had it not been for the
despondency of the West Country buyers they would probably have
been realized, not because their quality as compared with German
wools warranted a higher price than 4s. but because there is a
disposition to try experiments upon them and when this is the
case the purchasers do not consider 6d. or 1s. on a small
quantity like this an object of any moment. The Company's wool
derived the benefit of the little spirit of this kind that
existed—being the greater novelty—one Bale of their's
sold for 5s. 3d. and one for 4s. 7d. The prices given for their
coarser qualities baffle all calculation. Some of the lots which
sold for 1s. 11d. and 2s. were certainly not worth more than 15d.
or 17d. They were well washed and lightly pressed, both these
circumstances were much in their favour. Mr. Swaine shewed me his
valuation after the sale and in the instances I speak of there
was a difference of 50 per Cent. He also allowed me to compare
his valuations of our wool with my own and I found them very
similar. Upon the whole considering the state of the times I
think the sale a very satisfactory one. Notwithstanding a
depression of from 15 to 20 per Cent. in the market and the
failure in the price of the finest qualities our average, which
is after all the main point is a halfpenny per lb. higher than
last year. The difference in the washing is also to be
calculated—The result of the sale under all these
circumstances proves an improvement of general quality and an
increasing estimation of the wool on the part of the
Manufacturers—The more the wool becomes known the more will
this be the case. Few of the West Country Manufacturers yet know
anything about it except from hearsay. It would be going out of
the usual course to try it. The Saxons had precisely the same
difficulties to contend with in the infancy of their woolgrowing.
Spanish was then the only wool the West Country people would
deign to use. Time will effect the same for us as it did for the
Saxons. I believe I have now pretty well exhausted the subject
interesting as it is. I shall however keep the letter open for a
day or two, in case anything new should strike me—ever your
affectionate Brother.
A small lock of wool has just been given me from a fleece weighing four ounces which was found in a coarse Bale of Dr. Townson's wool. It is probably from a Saxon sheep and evidently from an animal in very low condition. A wager was laid by a Mr. Hughes a Wool Broker with a Saxon Merchant that they could not produce four ounces equal to it from all the German Wool in England and a month, I think, given them for the search—The comparison was made—and the Germans confessed themselves beaten. This is a very singular circumstance, and will probably be much talked about in the Colony I send you the sample.
No. 4. Chapel Street, West May Fair.
My dear William,
. . . . There are Mercantile letters from Sydney by a vessel from
Hobart Town as late as the 7th November. These confirm the good
accounts of abundant rains—So you have had another of those
fearful droughts worse than all the former surely it is the last.
The winter throughout Europe has been unprecedentedly
severe—We had the thermr. on one occasion at 30° of cold
(Reaumur) 67½° of Fahrenheit below freezing point or 35½° below
Zero. I am very glad to have seen Germany, the Germans whom I
like exceedingly and above all their Sheep. The very best are of
the Escurial race so like our best Argonauts, that once or twice
when some frolicsome young Don came nibbling at my buttons or
rubbing his nose against my legs or when some coy velvet faced
Donna looked up into my face with eyes and countenance expressing
patient gentleness, I could scarcely persuade myself I was not in
the Sheep Shed at Camden—But if the door opened the cold
blast of the North and the dreary prospect of continuous snow
instantly dispelled the illusion. This might seem mere nonsense
to those who know nothing of the matter, but to you who know so
well the importance of a family countenance in Sheep I am sure it
will not appear so. Those with feathered legs and woolly faces
are considered to be of an inferior race—Judicious breeders
do not like to use them as Males. They consider them X bred, and
as for the Negrettis with their ample folds of skin and large
dewlaps they would as soon breed from a Cape Sheep as from one of
them. I saw no sheep superior to our best, altho' I saw two
flocks where there were a greater number of the very best
quality—The protection from all inclemencies of season
certainly gives the wool a greater advantage over ours in
appearance; and they are very attentive to preserve evenness of
growth by keeping the animals in equal condition. Their system is
by no means so expensive or complicated as I had
imagined—three men to 1000 sheep is the usual
compliment—I think in a modified shape it might be
introduced with advantage—But of this more hereafter. As my
time is short, I must advert to one oil two other matters. At
Brussels we saw a very simple contrivance for raising water, as
old as the days of Archimides, but disused in England probably on
account of its simplicity. We purchased one of the Instruments
and shipped it for London. I expect it will be of very great
utility in New South Wales. Perhaps it may be sufficient for all
the purposes of irrigation—but on this head I am not quite
so sanguine as Edward—There are some difficulties to be
obviated, before it can be applied on a large scale—It is
however very possible that this may be effected—At all
events it will enable us to wash sheep at all times whether the
river be high or low by raising the water into a cistern formed
for the purpose—Two men can with one of these instruments
raise water 9 feet at the rate of 5000 Gallons per hour.
An Insurance has been effected on the Wool (by this time I hope
half way) to the amount of £3000—per Sovereign or
Ships—British or teak built—the Underwriters insisted
on this Clause or a much higher premium—which is now 60s.
to return 4s. 9d. if shipped by the Sovereign. I must now
close this hurried letter—
The wool Market is improving as are things in general not only here but throughout Europe. I have not time to read my letter over—There is no intelligence of the Arch Deacon since he left Sydney.
Observations ** upon the various Objections urged in England upon the state in which Australian Wool is usually sent to market, together with some account of an improved mode of washing sheep practised at Camden.
[** By Wm. Macarthur.]
The state in which the wool of this Colony has
hitherto been prepared for the British Market has been the source
of much objection to the buyers in England and of serious loss to
the Growers in Australia.
The object of this paper is to enumerate a portion of these
objections and to enquire into the best mode of obviating
them.
For convenience sake I shall divide them under two heads,
viz:—
Those which arise from the nature of the pastures upon which the
sheep are fed, and those which may be attributed to a defective
mode of washing, and the absence of proper care in the subsequent
operations.
I shall in the first instance advert to the former. A fertile
source of objection is derived from the innumerable grass seeds,
particles of dead leaves and sticks, but more particularly from
the minute portions of charred wood and bark with which the
fleeces abound, especially in dry seasons.
In the present circumstances of the Colony, and with our limited
command of labour it would be very difficult, if not altogether
impossible, to entirely obviate this class of objections. In
favourable situations much may doubtless be effected by careful
management, that is, by preventing the Sheep as much as possible
from depasturing on bare and in brushy places, and by folding
them every night upon a fresh spot well clothed with long grass.
But so long as our native pastures continue to be encumbered with
brambles, and underwood, with dead standing trees, and falling
logs and branches, having their surfaces more or less charred by
the fires, which unfortunately for several years past have been
so universally prevalent and above all, so long as these fires
continue occasionally to rage in situations abounding with the
native apple tree (frequenting the finest tracks of sheep
pasture) it would be idle to assert that the evil may, to a great
degree be remedied. It is almost needless to observe that when
the Colony shall be blessed with the return of the more genial
seasons of former days much of this will cease.
The second ground of objection is one which is perhaps attended
with greater loss to the growers, while it is apprehended that in
most instances the remedy is more within his reach.
It is complained that Australian Wool when opened in England has
usually a rough "staring" appearance with a harsh "gummy" feel,
that the fleeces are frequently so matted together in the bales,
that the entire force of a man is required to separate them, that
the whole heap has a dirty or discoloured appearance, and in
addition to these, that the weight of the fleeces is frequently
increased in a disgraceful manner by the quantity of sand they
contain.
To obviate these evils a mode of washing has been adopted at
Camden which as it is believed to be different from any practised
in Europe, it may be in the first instance advisable to point out
the principles upon which it is founded.
Chemists have ascertained that there are two distinct kinds of
yolk contained in the fleeces of sheep, one soluble in cold water
without any addition, the other requiring either warm water or
the assistance of soap, alkalis, etc. In France and Germany the
fleeces are considered to be sufficiently well washed for the
purposes of commerce, when the former of these is removed, this
they readily effect by careful washing either on or off the
sheep's back in cold water, and the wool thus washed, is said to
lose only from 22 to 28 per cent, in the subsequent scouring for
manufacture, and never to assume the harsh feel and staring
discoloured appearance so strikingly observable in the generality
of the fine wool of Australia after a few months keeping. In New
South Wales after the most careful washing in running water the
greater portion of the highly bred fleeces remain either in a
dingy unmarketable state or if sufficiently "bright" so much
charged with yolk that in the course of a very few days after
they are shorn the fibres begin to assume "the harsh staring
appearance" and to become so matted together and rough to the
touch that much of their beauty is lost. By experiment we were
also taught that the injury was in appearance merely, and that
the process of scouring, which it undergoes previous to its
manufacture into cloth, completely restores its original soft
silky qualities. It was concluded therefore either that the
species of yolk which required to use the warm water or soap to
remove it exists in greater proportion in Australian fleeces, or
that there are some causes which prevent the complete removal of
the other species of yolk by simple river washing.
After many experiments the assistance of soap and water in
washing the sheep was determined on, and the results for three
successive seasons have been so entirely satisfactory that the
same practise can be warmly recommended to those sheep holders
who are anxious to export their fleeces in the most marketable
condition.
The increased facilities which it affords more than
counterbalance the additional expenditure, and so far from
proving in any degree detrimental to the health of the animals,
it is on the contrary very obvious that the risk of injury is
materially diminished.
A few other improvements have been gradually adopted at Camden
which the accompanying rough sketch will considerably assist in
comprehending.
A River Nepean.
BBB Three pens numbered 1, 2 and 3
each sufficiently large to hold 5 to 600 sheep, and formed upon a
moderately inclined plane with the River by cutting down the high
steep banks. The sides nearest the water are supported by a
breast work of logs 2 or 3 feet high.
No. 1 pen lowest down the stream has nothing in it worthy of
remark. No. 2 is entirely slabbed over at bottom to prevent the
feet of the sheep from touching sand and provided with a covering
of thatch or boughs overhead, raised upon forked pole about 6 or
7 feet from the flooring so as to exclude the suns rays
completely. No 3 is kept well littered down with clean straw, a
fresh covering being laid on every morning over the old.
C Two large Boilers or "Tripots" each capable of containing 80 gallons.
DD Two large strong Tubs of oval shape about 4 ft. 6 in. long 3 feet wide and 2 feet deep each capable of containing 2 wethers or three ewes.
EE Boarded Platforms (one in each of the Pens Nos. 1 and 2) from which the sheep are thrown into the River.
F Washing Pen. A portion of the bed of the River enclosed with hurdles, brambles and stakes and preserved at the requisite depth by removing sand when necessary.
G Dam or weir to force the current through a narrow opening into the washing pen. In situations where a perpendicular fall can be commanded it would cause a material saving of labour.
H Landing place made of slabs, the lower end of it resting at the bottom of the River, and lying on an inclined plane against the Bank, so as to enable the sheep to walk up it without assistance and without danger of coming into contact with the land. It is contrived to lead either into No. 2 or No. 3 pens as may be required.
The following is the manner in which the
different Pens, etc., are put to use:—
The sheep to be washed are on the evening previous to the washing
driven into No. 1 Pen, and from thence thrown with their feet
downwards from the patform E into the washing pen F and after
having their fleeces well saturated with water by repeated
plunging are landed by the landing place H into No. 2 Pen where
they remain for the night. The men are directed in this operation
to confine themselves to dipping the animals so as to wet the
staple of the skin, and not on any account by rubbing to remove
either dirt or yolk.
The experience of many years has taught us that the washing is
much facilitated by having the sheep well soaked several hours
previous to the washing. That portion of the yolk which is
soluble in cold water is thus enabled to combine with the water
taken up into the fleece (which the warmth of the animal's body
assists in effecting) and to form a species of natural soap which
materially assists in the subsequent operations.
As early as possible the following day the washing commences. The
gang of sheep washers consists usually of 16 men, who are
disposed of as follows:—
1 man to attend the Boilers and fill the tubs.
4 men at the tubs (2 to each).
2 men to catch the sheep and bring them to the Tubs.
2 men to take the sheep from the tubs to the River.
6 men in pairs in the river each provided with factory frocks and trousers and woolen wrapper round the right arm to enable men to use it with more effect in rubbing.
1 man as Overseer to superintend the
whole.
The Tubs being filled with water from the
boilers reduced by cold water to a temperature comfortable to the
hands two or three sheep according to their size are placed in
each their backs downwards. When plunged about one minute to
allow the warm water to penetrate, one of them is made to stand
up in the tub and soap is applied on the back from the tail to
the neck and if requisite on the shoulders flanks and hips. The
lower part of the fleece never requires soap. Experience alone
can teach the quantity of soap necessary to be applied. It varies
infinitely in different animals. Some require scarcely any others
as much as would suffice for 8 or 10 of the average of the flock.
The same flocks which in the year 1826 were washed even too
cleanly with the consumption of about 4 lbs. of soap to each 100
sheep, were not sufficiently well washed in 1827 with more than
10 or 12 per 100, though a greater portion of labour was devoted
to them.
While one man at each tub is applying the soap the other should
rub it well in, taking care never to dip the sheep in the warm
water afterwards, and to preserve as much of the soapy water in
the fleece as possible.
When the yolk is supposed to be sufficiently well combined with
the soap and water and the hard knots on the surface of the
fleece to be pretty well softened, the animals are thrown into
the river from the Plaform E and immediately taken by the
pair of men stationed lowest down the stream and well rubbed all
over commencing always with the back by a forcible action of the
arm from the elbow downwards.
The animals are then passed on to the next pair and after another
rubbing to the pair stationed opposite the landing place (where
the current rushes through a narrow opening) who have it in
charge not to land a sheep improperly washed. It must be observed
that if the shelter of the covering in No. 2 Pen proves to be
insufficient to prevent the fleeces of the sheep from drying on
the surface before they are wanted at the tubs they must have
water thrown upon them as often as may be requisite.
When the sheep wash well we are enabled in the manner just
mentioned to wash from 80 to 100 ewes and from 60 to 80 wethers
per hour. If it should happen that the sheep are washed too well,
the evil may be easily remedied by allowing them to remain
unshorn until a sufficient quantity of yolk has risen into the
fleece.
It is however our general practice to shear them as soon as they
are sufficiently dry, because it rarely happens that the washing
is over done.
Of the subsequent operations it is not the object of the present
papers to treat because ample directions may be found in works
devoted to the subject. I shall content myself with observing
that every precaution should be taken to preserve the sheep from
dust and rain until they are shorn, and that the fleeces should
be perfectly dry before the shearing.
As fast as they are clipped the coarse stained locks should be
removed and as much of the extraneous substances contained in
them as possible by shaking or beating them over a wire screen.
They should immediately if possible be "thrown" into sorts and
put into bags not more than 200 lbs. should be packed into bags
of the usual size.
My dear John,
I wish to God Government could be induced to adopt some plan for
supplying Settlers with Merino Rams of undoubted purity of blood
at a moderate price, and with a credit of three years taking
payment in provisions for the supply of the Troops and Civil
Establishments—I would joyfully undertake to supply the
Rams and take land in payment—by such a plan the fraudulent
speculators would be completely counteracted. Mr. Reid's * sheep
are already boasted of as the finest in the Colony—they are
diminutive creatures with Wool worth about 20d. a lb.—Mr.
Oxley I hear has upwards of 4,000 cross bred sheep—the
offspring of these will speedily be transformed into pure Merinos
and be sold to strangers who are anxious for the favor of the
Surveyor-General—thus will the advancement of the Colony be
retarded, the publick expectation in England be in a great
measure disappointed and the Colony long linger on in poverty and
increasing burden to Government. We have this year nearly 400
Merino Ewes—these will at present produce Rams quite equal
to the supply of the Colony and the increase will hereafter
certainly keep pace with the demands, most probably outrun
it—if cross bred Rams be used the Sheep will fall off in
constitution and the Wool be of very trifling value—the
wool of our pure merino Rams is worth from 4s. 6d. to 7s. 6d. a
lb., at the late depressed Market prices—The best Cross
breds from 1s. 9d. to 2s. 3d., but so extensive is the
combination that two strangers out of four are imposed upon and
impressed with the belief that though my wool be fine the sheep
are weakly when the fact is they are the strongest constitutioned
sheep in the Colony—I care not what price Government take
them at, let them fix it themselves and let me have the honor and
satisfaction of seeing the universal spread of what I have so
long and so anxiously laboured to establish and I shall be
satisfied.
[* Commonly known as old Dr. Reid, Surgeon in the Navy.]
A few letters from Macarthur to his wife, and from Mrs. Macarthur to her sons John and Edward, and to her friend Miss Kingdon throw sidelights on the daily life at Parramatta and Camden at this time.
My dear Elizabeth,
By the cart you will receive a wild Turkey shot on the meadow
yesterday—the first Budbury ** says ever seen in this
neighbourhood—I suppose he had heard the fame of our
improvements and sallied forth from the Bathurst Plains to
ascertain the truth. If he should not eat so well as a civilised
one we will send notice that we desire no more of their visits. .
. .
[** One of the Camden Tribe of Aboriginals.]
I expect we have this morning more than 2,000 Lambs—220 in the Merino Flocks all in the finest health—and hitherto very few casualties. . . . .
We had the grandest Corrobboree here last night I ever saw. There must have been at least a Hundred and Twenty men, with a Multitude of Women and children—they have been collected from all parts of the Coast—and to-day they rise and proceed to Bathurst to slay and eat—our Natives do not join the expedition, and look very suspiciously on this host—I fear they have made sad inroads on the poor Settlers' Corn over the water—ours of course is untouched—they observe a pretty general rule not to touch the resources near home, if supplies can be procured at a distance.
My dear Elizabeth,
Our wheat sowing was finished on Saturday and our Lambing draws
slowly to a termination—This morning we commence Corn
gathering and carrying—that terminated, the most arduous
part of our Labours will be over until the Spring—I never
saw such fine Lambs—and the Ewes are in excellent
condition—The Herd of fat Oxen also present a very
agreeable sight—the MacFarlanes who are excellent Judges of
Cattle, say they never saw so good a lot at any Market or fair in
Scotland—I think there will still be a demand for all we
have to spare this Winter—which will be
Eighty—averaging Eight hundred—can you calculate
amongst you how many pounds shillings and pence they will amount
to at 5d. per lb.?
My dear Eliza,
The return of our beloved son Edward after an absence of sixteen
years, was an event so joyful to us, that I hardly yet can think
of it calmly. He arrived on the sixth of April, yet it seems to
me but as yesterday. Since my last letter to you, our second
daughter Mary has broken through the spell of celibacy, which
seemed to encompass the house. She was united in marriage to the
principal surgeon of this establishment. Mr. Bowman, in November
last and I trust with a fair prospect of happiness. I cannot
however, quite reconcile myself to the blank it has made in our
Home circle.
Mr. Macarthur and our two youngest sons are at present at our
estate at Camden. The former I am happy to say enjoying much
better health, than he has done for years. Society here is fast
changing its character. Numbers of strangers continually arrive,
the greater part of whom are compelled to go back into the
interior almost immediately. But we have a new Judge, new Law
Officers with their families, who from the nature of their
appointments must reside at Sydney.
Last week we received some very alarming accounts from the
settlement at Bathurst. The natives had barbarously put to death,
a number of stockmen in the service of individuals settled in
that neighbourhood—plundered the huts—set fire to
them—killed numbers of sheep and cattle—spreading
terror and devastation around. A young Gentleman a proprietor at
Bathurst called here on Saturday last. He had come from thence
with several others to solicit the Governor for aid and
assistance. He said he had seen the bodies of seven white men
brought into the settlement the morning he set off. I know not
what measures will be resorted to, in order to check these
barbarities, which upon the whole are a far more aggressive
nature than any that have before taken place. Heretofore when
guilty of these outrages the natives have not been checked by
lenient measures, on the contrary emboldened by success they have
proceeded to commit further atrocities, until at length it has
been found necessary to send a military force to terrify them
into submission, and to prevent further acts of barbarity. It is
now many years since so alarming a circumstance has taken place.
Twice we have had our own stations molested, each time two lives
were taken, the huts plundered, and set fire to. This happened
when Mr. Macarthur was in England. The military were obliged to
interfere, to prevent the further effusion of innocent blood.
My beloved Son,
. . . It is of consequence that what we have for our personal use
should be appropriate and of superior quality. We wear our things
out, and therefore wear them long—We have no opportunity of
changing often . . . At this distance from the Mother Country
mere articles of show are ridiculous. Our household linen and
clothes I contend should be of good quality, both because they
are better taken care of—are in the end more useful,
certainly more respectable, and in the object of package and
freight cost no more than trash—I want a supply of table
linen and napkins . . . I should have written decidedly for
regular half-yearly supplies before now—but that I have
been held back from prudential considerations. The last cambric
muslins we were greatly deceived in. Your sister made them up
into dresses, they washed to pieces immediately—injured we
suppose in bleaching.
My dear Eliza,
I write you a hurried letter by my dear Edward who is preparing
to leave us the day after to-morrow. He has been with us ten
months. When I look back I can scarcely credit it. His Father was
very ill when he arrived, and I grieve to add is now confined to
his bed, so that it throws an accumulated gloom around me. There
is now such a perpetual influx of strangers of various classes in
society. They are obliged to go back a great distance, and are
subject to a thousand difficulties. But what situation has not
its difficulties? This country seems of late to have attracted
considerable attention, and such seems the increased desire, or
necessity for emigration that every ship brings a host of
passengers. An agricultural company * has been established in
London in connexion with this Colony. The wealth and connexions
of its members should obtain for this country additional interest
at home.
[* The Australian Agricultural Company.]
Van Diemen's Land has hitherto been the favourite settlement for emigrants with capital. The climate being colder was an additional recommendation to Scotch settlers, in particular. We have now taken possession of a part of the coast ** in lat. 10 degrees I believe. The climate is said to be healthy. The object of this new settlement was the Trepang Trade with the Chinese. A King's ship from Plymouth named the Tamar (judge if the name did not interest me) commanded by Captain Bremer came to form this settlement. He remained here just sufficiently long to collect the various materials for the expedition, which so far has succeeded. Your account of the Bude Canal amuses me much! The powers of steam have now become such in their application to navigation that I know not whether I may not be tempted to re-visit England—especially now that we are told the voyage will be rendered practicable by way of the Isthmus of Darien or by Panama. This letter which was commenced to be conveyed to you by our beloved Son Edward, I was unable sufficiently to command my feelings to finish. I was pained so much before our parting that I could write to no one. It is now five weeks since we bad him farewell. We hope he is well on his voyage.
[** Port Essington.]
My dear Eliza,
Your letters give me the greatest pleasure and your accounts of
my dear aged parent are most satisfactory. My beloved Edward
sailed in the Mangles for England in February last.
We have an addition to our society here in Archdeacon Scott. He
accompanied Commissioner Bigge to this Colony, some three or four
years since, and has now lately returned to it, at the head of
the Church. He has fixed his residence at Parramatta, as being a
more central spot. He will have much to do to regulate the
Clergy, and organize the public Schools. Such as have been
established have fallen into deplorable neglect. It will be an
arduous task to set them to rights. This Gentleman's previous
knowledge of the Country and the Colonial youth, together with
his own energetic mind, admirably qualify him for this
undertaking, which may the Almighty prosper.
We are now anticipating a change in our Government. Sir Thomas
Brisbane is to be succeeded by Major General Darling. These
changes are very painful to me, who am too advanced in life, to
look forward with any satisfaction to making acquaintances. I
shall always particularly regret parting with Lady Brisbane, and
her Sister Miss Macdougall, more amiable, more unaffectedly right
minded persons we must not expect to succeed them.
Mr. Macarthur has given 10s. an acre for a large tract of land
contiguous to the estate granted to him by Lord Camden, for the
purpose of establishing and increasing the Breed of Merino
Sheep—in which it has pleased Providence he should be so
successful. It will be some years before this land will be fully
stocked. In Van Diemen's Land the same attention has not been
paid to the growth of fine wool. It is fast filling up with
settlers. This island is better situated than we are for the
fisheries, which are becoming of importance to our rising
communities.
I do not know whether you ever read the accounts of our Missions
in the South Sea Islands. How much they have advanced the cause
of Religion I am not sufficiently informed but I am enabled to
speak of what was related here by a Gentleman who has visited
Taheite. He was invited to dinner by the King whose table was
laid and arranged in the mode of a well ordered English Table.
Served by Taheitan servants with propriety and exactness. English
was spoken at table and the conversation turned on popular
subjects—politics, trade, literature, the advancement of
religion, and general knowledge.
My dear Eliza,
Nothing like the splendour and gaiety you describe as
contemplated at the ball at Bude can be exhibited for many years
in Australia. But let me give you some account of one of our
native dances—a "Corroboree" as they call it, when it is
not unusual for two or three hundred to collect, to paint and
deck themselves with green boughs, and in sets perform various
grotesque figure dances, in most excellent time, which is given
by others who sit apart and chant a sort of wild cadence.
These corroborees are always on bright moon light nights, some
agreeable spot is always chosen for the exhibition amongst the
woods. The number of small fires which are kindled causes just
enough brilliancy to give affect to our beautiful woodland
scenery; and throw sufficient light on the sable performers. This
festivity is generally prolonged until past midnight, and always
given to do honour to and entertain strangers, whom they call
"Myall."
Some time ago the natives in the vicinity of Hunter's River as
well as those beyond Bathurst were in open hostilities with the
settlers. They have since been reconciled, but the country is now
infested by another and more formidable Banditti, consisting of
run away Convicts from the Penal Settlements who have been joined
by others from Road Parties, Clearing Gangs, and Government
Establishments. These desperadoes have contrived to arm
themselves, some are mounted, and embodied in parties of from
eight to fourteen. About dusk they take forcible possession of
some farm, constrain the servants, place guard over them, and
compel the proprietors to bring forth all their stores, which
they appropriate at their pleasure, after rioting and destroying
and carrying off all they can they leave the distressed family to
lament, and seek redress at the peril of their lives, for these
ruffians denounce all manner of vengeance in the way of reprisal.
Only last week the farm of Captain King was so plundered. It ends
with the capture, and ultimate death or banishment of these
plunderers. Such are the perils to which settlers are
occasionally exposed.
I rejoice to learn that Mrs. Macquarie obtained a pension after
the death of General Macquarie. I very often think of her and her
young Son Lachlan. She has left many memorials in the Government
Grounds which she caused to be laid out, and planted and
embellished. The trees thrive and are very ornamental. Sir Thomas
Brisbane built an Observatory, but planted no trees. Lady
Brisbane gentle and retired concerned herself not about affairs
without. Her nursery was her occupation and delight. Two of her
children were born here, Eleanor Australia and Thomas Austral,
and the eldest Isabella she brought out an Infant. Our next
Governor is General Darling. I hope you will continue to write to
me as usual. Your letters always give me great pleasure by
reminding me of scenes long past. The reflexions which they bring
with them, are always useful, and I find they have a salutary
effect upon my mind.
My Husband I rejoice to say enjoys better health at present than
he has done for years. He unites with me in every affectionate
remembrance,
To Miss Kingdon.
Thank you my dear friend for your obliging and
acceptable letter dated September 1826. It gave me great pleasure
to hear that you were well, and that my dear aged parent
continues to be a wonder of a woman at her years. A lady here who
saw my dear Mother gives me a most delightful account of her good
looks and surprising activity. May she continue to possess the
same excellent health as long as it pleases God to prolong her
days.
Mr. Macarthur avails himself of my absence to make some necessary
alterations and additions to our house.* Having been long at
Sydney I shall write more immediately of occurences around me.
Towards the close of the last year we were visited by the first
line of Battle Ship which ever entered the "Heads" of Port
Jackson. This was the Warspite commanded by Sir Tames
Brisbane. The Volage a Frigate commanded by the Hon. T.
Dundas, a son of Lord Melville accompanied the Warspite. A
son of Earl Grey was one of the Lieutenants of the Volage,
and there were besides the sons or near relatives of several
Noblemen in this ship. They were received by the Governor and
respectable part of the community with that hospitality which on
a nearer acquaintance we found to be their due.
[* Elizabeth Farm.]
Sir James Brisbane who was accompanied by Lady
Brisbane arrived in very bad health, the effect of a very severe
illness contracted at Rangoon. He became better for a few days,
and then relapsed into the same state of debility, which he had
long suffered, and which at length terminated in his death. He
was the first cousin of our late Governor Sir Thomas Brisbane,
and much beloved as a brave and humane Officer and as a pious and
good man.
Our present Governor General Darling entertains strangers
frequently. There are evening parties once a week at the
Governor's House. Mrs. Darling is perfectly accomplished in music
and exerts herself to please all. Our present greatest annoyance
is from a licentious Press. We have four editors of newspapers,
who every week publish so much trash and pour forth such torrents
of abuse against every person and everything respectable.
Mr. Macarthur who is a Member of Council suffers much anxiety on
account of Colonial Affairs. We know ourselves to be under the
superintendence of an Almighty Ruler, whose will it is that the
destinies as well of Individuals, as of Nations should undergo,
great change. Remember me to all those who hold me in their
remembrance, and believe me, my dear friend,
In 1840 she wrote to her son Edward.
My beloved Son,
I am now more especially induced to write to you to thank you my
dear Edward for a letter received the evening before last. It is
little more than a copy of one from Mr. Kingdon, so kind, so full
of tender recollections that I was overcome by the perusal. Well,
indeed do I remember the "East Park" the old Vicarage House, its
aspect towards the Sea, from whence rude gusts would frequently
shake and assail the apartments above more especially. Those
scenes of my childhood and youth cannot be easily forgotten, nor
will the memory of dear friends departed, nor of those that still
remain once my young playfellows be effaced from my memory whilst
it pleases God that I retain that faculty. Mr. Kingdon forgets my
age, when he speaks of my return to my still dear native land.
The time is too far past.
Thanks dearest Edward for all that you have done for my poor
sister Mrs. Hacker. I pray that she and her family may establish
themselves in comfort in the land of their adoption (Prince
Edward's Island) where I trust there is a field for the exertion
of their industry.
I can only say once for all that I am abundantly thankful to you
my son for all you have so considerately done to meet my wishes,
and at the same time to spare my feelings on this and also on
former occasions.
I must conclude my dearest Edward with prayers for your continued
health and everlasting happiness.
My beloved Edward,
I know it will give you pleasure, additional I should have said,
to receive a letter from me, written from hence. I have been
staying with William and Frederick Thompson nearly two months,
and I expect it will be two or three weeks more before I shall
make up my mind to return to Parramatta so well am I pleased with
my sojourn here and so much has my health been benefitted by the
change. I cannot tell you how delighted I have been with the
wonderful improvement I daily discover—not in a fine House,
mind, for the same little cottage is still all the
residence—neatly kept—but it is solid improvements I
see in every part of the Estate, I have as yet visited—Such
as will be infinitely more striking and imposing to the
eyes of a stranger, some years hence than now—but to me
they are so apparent where so ere I bend my steps, that I cannot
but feel astonished at the persevering industry of your Brother
William who has so beneficially devoted his time and been so
successful in planting and propagating to a very great
extent—Trees, plants and flowers from almost every part of
the world—It would delight you to observe the care he has
taken of every thing introduced by yourself—and such I
assure you make no inconsiderable figure in the garden and
Plantations and it is with sweet recollections as we pass each
tree or flower of yours, that we converse of you— of
John—and the other dear Absentee—now we conclude on
his voyage of return—We had flattered ourselves, that you
dear Edward, would have accompanied your Brother and it is with
reluctance, we forego the hope—but I forbear to enlarge on
this topic at present—and shall only add that we should
have rejoiced to have welcomed you home again. I write this to go
by Dr. Cooke who is known to you, he paid us a visit here last
week, together with Mr. Bowman and a Dr. Roberts—they staid
two nights and seemed very pleased—the weather was
warm—and William very busy with Sheep shearing and
harvesting—the former operation has been protracted to an
unusually late period on account of a succession of rainy
weather, by which the River has kept at a height, which prevented
the sheep from being washed—the last fortnight has been
propitious, and I believe this day finishes the shearing of the
grown Sheep—To-morrow the Shearers commence with the
Lambs—you will be glad to learn that William is pleased
with Mr. Koltz—his abilities as a Wool Sorter will be
applied to a good portion of the Wool of the present
year—Fifty bales or more were packed before his
arrival—these of course will not be meddled with—Mr.
Koltz is very unobtrusive and modest—he seems very much
pleased with the Wool and very much surprised at its uniform good
character—indeed Edward you would not be a little surprised
to see the wool house just now—every bin full up to the
brims with fleeces, all evenly and neatly piled and covered with
cloths to prevent dust from soiling its present purity of
appearance—there is a very manifest improvement in the
Wool—which you would not fail to discern—this is a
source of solid satisfaction to us all—for which and for
many other blessings, my heart dilates, with thankfulness to
Almighty God—the Giver of all Good.
I am not aware whether any part of the family will write by Dr.
Cooke but myself—and your father writes to John by same
ship about the ensurance for the Wool, I heard from Parramatta on
Friday last all the dear circle there was well excepting that
your father is low and complaining—Frederick Thompson is
now at Parramatta he went there last Wednesday—by a
communication from Mary—I find he was at Sydney on Friday
most likely he will return here this evening or to-morrow, he is
quite well and but lately returned from Argyle where he was
staying with our friend Strathaird and a week or two with
Hannibal and Maria at their residence at Arthursleigh—near
the Wollondilly—You could not expect that Maria could
undertake such a journey—I believe one great inducement was
my being here—she staid here a week on her way being partly
detained by rain—the party consisted of Hannibal, Maria
(James who is becoming a fine young man) Charles, George and the
Infant Arthur and nurse—we made it out very well were very
merry—the cottage pretty full as you may guess, I expect
the return of the party next Tuesday—I have had several
letters from Maria—expressing much pleasure in everything
around her—Since my stay here we have had several
visitors—Of the number Walter Davidson's relative Mr.
Walter Mathieson and his Canton friend Mr. Dent both William and
myself were glad to show him all the civilities we could and they
both promised to come again—We have also had the Brigade
Major Colonel Snodgrass—well known in Peninsular
History—and Mr. Colter the Collector of Customs, and we
expected a visit from your old friend Colonel Lindsay accompanied
by Capt. Forbes of the 39th, they had been making a little tour
and by some mishap they lost their way got benighted—it
poured with rain and the poor Colonel had to sit in the Bush all
night under the shelter of his umbrella wet and
comfortless—in the morning they made their way to the abode
of the young Mr. McLeays where they refreshed themselves and
returned to Sydney—apropos, these young McLeays ** are very
agreeable neighbours to William—they come here
frequently—having been well educated and really are well
conducted—lively and conversant with the manners of the
times their society tends to enliven the atmosphere around Camden
where the topics of the day are brought forward in an agreeable
manner—from their Father's situation as Colonial Secretary
and the correspondence with their sisters—they hear early
of all English intelligence—one of these sisters is lately
married to Capt. William Dumaresq—another about 12 months
since to Major Innes him you will remember—Mrs. Colonel
Dumaresq—has two children—She appears to me to be but
little adapted for the wife of a Settler in New South
Wales—gentle and good natured I should think her—I
believe the Colonel does not take so high a standard in his
estimate of fortune to be acquired here—he has thrown away
a great deal of money I believe and secured very little of
comfort—I have run away from the subject of the MacLeays
before I had quite done with it—Mr. George MacLeay the
elder of the Brothers in this Country and who is known to your
friend Major Williams accompanied Capt. Sturt also an aquaintance
of yours—on a long tour into the interior. They were absent
I believe six weeks, or more discovered rivers etc. etc. All
which you will read in the Gazettes long since—now the
younger Brother James is going an interesting voyage—The
Comet a King's ship sails from here to Pitcairn Island for
the purpose of removing the Islanders to Otaheite—another
vessel goes in company to assist in the removal of those, as yet,
innocent and happy people—Mr. James MacLeay and Capt.
Walpole of the 39th go in the Comet as a little voyage of
Curiosity and amusement—I have not heard whether the
patriarch old Adam, was alive when the Island was visited
last—He certainly must be "Christian." The young man
"Friday October Christian" must now have reached middle
age—I feel more than common interest in these
people—considering Bligh's Tyranny as the cause of their
very being—or at least of their being in such a
situation.
[** Brownlow Hill.]
We have had hitherto a delightful Summer—seasonable rains and abundance of grass the stock are all in fine condition—but no demand for animal food—the prices so low that it is a marvel that it pays for taking to market—The harvest promises to be an abundant one and the maize crop is equally promising to be productive—I will not attempt to give any description of the Garden which you saw begun—it is now finished, and in the nicest possible order enriched with the finest fruit trees—and adorned with the choicest flowers—the walks are so well raised and gravelled that you may walk in the garden immediately after very heavy rain without soiling your Shoes—something rare in this new Country—Mr. McAlister has not descended from the highland since I have been at Camden—William had a letter from him a few days since in which he promises us a visit soon—Poor fellow he has had a narrow escape in a skirmish with a desperate set of Bushrangers—in which he was wounded but not severely, one of the mounted police under his command was also wounded and a Constable severely so—the desperados were all finally captured—tried at Bathurst and executed—there are a few men out here committing depredations on the most frequented roads in broad and open daylight—our Government is so feeble and inefficient—you would hardly credit that such things could be done with impunity—for any length of time—I have broken off to say that Frederick Thompson arrived from Parramatta about 2 o'clock—left all well there and communicates the pleasing intelligence of the arrival of our friend Dr. Fairfowl whom Frederick has seen and who gives most satisfactory accounts of you all—as soon as the Doctor gets released from his charge in the ship he will come to Camden—We have received two letters from James by two different ships the earliest dated the 12th of August wherein he tells us of his having taken his passage in the Sovereign and of accompanying John to Paris previous to his embarkation to return—another revolution in France!—I can scarce say I am surprised at it—Spain and Portugal next—I think will follow the example—what an eventful life has that of the Duke of Orleans been—him new called to the Throne of France—I have read so many of the works of the late Madame de Genlis that the history of the Orleans family is familiar to me—and now my dear, dear Edward let me thank you for kind communications entrusted to Mr. Koltz—for the valuable Book—and the pens with one of which I am now writing—whilst the paper that enrolled them—lies before me with your caution, that they should be "carefully wiped" so like yourself, all your gifts prove useful, and indeed this is particularly so—I cannot see to round a pen, and this has frequently prevented me from writing—Frederick's account of your father, is that he is still very low "wonders what takes John to Paris at this agitated time"—and more at a loss why James should accompany him—We congratulate you in your appointment—your friend the Marquis has certainly shown you very marked attention, I should think him a kind and good man—in my early days I have heard the beauty of his Mother celebrated—if she was as I believe Lady Charlotte Bertie—Did you ever hear the Marquis or his Mother the Dowager Marchioness mention Lieut. Forster whom his Lordship's Aunt Mrs. Lisle took an interest in?—this Mr. Forster married a sister of Mrs. Abbotts—he commanded a packet at Falmouth and was living in great comfort with his family when I last heard of them. I was very sorry to hear so poor an account of the health of Mrs. Davidson, her Brother looks another person since he came to Port Jackson—Mr. MacQueen retires from Parliament and goes abroad I suppose to nurse his funds—A miserable business he has made of his speculations in New South Wales, I cannot but feel concerned at these failures, they are commenced rashly and unadvisedly, and upon a scale than cannot answer—I shall say nothing of Parramatta—as I find by a note from Emmeline, brought by Frederick that she has written to you—William is too much occupied and too busy to write—you will have a letter from him by the Wool ships—I trust you will have welcomed to England our dear kindhearted friend T. H. Scott—I had fully purposed writing to him fifty times—and as often my intention has been put aside by an unaccountable feeling—if I could once hear he was at home I could write to him with ease—he has caused a great blank in our Society—I am gratified to find you occasionally see Mr. Bigge and pleased with your mention of Genl. Foveaux and in short, am pleased with all your communications—Dear John's letter to his sister by Mr. Koltz was a treasure—your father was gratified—he wrote to tell me so—Your warm hearted friend McAlister will scream with joy at your remembrance of him when he gets the Pocket Book—A number of the old Servants enquire for you amongst the number T. Herbert who has been in our service 28 years—And now beloved Edward I shall conclude with earnest prayers for the health and prosperity of yourself and our beloved John—to whom I do not write because this letter will answer the same purpose of assurance that you are as dear as ever to me though so long separated—William and Frederick are out, walking to the Shearing Sheds or Wool House I may add the kind and affectionate remembrances of both—This goes to Parramatta by a Cart only, in the morning, to be forwarded from thence to Sydney—it is nearly dark and I cannot write by candle light therefore I conclude myself, My dearest Edward,
I cannot even read over to correct what I have written make allowances for all errors.
My dearest Edward,
I believe it is just a fortnight since I commenced a letter to
you before, it was not concluded until a day or two
after—this letter together with one from James to you, and
one from him to Mr. Herb. Davis, were sent by the Platina
in charge of Dr. Rutherford—this vessel sailed yesterday
week—I write now by the Mary reported to sail for
London about to-morrow—since my last your letter written
from East Stoke Park on Xmas Eve has been received and has given
us much pleasure—it is just the place I would have wished
you to be at that season—your account of the family is very
delightful and highly gratifying to us all—I have had the
pleasure of a visit here from your sister Elizabeth since my
last—they staid two nights and we walked to the Botanic
Gardens together with Mary and Mr. B. I believe we sauntered
about three hours or more looked at many things you had
contributed to the collection, and amongst the number the
Arbutus—it had grown out of my knowledge it is just now
breaking into flower, there had been no plants propagated from
it, strange to say, it has been disfigured by repeated and
injudicious laying the branches—there is a new garden
formed contiguous, between the old—and "Farm Cove" which is
the boundary of the new—it is laid out after the plan of
the "Glasgow Botanical Garden" of Dr. Hooker—and will be
very beautiful—the introductions from Moreton Bay promise
to be very ornamental—it assumes already a very tropical
character—but as I intend this to be a short letter I must
not let the Botanical Gardens run away with my pen—you will
have heard of poor Turner's death and that Mr. Allan Cunningham
who was many years a collector of plants in this country for Kew
Gardens is applied for from hence to succeed Turner—I wish
he may have the appointment, he is at present unemployed—as
I learned from Dr. Cook who called here yesterday and told me he
should certainly sail in about a week, he has been to
Parramatta—and your two Brothers have been here staid a
night and returned—your father also paid us a visit for a
day he took home Elizabeth with him he is better dear Edward but
still too restless—I think, however, he will gradually
become less visionary the sittings of the Council is postponed to
the 20th July—the Governor continues to be much afflicted
by the loss of Mrs. Bourke he still continues at
Parramatta—James told me he had an appointment to see him
on some business respecting the magistracy this morning—and
here let me stop to tell you that I am keeping house for your
sister who with the Doctor and little James have taken flight to
Parramatta purposing to return before it is dark they set out at
half past eight—the Infant is left at home I have been
staying here little more than three weeks and this is the third
time I have written to you—I wish you may have patience to
decipher my letters—We have intelligence from England as
late as the last week in January—I have read Mr. Bowman's
paper and observed upon the death of the unfortunate Colonel
Burton—what an unhappy act and to what a state of feeling
must he have been excited!—We have had no further
intelligence from the explorers into the Interior, under the
direction of Captain Forbes of the 39th if they should discover a
River navigable to the Sea it will be of great importance to the
Country. Our last accounts from Argyle are that all there are
well, I have seen no late letter from Frederick. Hannibal at
present is at his estates on the Wollondilly—he is expected
to return in about a week he will see Frederick and
MacAlister—If you communicate with T.H.S. soon, tell him I
saw Mrs. Charles Cowper this week and old Mr. Cowper they came
here to visit me—the Lady looks pretty well, but says her
Husband is far otherwise—he had received a short letter
from our friend dated in November last from Whitfield—I
suppose you correspond frequently particularly as you are so much
in the way of getting "franks." I shall look (with some
impatience) for letters from you next month, when we may conclude
you will have received our letters of last October—I must
not revert to the feelings under which those were
written—believe my dear Edward that you occupy my thoughts
daily, and although I know you have many kind friends and that
you need not be more alone than it is your desire to be—yet
do I feel that none of those, can be what, he was, whom perhaps
we selfishly lament! I hope George continues with you—it is
a great comfort to have a domestic to whom we have been
accustomed and who is faithful. My letter goes this evening to
Mr. George Burn your acquaintance of old—he is the agent
for the ship Mary he is a good natured, obliging
man—he and Mrs. Burn called here a day or two since the
lady is of the Roman Catholic faith—a very inoffensive
person, educated in a Convent. You say nothing of the good
Marquis and his family in your last letters—pray continue
to forward to us any little billets you receive if practicable. I
shall now finish for the present—I may add a line in the
Cover when the travellers return to give you the latest news from
Parramatta—accept my dear Edward of my prayers for your
health and comfort.
Pray remember us kindly to Walter Davidson and
Mrs. Davidson.
Mr. Bowman and Mary are returned quite well James and Emmeline
accompanied them on their way, beyond Home Bush the estate of Mr.
Wentworth—you will receive a letter from James with
this—Mary tells me, he sets out for Camden to-morrow
leaving William at home who is complaining of a slight sore
throat. And now adieu here all send their love.
The year 1831 brought sorrow to the Macarthurs in the death of their second son John, who was suddenly cut off just as he had attained a position as an Equity Barrister in the London Courts, which would soon have led to high professional distinction. This was a heavy affliction, not merely to his family and friends, for the young barrister while living in London suffered no fair opportunity to escape him of advancing Australian interests in various important matters, thus practically carrying out the lessons instilled into the minds of all Macarthur's children, that it was their duty to promote the welfare of their native country by every means in their power.
His mother had not seen him since she parted from him in 1800 (with that self-sacrifice that is born of true love) for purposes of education, but their letters show how strong the bond between mother and son remained during the years of separation. He wrote very fully of his life and pursuits, sent books, papers, and letters, which she read and commented upon, and at the same time kept him informed of the daily round of the family at Elizabeth Farm and Camden.
Macarthur's last years were spent between the two homes, and at Camden he watched the building of the present house in which he never lived. He died on April 10th, 1834, at The Cottage (now the Home Farm at Camden Park), and is buried on a site chosen by himself where he had been in the habit of walking to enjoy the cool breeze and beautiful view over the Cowpastures, and whence he could see the flocks of sheep and herds of horses and cattle contentedly grazing, and watch the crops spring up—for many acres were under cultivation.
Their friend, Archdeacon Scott, wrote of him:—
"Possessed of a mind powerful and energetic. . . . my valued and esteemed friend. . . . displayed on all occasions, when called forth a judgment and clear apprehension of events. . . . rarely even united in one mind. . . . Our best consolation is in the high character for honor and intergity he has left behind him, and as he lived beloved by all his family so he has died respected by all who knew him. . . . In all the discussions I had with him I never left him but with improvement and increased esteem and respect."
These notes on his character were written by James.
"My father was a man of quick and generous impulses loth to enter into a quarrel, but bold and uncompromising when assailed and at all times ready to take arms against oppression or injustice, whether in his own case or that of others, and more especially of those who claimed his aid from inability to maintain their own just rights. He was well read in English literature and frequently quoted passages from Shakespeare, Hudibras Spenser and Milton as well as from Addison. Of Walter Scott, and the finer passages of Byron, he was a great admirer. Crabbe too was a favourite author. In politics he was from natural inclination and from admiration of the man, of the school of Pitt. He preferred Pitt's oratory to that of Fox, though a great admirer of the latter. But he was no narrow minded Tory either in his opinions or practice. I should say that he had formed himself almost too much upon the old Roman model, but nevertheless he bore no implacable animosities and was a generous adversary when opposed by men who differed from him in a fair and manly way. He admired the character of Coriolanus; Scipio Africanus still more. The shining characters of Ancient History, as well as of modern times, were frequently subjects of conversation with his family. In his happier moods the power of illustration with which his conversation abounded was most remarkable, and his discourse was imbued with a spirit of truly Christian benevolence and calm philosophy which made him a delightful and most instructive companion."
Elizabeth Macarthur's earnest hope that she might again see her mother, her friends, and the home of her childhood, was not fulfilled.
She died beloved and revered by all who knew her in 1850, and is buried beside her husband at Camden Park.
Through all the difficulties and trials that beset her path, her Christian spirit shines forth, and in all the letters to her children, with whom she corresponded regularly until her death, there is found no complaining or ill-natured word.
There were eight children of the marriage:—
Edward, who became Major-General Sir Edward Macarthur. He married Sarah Neill, a sister of General Neill, of Lucknow fame.
James, who died in infancy,
John, who died in London in 1831.
James, who married Emily Stone, of Stone's Bank, Lombard Street. Their only child, Elizabeth, married Captain Arthur Onslow, R.N.
William, who lived at Camden Park with James, and was Knighted for his work as a Commissioner for Australia at the Paris Exhibition of 1855.
Elizabeth, who died unmarried in 184—.
Mary, who married Dr. Bowman, of the General Hospital, Sydney.
Emmeline, who married Sir Henry Watson Parker, and died at Sheen, Surrey, England, in 1888.
Let us bring the volume to a close with the only letter that can be found from Elizabeth Macarthur to her husband.
My dearest MacArthur,
We had the pleasure to receive Mr. Koltz on our return from a
little ramble, which we had been induced to take after dinner
over the Stony range—and to return and take a look at the
Vineyard, to observe how the vines looked after so much
rain—we did not think Mr. Koltz would have made his way out
so soon—however, William was well pleased to see
him—and they soon entered into interesting conversation
concerning the wool—this morning, as nothing else was to be
done they have been examining what wool remains in the wool house
unpacked. Mr. Koltz seems to approve of its condition and general
character—the rain having again recommenced—there is
little or nothing to be done—Mr. Koltz appears all that you
say—and I hope he will prove a valuable acquisition to this
establishment—and relieve our dear William from some
portion of his cares—I have read all the English letters
which cost me a great application of Eye-sight—I could not
get through them at all last night—Our dear and beloved
sons—their images seemed to hover round me, when I retired
to rest—God bless them—and strengthen them in those
virtuous dispositions and honorable qualities, which you have at
an early age impressed upon their minds and imparted to them, by
example. I hope dear James is on his way out by this
time—John's letter to his sister tho' short is full of
information—he seems to think the affairs of England in a
very unsettled state, I perceive—I hope you have recovered
from the oppression you were suffering from yesterday—I had
something of it myself and I expected from my feelings, that a
change again in the weather was about to take place—we had
a great deal of lightning last night—Many thanks for your
offer of sending Macdonald up with the new carriage for my
accommodation—if it would please God to let us have fair
and somewhat settled weather again—I should indeed be very
glad to have it here. William will I dare say write and tell you
all that all here is well as can be expected—I have written
a gossiping letter to Elizabeth and must write a line or two to
Em.
Believe me to be, my dearest MacArthur,
Account of Stock Sales extracted from Day Books.
1823. |
||||
£ | s. | d. | ||
T. C. Harrington | Bay Filly, 3 yrs | 60 guineas | ||
Ditto | Young Malvinia | 50 guineas | ||
James Thompson | 25 wethers at 30s. | 37 | 10 | 0 |
Tuckwell | 20 " " | 30 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Iceley | 10 x-bred rams at 50s. | 25 | 0 | 0 |
Capt. Collins, of the Regalia |
2 Bulls at 25 guineas | 52 | 10 | 0 |
Ditto | 20 x-bred rams at 50s. | 50 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | 10 wethers at 30s. | 15 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | Horse, Old Smiler | 50 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | 3 yr. old filly | 45 | 0 | 0 |
Major Ovens | Grey Helen and her 2 yr. old gelding |
100 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Iceley | 1 2yr. old Bull | 26 | 5 | 0 |
Mr. Rankin | 3 x-bred rams, 1st quality | 15 | 0 | 0 |
Edward Riley | 4 merino rams, 1st quality |
70 | 0 | 0 |
Dr. Douglas | 6 Rams 7 gns., 1 Bull 30 gns. |
75 | 12 | 0 |
Mr. Redfern | 4 merino rams, 2nd quality |
70 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | { 2 x-bred, 1st quality. { 2 " 2nd " |
15 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Oxley | 2 2yrs. old and 1 yearling merino ram, 2d. quality |
52 | 10 | 0 |
Mr. Harrington | 4 yr. old mare and foal | 90 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Little | Merino ram, 1st quality | 20 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | 3 x-breds, 1st quality | 15 | 0 | 0 |
C. Throsby, Esq. | Merino ram, 1st quality | 20 | 0 | 0 |
Government | 9 rams at 15 dollars 75 cents each |
|||
Mr. Scott | 2 merino rams, 2nd quality |
35 | 0 | 0 |
1824 |
||||
Account Sale of Merino Rams. | ||||
£ | s. | d. | ||
Aspinall and Brown | 4 at £12 10s. | 50 | 0 | 0 |
Edward Riley | 12 at £12 10s. | 150 | 0 | 0 |
Capt. King | 4 at £12 10s. | 50 | 0 | 0 |
Wm. Hayes | 3 at £11 5s. | 33 | 15 | 0 |
R. Scott | 2 at £12 10s. | 25 | 0 | 0 |
John Oxley | 4 at £12 10s. | 50 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | 1 at £10 | 10 | 0 | 0 |
Messrs. Cox. | 7 at £12 10s. | 87 | 10 | 0 |
Ditto | 7 at £11 5s. | 78 | 15 | 0 |
Geo. Innes | 4 at £12 10s. | 50 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Rankin | 2 at £12 10s. | 25 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Forbes | 2 at £11 5s. | 22 | 10 | 0 |
—— | —————— | |||
52 rams | £632 | 10 | 0 | |
Average Price £12 3s. each. |
||||
Mr. Dangar | 4 x-bred rams | 16 | 0 | 0 |
V. Jacobs | 4 x-bred rams | 16 | 0 | 0 |
W. Cordeaux | 4 x-bred rams | 16 | 0 | 0 |
1825
Account Sale of Rams sold at Parramatta by Auction,
September 14th, 1825.
Purchaser. | Stock. | Price. | ||||||
£ | s. | d. | £ | s. | d. | |||
Mr. Webber | 3 | 4 yr. old rams at £11 10s. each |
34 | 10 | 0 | 34 | 10 | 0 |
Mr. Boughton | 1 | 4 yr. old ram | 11 | 0 | 0 | 11 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Corry | 1 | " " | 10 | 5 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 11 | 0 | 0 | |||
————— | 21 | 5 | 0 | |||||
Mr. Glennie | 1 | " " | 7 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Mclntyre | 1 | " " | 9 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 3 yr. old | 18 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 18 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 22 | 5 | 0 | |||
————— | 68 | 5 | 0 | |||||
Dr. Throsby | 1 | 4 yr. old | 15 | 15 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 3 yr. old | 19 | 5 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 18 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 20 | 5 | 0 | |||
————— | 73 | 5 | 0 | |||||
Mr. Oxley | 1 | 4 yr. old | 18 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 3 yr. old | 13 | 5 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | yearling | 16 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " | 19 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 4 yr. old | 17 | 0 | 0 | |||
————— | 83 | 15 | 0 | |||||
Mr. R. Scott | 1 | 2 yr. old | 15 | 5 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | yearling | 14 | 5 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " | 16 | 5 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 3 yr. old | 15 | 15 | 0 | |||
————— | 61 | 10 | 0 | |||||
Mr. Chas. Thompson | 1 | yearling | 18 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 3 yr. old | 19 | 0 | 0 | |||
————— | 37 | 0 | 0 | |||||
Orphan School, per Mr. Busby |
1 | yearling ram | 15 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 16 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 14 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 3 yr. old | 19 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 24 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 17 | 0 | 0 | |||
————— | 106 | 10 | 0 | |||||
Dr. McLeod | 1 | yearling | 17 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " | 21 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 3 yr. old | 21 | 0 | 0 | |||
————— | 60 | 0 | 0 | |||||
Mr. Lawson (Dr. Douglas) |
1 | yearling | 22 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " | 33 | 15 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " | 29 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 3 yr. old | 21 | 5 | 0 | |||
————— | 106 | 0 | 0 | |||||
Mr. Geo. Forbes | 1 | yearling | 17 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | 3 yr. old | 17 | 15 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 20 | 10 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " " | 21 | 5 | 0 | |||
————— | 76 | 10 | 0 | |||||
Mr. Howe | A | 3 yr. old ram | 23 | 0 | 0 | 23 | 0 | 0 |
Bought in for Dr. Bowman |
1 | 2 yr. old | 22 | 15 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | yearling | 15 | 15 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " | 27 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " | 23 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " | 25 | 0 | 0 | |||
Ditto | 1 | " | 21 | 10 | 0 | |||
————— | 135 | 10 | 0 | |||||
Average of sale 50 Rams at | £18 | 2s. | 905 | 0 | 0 |
General Account sales—continued.
Mr. Macalister | 5 yearlings at £18 2s. | 90 | 0 | 0 |
James Thompson Butcher |
100 wethers at 32s. 6d. | 162 | 10 | 0 |
David Johnston | 1 Merino ram, 2½ years old, at average of auction |
18 | 2 | 0 |
1826 |
||||
Mr. Macalister | 132 ewes at £3 3s. | |||
A. A. Company | 10 Merino rams at £16 | 160 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | 7 Bulls at 20 guineas | 307 | 0 | 0 |
1827 |
||||
A.A. Coy. | 760 Ewes at £5 5s. | 3,990 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | 15 wethers at £l 10s. | 22 | 10 | 0 |
T.C. Harrington | Bay mare, 3 yrs | 60 | 0 | 0 |
A.A. Coy. | 10 mares at £52 10s. | 525 | 0 | 0 |
Collins | 30 wethers at 28s. | |||
A.A. Coy. | Grey gelding, 5½ yrs. | 50 | 0 | 0 |
Sold at Parramatta | Bay gelding, 5 yrs. | 50 | 0 | 0 |
Thos. Iceley, Esq. | 4 2yr. old Bulls at £25 | 100 | 0 | 0 |
John Lewis | Chesnut-Bay Filly | 40 | 0 | 0 |
Collins | 30 wethers at 27s. | |||
R. Brooks | 2 rams. 1st quality at £10 |
20 | 0 | 0 |
James Thorn | 10 wethers at 23s. | |||
Messrs. O'Brien | 1 Merino ram, 1st quality |
10 | 0 | 0 |
Messrs. O'Brien | 2 Merino rams, 2nd quality |
15 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | 2 Merino rams, 3rd quality |
10 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Futter | 8 Merino rams, 1st quality |
80 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | 1 Bull, 25 guineas | 26 | 5 | 0 |
Mr. Busby | 1 ram, 1st quality | 10 | 0 | 0 |
Ditto | 1 ram, 2nd quality | 7 | 10 | 0 |
Ditto | 2 rams, 3rd quality | 10 | 0 | 0 |
Capt. Coghill | 2 rams, 1st quality | 20 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Gaffin | 3 Merino rams, 2nd quality, £7 10s. |
22 | 10 | 0 |
Alex Warren (Hunter River) |
3 Merino rams, 2nd quality, £7 10s. |
22 | 10 | 0 |
Wm. Balcombe | 4 Merino rams, 2nd quality |
30 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Bowen | 3 yr. grey gelding | 42 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Andrew Allen | 3 Merino rams at £10 | 30 | 0 | 0 |
Mr. Galbraith | 5 yr. old, Brown Duchess | 63 | 0 | 0 |
1828 |
||||
Orphan Institution | 2 Bulls at £25 | 50 | 0 | 0 |
W. C. Penfold & Co., Printers. 183 Pitt Street. Sydney.
Atkins, Judge Advocate, | to John Macarthur from John Macarthur |
Brisbane, Governor, | from Barron Field from Judge Advocate Wylde |
Bigge, Commissioner, | to John Macarthur from John Macarthur |
Calvert, Adjutant, | to Lieut. Colonel Johnston from Lieut. Colonel Johnston |
Camden, Lord, | to Governor King from Governor King |
Davidson, Walter, | from Edward Macarthur from John Macarthur |
Field, Barron, | to Governor Brisbane from John Macarthur |
Goulburn, Secretary, | to John Macarthur to Wm. Macarthur to Watson-Taylor from John Macarthur from Watson Taylor |
Johnston, Lieut. Col., | to Adjutant Calvert to Lord Liverpool to Officers from Adjutant Calvert from Officers |
King, Governor, | to Sir Joseph Banks to Lord Camden to John Macarthur to Edw. Wood from Thos. Arndell from Lord Camden from Geo. Hall from R. Hassall from J. Jamieson from John Macarthur from Ed. Robinson from T. Rowley from Jas. Sheppard from Ed. Wood |
Kingdon, Miss, | to Mrs. Macarthur from Miss Macarthur from Mrs. Macarthur |
Macarthur, Edward, | to W. Davidson to James Macarthur to John Macarthur to Mrs. Macarthur from Mrs. Macarthur from General Tench |
Macarthur, James, | to Captain Fennell to John Macarthur to Wm. Macarthur from Ed. Macarthur from John Macarthur, Jr. |
Macarthur, John, | to Judge Advocate Atkins to Lord Bathurst to Commissioner Bigge to Committee of Privy Council to W. Davidson to Barron Field to Barron Field to Secretary Goulburn to Governor King to John Macarthur, Jr. to Mrs. John Macarthur to Lieut. Smith to Lt. Gov. Sorell to Capt. Waterhouse from Judge Advocate Atkins from Commissioner Bigge from Secretary Goulburn from Governor King from Edward Macarthur from Hannibal Macarthur from James Macarthur from John Macarthur, Jr. from Mrs. John Macarthur from Wm. Macarthur from Lt. Gov. Sorell from Capt. Waterhouse |
Macarthur, John, Jr., | to James Macarthur to John Macarthur to Mrs. Macarthur to Wm. Macarthur to Wilmot-Horton from John Macarthur from Wilmot-Horton |
Macarthur, Mrs. John, | to Miss Kingdon (see Kingdon) to Edward Macarthur to John Macarthur to Mrs. Veale from Miss Kingdon from Edward Macarthur from John Macarthur, (see Macarthur John) from John Macarthur, Jr. |
Macarthur, Wm., | to John Macarthur from Secretary Goulburn from James Macarthur from John Macarthur, Jr. |
Officers, | to Lieut. Col. Johnston from Lieut. Col. Johnston |
Sorell, Lieut. Governor, | to John Macarthur from John Macarthur |
Waterhouse, Captain, | to John Macarthur from John Macarthur |
Watson-Taylor, | to Secretary Goulburn from Secretary Goulburn |
Wilmot-Horton, J., | to John Macarthur, Jr. from John Macarthur, Jr. |
Wood, Ed., | to Governor King from Governor King |
Abbott, Lieutenant
Aboriginals—
Attack on Gov. Phillip
Bathurst
Corroboree of
Depredations of
Habits of
Murder by
Names of
Presents to
from
Schools for
Small Pox attacks
Theories of
Accounts of Insurrectionary Government
"Admiral Gambier", ship—
Macarthur on board
Harris on board
Agriculture—
At Camden
Macarthur's views on
Anderson, John
"Argo", ship—to carry Spanish sheep
Army in Spain—conditions of
Arndell, Thomas—opinions re sheep
Arthursleigh—residence of H. Macarthur
Atkins, Judge Advocate—
Associate of Crossley
Altercations with Court
Charged with swindling
Issues warrant for Macarthur's arrest
Protest against, by Macarthur
Australian Agricultural Coy.—
Engagement of Button
Formation of
Minute Books of
Sale of Wool
Australians, Macarthur's opinion of
Banks, Sir Joseph—
Attempts to prevent export of sheep from
England
Cautions Macarthur re exporting
sheep
Character and habits of
Coolness with Macarthur
Interference of
Natural History specimens for
Receives Gov. King's letter re
Macarthur's return
Supports Bligh's cause
Wool, opinion of N.S.W.
Belmont, grant of, to Davidson
Bent, Judge Advocate—
Views of
Succeeded by Wylde
Berry, Alexander—establishment
Bigge, Commissioner—
Character of
Departure for Tasmania
Horses lent by Macarthur
Interview with Macarthur
Inquiry by
Macarthur's proposals to
Proposed as Governor
Quarrel with Macquarie
Residence at Sydney
Report of
Secretary of
Seeks Macarthur's advice
Blaxcell, Garnham—accounts with
Blaxland, John—refusal to pay Bill
Bligh, Governor—
Arrest of urged
Arrest, Elliot's opinion of
Arrival in England
Conduct of
Cornishman
Created Admiral
Deposition of
Disputes with Macarthur
Examination of "Parramatta's" crew
Meeting with Macarthur
Opposition to Macarthur
Orders Macarthur's arrest
Proceedings against
Protégé of Banks
Quarrel with Captain Short
Receives a pension
Recommended as Governor
Refusal to intervene against Atkins
Tench's opinion of
Botanical Gardens
Bowman, Dr.—
Disliked by Macquarie
Friend of Bigge's
Hospital, reforms of
Married to Mary Macarthur
Brisbane, Sir James—Commander of H.M.S. "Warspite"
Brisbane, Sir Thomas—
Action over Camden grants
Appeal to, from Macarthur
Children of
Departure of
Friction with Secretary
Instructions re Macarthur's grants
Observatory of
Offers Macarthur a magistracy
Proposed Governor
Visit to Camden
Withdrawal of offer of magistracy
Brogden, Mr.—
Advocates Macarthur's return
Chairman of Committees
Criticises colonial finance
Member of Parliament
Bushrangers
Camden—
Grants at
Improvements at
Macarthur's promise of grant at
Occupation of grant at
Purchase of land at
Store building at
Camden Grants—
Camden's promise of
Exchange of Foveaux's land
5,000 acres
4,368 acres for rams
Negotiations re
Objections to
Offer of Mountain grant
Purchase of 5,700 acres
Camden, Lord—
Grants Macarthur 10,000 acres
Orders Macarthur's grant
Orders Davidson's grant
Cawdor—
Area of
Lease of
Offer of to Macarthur
Reserve at
Climatology
Coats from N.S.W. wool
Commercial ventures
Convicts—
Assigned to Macarthur
Inquiry re proposed
Master's power over
Rations of
Wages of
Cook, Mr. Secretary—
Opinion of Macarthur's actions
of his trial
Supports Governor Bligh
Court Martial—
On Johnston
On Wright
Cowpastures (see Camden)
Criminal Court, Macarthur before
Crossley, George—
Associate of Atkins
Prepared information against Macarthur
Cunningham, Allan
Dalrymple, Port—condition of settlement at
D'Arietta—receives a grant
Darling, Major General—appointment as Governor
Davidson, Walter—
Arrival in Sydney
Assigned servants of
King's opinion of
Nephew of Sir W. Farquhar
Receives grant of land
Dawes, Lieutenant
Dollis, Alexander
Douglas, Dr.—
Opposition to Macarthur
Receives land grant
"Duke of Kent", ship—
Jamieson a passenger
Ebsworth,—.—
Directions re wool pressing
Opinions of wool
Wool auctioneer and broker
Edwards, Thomas—Macarthur's servant
Elizabeth Farm—
Acreage of
Description of
Grant of
Grants near
Laborers at
Near Parramatta
Stock at
Emancipists—life of
Emus—presented to Lady Castlereagh
England—condition of
Explorations
Farquhar. Sir Walter—
Action of
Friendship for Macarthur
Physician to Prince of Wales
to Macarthur
Fashions in England
Fennel, Captain, Aide-de-camp to Brisbane
Field, Barron—
Character of
Challenge from Macarthur
Judge of Supreme Court
Objections to Macarthur as a Magistrate
Finance—
Colonial
In England
Mercantile failures
Protested Bills
Flax-dressing machine
Foveaux, Colonel—
Accusations against
Land of
Macarthur's opinion of
Sheep of
France, condition of
Fruit in N.S.W.
Geils, Major—
Departure for Sydney
Opinion of
Gilbert, Captain—
Character of
Dismissed from charge of "Neptune"
Disturbance caused by, at Plymouth
Duel with Macarthur
Master of transport "Neptune"
Glass for table use
"Gorgon", H.M.S.—arrival at Port Jackson
Goulburn, Major—
Friction with Brisbane
Opposition to Camden grants
Government House, Parties at
Government Policy, general account of
Grants at Camden—
Camden's promise of
5,000 acres
4,368 acres for rams
Exchange of Foveaux's
Negotiations re
Objections to
Offer of Mountain grant
Purchase of 5,700 acres
Grey, Edward
Grimes, Charles, Judge Advocate at Macarthur's trial
Grose, General
Grose, Mrs.—
Death of
In England
Passenger per H.M.S. "Gorgon"
"Guardian", H.M.S.—
Cause of wreck
Loss of
Wreck at the Cape
Hall, George, opinions re sheep
Harris, Surgeon John—
Accompanies Macarthur to a duel
Charges Atkins with swindling
Living at Sydney Cove
Surgeon on "Surprize"
Hassall, Rowland, opinions re sheep
Hayes, Sir Henry
Hill, Captain—
Arrest of
Passenger per "Surprize"
Sent to Norfolk Island
Hore, a convict
Hospital Rum
Hunter, Governor—
Coolness with Macarthur
Evidence before Privy Council
Resignation, cause of
Succeeds to Government
"Isabella", ship, loss of
Jamison, Surgeon—
Death of
Passenger per "Duke of Kent"
Jamieson, James, opinions re sheep
Johnston, Lieutenant Colonel—
Appointment in command of 102nd Regt.
Arrival in England
in Sydney
Assumption of Government
Cashiered
Consultations with Solicitors
Court Martial
Departure for England
Deposes Governor Bligh
Despatches of
Desires to remain in London
Health of
Interviews Northumberland
Invites charges against Macarthur
Liberates Macarthur
Loan from Macarthur
from Harrison
Loyalty of officers to
Ordered to England
Passage to N.S.W. refused
Proof of Bligh's misconduct
Statement of his case
King, Captain—
Fiance of Miss Lethbridge
Sheep of
Surveying the Coast
King, Mrs.—
Confinement of
Illness of
Maiden name
Widowhood
King, Philip Gidley—
Commandant at Norfolk Island
Criticisms of Macarthur's proposals
Criticism of Cowpasture grants
Death of
Delay in granting land to Macarthur
Departure for England
Experiments of, in breeding
Quarrel with Macarthur
Receipt of land grant orders
Reports on wool industry
Sale of 100 Govt. ewes to Macarthur
Wild cattle proposals
Writes Banks re Macarthur's arrival
"Lady Warburton", ship—passengers per
Land Grants—
Objections to Macarthur's
Regulations for
To Anderson
To Davidson
To Dollis
To John Macarthur (see Camden and Elizabeth
Farm)
To James Macarthur
To Wm. Macarthur
To Mrs. Macarthur
Law Department, description of
Lawrence, John, gardener
Legislative Council—
Establishment of
Members of
Life in N.S.W.—in 1816
in 1818
in 1825
Under Macquarie
Lindsay, Dr.—
Author of article in press
Perusal of report of proceedings
Live Stock—
Decline in value
Price of
Liveries for servants
"Lord Eldon", transport—Macarthur passenger in
Lucas, Miss—
Arrival in Sydney
Governess to Macarthurs
Macarthur, Edward—
Arrivals in England
Arrival at Parramatta
Arrival at Sydney
Babyhood
Commission to be obtained
Delivers despatches to Colonel Gordon
to the Duke of Northumberland
Departures of
Ensign 60th Regt.
Entrusted with Johnston's despatches
Forecast of public opinion on trial
Hardships in Spain
Health of
In battle
In Gibraltar
In Paris
In Quebec
In Spain
In Sicily
Lieutenant 39th Regt.
Marriage of
Northumberland's opinion of
Residing with Thompson
Schooldays
Macarthur, Emmeline, marriage and death of
Macarthur, Elizabeth—
Babyhood
Death of
Departure for England
Illness of
Return to N.S.W.
Macarthur, Hannibal—
Arrival in Sydney
At Arthursleigh
Commercial reports of
Criticism of official methods
Flock of
Opinion of Macquarie
Parentage
Purchase of Waterhouse's Farm
Return to England
to N.S.W.
Sale of wool
Visits Cowpastures
Macarthur, James, death of in infancy
Macarthur, James—
Age of
Character of
Departure for England
Farming
Grant of land
Marriage of
Negotiations re grants
Notes on Johnston's Court Martial
Refusal of magistracy
Return of
Schooldays
Study of agriculture
of commerce
of viticulture
Tour in Westmoreland
Visit to France
to England
Macarthur, John—
Accounts of during insurrection
Acreage of
"Admiral Gambier", on board of
Advice sought by Bigge
Advocate of free settlers
Agitation for return to N.S.W.
Agreement for sale of rams
Anxiety about Johnston's trial
Application for convicts
Arrest attempted by Oakes
Arrested in Sydney
Arrival at Plymouth
at Port Jackson
in England
Assigned servants of
Assistance offered to Bigge
Birth and birthplace
Bligh's opposition to
Cattle, of
Censure by Nepean
Challenge to Field
Character of
Commission in N.S.W. Corps
Commission in 68th Foot
Commission sold
Company, Pastoral, proposed
Coolness with Govr. Hunter
Cook's opinion of
Death of
Departure for N.S.W.
Dismissal of crew of "Parramatta"
Disputes with Bligh
Duel with Capt. Gilbert
with Col. Paterson
Education
Embarkation on "Neptune"
Enquiries re sheep drafted
Entertains Governor Brisbane
Evidence before Bigge
before Privy Council
Eulogium of
Family of
Farming at Holsworthy
Finances of
Forebodings of
Government opposition to
Grant of 10,000 acres promised
Grant delayed by Governor King, no Grant
first
second
Grant, request for
Grants to
Grave of
Health of
Horses of
Income of
Inspector of Public Works
Interview with Bigge
with Home Office
"Lady Warburton", on board of
Johnston's opinion of
Land of, in 1794
in 1805
Lease of land
Legal proceedings against Bligh
Liberation by Johnston
Life under Governor Phillip
under Lieut. Gov. Grose
Loan of horses to Bigge
Loan to Johnston
Magistracy proposed
Manufacturers approached
Marriage
Medals granted to
Meeting with Bligh
with Sir Robert Farquhar
Member of Council
Memorialises Privy Council
Mentioned in Wentworth's book
Negotiations for return
Occupies Camden grant
Opinion on marriage
Parentage
Passage provided to N.S.W.
Paymaster of Corps
Petition for Governor's arrest
Prejudice against
Presents Camden's letter to Governor
Prisoner in gaol
Proposals to Bigge
Prospects of
Protest against Atkins as Judge Advocate
Purchase of land
of Royal sheep
of Foveaux's sheep
Quarrel with Banks
with King
with Nepean and Gilbert
Reception of, by Macquarie
Reforms suggested by
Release on bail
Request for 50,000 acres
Request for Judge's letter
Residence at Camden
Return to N.S.W.
Return to N.S.W. after the Bligh
Insurrection
Sale of rams
Secretary of Colony
Sheep, first of
Stock of
Suggestion to Bigge
to Brisbane
Summoned before Judge Advocate
Superintendent at Toongabbie
Trial by Criminal Court
Trial by Insurrectionaries
Visit to France
to Italy
to Switzerland
Views on agriculture
on wool industry
Voyage to Australia
Voyage to England
Whaling vessel owned by
Wild cattle, proposals for taming
Wool industry, ideas of
Macarthur, John, Junior—
Birth of
Character of
Charge of wool sales
Colonial agency desired
Death of
Departure for England
Dinner with wool buyers
Education
at school
at University of Glasgow
at Cambridge
Exertions to make wool market
Lawyer
Negotiations re land
Oil exemption act
Opinions on wool reported
Promoter of A.A. Company
Prospects of
Reserve values of wool
Studies of
Macarthur, Mrs. John—
Accounts of Colony
Account of business affairs
Arrival at Plymouth
Character of
Conduct of
Death of
Death of infant son
Departure for N.S.W.
Discomforts on ship
Description of the Cape
Favored by Governor Phillip
Health of
Impressions on return of sons
Invitations to Government House
Journal of
Life in Sydney
Management of business
Marriage, opinions of
Opinion of Bligh
Parentage
Piano lent by Worgan
Picnics
Presents for
Removal to Rose Hill
Study of Music and Botany
Visit to England proposed
Macarthur, Mary—marriage of
Macarthur, William—
Action re Judge's letter
Age of
Character of
Departure for England
Farming
Fondness for sea
Grant of land
Offer and refusal of magistracy
Return of
School days
Sheep farmer by choice
Studies viticulture
Visits France, Italy, and Switzerland
Youngest child
McBean, Thomas Carpenter
Macquarie, Governor—
Administration of
Appointment of
Arbitrariness of
Character of
Charges against
Complaints against
Criticism of actions
Death of
Instructions to re Macarthur
Kindness of
Quarrel with Bigge
Recall rumored
Reception of Macarthur
Recommendation from required
Son of
Successor to Paterson
Unpopularity of
Visit to Bathurst
Macquarie Mrs.—
Characteristics of
Health of
Movements of
Pension for
Macleay—
Magistracy—
Proposed for Macarthur
for James and Wm. Macarthur
Judge's letter reManufacturers,
Woollen—
Opinion of wool
Advocacy of N.S.W.
Letter to Lords of the Treasury
from Deputies
Manufacture of wool
Maoris, visits of
Market prices
Marsden, Reverend Samuel—
Age of
Arrival of
Character of
Conduct in England
Draft of inquiries re sheep
Drawing of ewe and ram sent to Royal
Society
Examination of flocks by
In England
Marsh and Ebsworth—
Best wool brokers
Wool auctioneers
Marshall, Captain—
Account of N.S.W.
Character of
Commander of a First Fleet transport
Master of "Scarborough"
Murray, Andrew, gardener
Napoleon, Emperor—
Escape from Elba
Escape from Russia
In Paris
Receives a check
Nepean, Captain—
Censures Macarthur
Character of
Embarks on "Neptune"
Living at Sydney Cove
Supporter of Trail against Macarthur
"Neptune", Transport—
Arrangements on board
Arrival at Plymouth
at Portsmouth
Departure from Motherbank
Disturbances at Plymouth
Gilbert, master of
dismissed from
Macarthur embarks on
transferred from
Passengers on
Rations on board
Trail appointed Captain
New South Wales—
Condition of
Description of
Nightingale, General—Appointed Governor
Norfolk Island—
Crew of "Sirius"
Description of
Means of subsistence at
Products of
Rations at
Seabirds at
Northumberland, Duke of
Oakes, Chief Constable—Attempted arrest of Macarthur by
Oxley, John—
Account of Bligh's proceedings
Expectations of
Explorations of
Letters from
Opposition to Camden grants
Sheep of
Parker, Captain—Commander of "Gorgon"
Parker, Mrs.—wife of Captain Parker
Parker, Sir Hy. Watson—
Marriage of
Parramatta—road to from Sydney
"Parramatta", Ship—
Arrival of
Crew dismissed by Macarthur
Detention of by naval officer
Examination of crew by Bligh
Hore, a convict found on board
Paterson, Colonel—
Death of
Duel with Macarthur
Widow of
Paterson, Mrs.—
Passenger per H.M.S. "Gorgon"
Escorted by Macarthur
Phillip, Governor—
Wounded by natives
Departure of
Piano—lent to Mrs. Macarthur by Surgeon [W]organ
Plough—first in use
iron
Plummer, Mr.—adviser to Ed. Macarthur
Port Jackson—description of
Postage on letters
Prentice, Mr.—
Arrest of
Passenger per "Surprize"
Sent to Norfolk Island
Press for wool
Marsden's
Macarthur's
Prinsep, John—Evidence before Privy Council
Privy Council—
Edivence of Macarthur
of Prinsep
of Hunter
Land grant to Macarthur recommended
Memorialised by Macarthur
Wool industry to be encouraged
Public Pastoral Company—
Land grant required for
Modus operandi
Proposal for
Scheme
Putland Mrs.—daughter of Gov. Bligh
Rations at Port Jackson
Redfern, Mr.—
Appointment of
Treatment of Eliz. Macarthur
Revolution, French
Robinson, Edward, opinions re sheep
Robinson, Michael, entertained by Macquarie
Rose Hill—
Comparison with Sydney
Description of
Named Parramatta
Rowley, Thomas, opinions re sheep
Rumker, Mr., Astronomer to Brisbane
"Scarborough", Transport—
Arrival at Cape
Macarthur transferred to
Marshall, master of
Passengers by
Scott, Mr.—
Archdeacon
Cautioned against Macarthur
Opinion of Macarthur
Secretary to Bigge
Shapcote, Lieutenant—agent for transports
Sheep—
Advantages of industry
Agreement for sale of rams
Bengal
Breeding of
Breeds of
California
Cape
Carcase, improvements to
Conditions required for
Condition of at Camden
Constitution of
Crossbreds, opinions of
Crossing of
Examination of, by Marsden
Feeding, mode of
First, the
Foveaux's
Government ewes sold to Macarthur
Increase of
Introduction of
Introduction of merinos
Irish
Lambings
Lambing season
Land required for
Lansdown
Macarthur's
Macarthur's breed of
Merino, introduction
Mortality of
Northumberland
Numbers of
Pasturage for
Pests of
Price of
Privy Council's opinion on
Prizes for
Purchase of from Royal flock
Rams for Tasmania
Report on, by Wood
Sales of
Shears wanted
Shearing of
Shepherding, mode of
Southdown
Spanish
Stores
Teeswater
Values of
Washing of
Weight of
Seven Hills Estate—exchange of
Shipments—miscellaneous
wool
Short, Capt.—Court Martialled
"Sirius", [also "Syrius"] H.M.S.—
Crew at Norfok Island
Loss of
Smith, Lieutenant—
In charge of Macarthur's stores
Reports of N.S.W.
Society of Arts—issues medals to Macarthur
Society in Sydney—in 1791
in 1822
Society in London
Sorell, Lieutenant-Governor—
Approval of Macarthur's schemes
Proposal for prize fund
Settlers require rams
Stock sales, accounts of
Stone, Emily
Sturt, Captain, explorations of
"Supply", H.M.S.—
Ball, Commander of
Despatched to Batavia
return from
Sent to Norfolk Island
"Surprize", transport, passengers per
Tench, General—opinion of Bligh
Terry, Mr.—land of
Thompson, Mr.—
Edward Macarthur lives with
Intimate with Governor King
"Three Bees", ship—destruction by fire
Throsby, Dr.—
Cattle of
Property of
Townsend, Mr.—
Passenger per "Scarborough"
Resident at Sydney Cove
Transferred to "Neptune"
Trail, Captain—
Appointed master of "Neptune"
Character of
Coolness with Macarthur
Wife of
Vansittart, Nicholas—letter from Macarthur
Veale, Mrs.—
Mother of Mrs. Macarthur
Resident at Bridgerule
"Warspite", H.M.S., arrival at Sydney
Washing gang
Washing plant
Waterhouse, Captain—
Acreage of farm
Description of pastures in N.S.W.
Management of sheep
Letter to Macarthur
from Macarthur
Waterhouse's Farm, purchased by Hannibal Macarthur
Watson, Mr.—
Adviser to Edward Macarthur
Reception to John Macarthur
Watson-Taylor—
Agitates for Macarthur's return
Advises Macarthur in negotiations
Services to Macarthur
Wentworth, Darcey—land of
Wentworth, William Charles—
Arrival in England
Book by
Characteristics of
Whaling vessel—owned by Macarthur
White, Colonel—departure for N.S.W.
Wild Cattle—proposals for taming
Wood, Edward—
Arrival in Sydney
Examination of flocks by
Report on flocks by
Wool sorter
Wood, Thomas—
Arrival in Sydney
Wool sorter
Wool—
Arrival of
Auction of
Auctioneers of
Auction methods
Criticisms of shipments
Descriptions of shipments
Duty on
Export of
Fleeces
Freight on
Grass for
Insurance of
Lambs'
Market established
Market, condition of
Manufacture of in N.S.W.
Opinions of Manufacturers' deputies
Opinions of flock masters
Pressing of
Reserve values
Sale of
Samples of
Shipments of
Treatment of
Value of
Washing of
Wool Industry—Macarthur's views on
Wool Press
Woolstencroft, Mr.—establishment by
Worgan, Surgeon—
Of "Sirius"
Piano of
Wylde, Judge Advocate—
Appointment of
Objections to Macarthur as magistrate
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