Title: The Karen People of Burma: A Study in Anthropology and Ethnology
Author: Harry Ignatius Marshall
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Title: The Karen People of Burma: A Study in Anthropology and Ethnology
Author: Harry Ignatius Marshall




The Ohio State University Bulletin
VOLUME 26
APRIL 29, 1922
NUMBER 13
CONTRIBUTIONS IN HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE
NUMBER 8

The Karen People of Burma: A Study in Anthropology and Ethnology
By Rev. Harry Ignatius Marshall, M.A. (1878-)

Missionary of the American Baptist Foreign Mission Society,
Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland, and of the American Oriental Society

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY AT COLUMBUS
Entered as second-class matter November 17, 1905, at the postoffice at Columbus, Ohio.
under Act of Congress, July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage
provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917. Authorized July 10, 1918.


* * *

PREFACE

To many a visitor to Burma, who views the country from the deck
of an Irrawaddy River streamer or from the window of a railway
carriage, there appears to be little difference between the Karen and
the Burman. This is not strange, for many individuals of the
non-Burman tribes wear the Burmese costume and speak the Burmese
language; and they present no markedly different characteristics
in feature or color of skin. I have often heard the remark that
"there is no difference between the Burman and the Karen." It is
doubtless because the Government of Burma recognizes that there
is a difference in the tribal characteristics, customs, and religion
that it has adopted the wise policy of publishing a series of complete
studies, of which this purports to be one, of these various peoples.
If the reader will have the patience to read these pages, it is hoped
that he will realize that, though the Karen have lived for generations
in the closest proximity to the Burmese, they preserve their
own racial traits, which are quite distinct from those of their more
volatile neighbors with whom they have had little in common.

This work deals more particularly with the Sgaw branch of the
Karen people. My own experience has been more intimate with
this tribe, though I have known many of the other groups. This
circumstance, together with the fact that the Bwe and Taungthu
peoples have already been described in the _Upper Burma Gazetteer_,
as well as the limitations of space, has led me to limit my discussion
to brief references to the other tribes. But I am convinced that in
the main the Sgaw exhibit the general characteristics that are truly
Karen in the broadest sense of the term. I have also omitted any
detailed study of the large mass of Karen folklore, which may
possibly be incorporated in some future study.

The reader may notice that I have used the term "Karen," instead
of the more usual plural form "Karens," when referring
to the tribal name. This is more accurate, for to add the "s" is
as misleading in this case as in that of the Lao, who are often
mistakenly spoken of as the "Laos." In the transliteration of Karen
words I have followed the continental system of spelling, adopting
"x" for the guttural which is pronounced like the "ch" in the Scotch
"loch," and the dipthong "eu" for the sound which closely resembles
the common pronunciation of "er" as in "her." I have accepted the
simplified spelling for the tribal names, Pwo and Bwe, in place of
the more cumbersome "Pgho" and "Bghai."

It is not without some misgivings that I allow these sheets to
go to the publisher. The notes were collected at such intervals as
could be taken from my labors as a district missionary, and that at
a time when increasing administrative duties precluded my giving
such attention to them as I could wish. The return to America on
furlough necessitated the completion of the work on the opposite
side of the world from the sources of my material, and where,
though I enjoyed the privileges of a Graduate Fellowship at the
Ohio State University. I had to depend largely on my personal
collections, there being no department of Ethnology there.

I wish to acknowledge the assistance which I have had from
my wife, whose sympathetic interest and accurate knowledge have
been of untold value, and also the help I have received from my
missionary colleagues, among whom I should mention my
father-in-law, Rev. D. A. W. Smith, D.D.; Rev. C. A. Nichols, D.D.,
who was first to ask me to undertake the preparation of this work, and
Rev. E. N. Harris. Among the many Karen members of the mission
staff who have helped in the gathering of materials, I can only
mention Thras San Gyi San Kwe, Po Myaing, and Shwe Thee, of
Tharrawaddy; Thra Pan Ya Se, of Shwegyin; and Thra Aung
Gaing, of Insein, who gave me a full account of the Karen of Siam.
The sketches signed "D. P." are the work of a Karen schoolboy
from Tavoy, Saw Day Po, who, to his credit it should be said, drew
them without having had any instruction in drawing whatever.
My thanks are also due to Drs. B. Laufer and Fay Cooper-Cole, of
the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, for many valuable
suggestions, and to Professors J. A. Leighton and W. H. Siebert,
of the Ohio State University, for many kindnesses. To Professor
Siebert I am especially indebted for a most painstaking review of
my entire manuscript, for its acceptance for publication, and for
seeing it through the press of the Ohio State University. Finally,
I desire to express my gratitude to the Government of Burma for
the privilege of undertaking this work. The necessity for careful
observation and thorough investigation has not been without its
benefits to me. The undertaking has been exacting and quite
instructive, even if it had benefited no one but myself.

This book is, after all, but another by-product of the great
missionary enterprise, which seeks to lift the less fortunate
peoples of the world to a higher plane of life and enjoyment, and
to bring to them the best of our Christian civilization. If this work
should help to make the Karen better known and understood and in any
way assist them along their upward path, the writer will feel that
it has all been a part of the great task to which he has dedicated
his life. May the blessing of God rest upon it.

COLUMBUS, OHIO
AUGUST 30, 1920


CONTENTS:

PART I. GENERAL TOPICS

I.      HABITAT AND TRIBAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE KAREN
II.     THE ORIGIN OF THE KAREN
III.    PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS
IV.     MENTAL AND MORAL CHARACTERISTICS
V.      LANGUAGE
VI.     DRESS AND ORNAMENTS
VII.    MEASURES OF TIME AND SPACE. KAREN ASTRONOMY

PART II. DOMESTIC LIFE

VIII.   THE KAREN VILLAGE-HOUSE
IX.     FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION
X.      AGRICULTURAL PURSUITS AND OTHER OCCUPATIONS
XI.     HUNTING AND FISHING
XII.    SPINNING, DYEING, AND WEAVING. MAT-MAKING AND BASKETRY
XIII.   BRONZE DRUMS

PART III. SOCIAL LIFE

XIV.    SOCIAL CONDITIONS
XV.     LAWS AND PRECEPTS
XVI.    WARFARE AND WEAPONS
XVII.   MUSIC, MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS AND DANCING
XVIII.  BIRTH CUSTOMS, CHILDHOOD
XIX.    MARRIAGE CUSTOMS
XX.     FUNERAL CUSTOMS

PART IV. RELIGIOUS LIFE

XXI.    RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS
XXII.   SUPERNATURAL AND MYTHICAL BEINGS
XXIII.  PROPITIATORY SACRIFICES AND HEALING OFFERINGS
XXIV.   FEASTS TO THE "BGHA"
XXV.    MOUNT "THAW THI." RELIGIOUS CULTS
XXVI.   MAGIC
XXVII.  DIVINATIONS
XXVIII. TABU

PART V. DEVELOPMENT OF THE KAREN PEOPLE

XXIX.   GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE KAREN
XXX.    PROGRESS OF THE KAREN RACE

APPENDIXES

A. GLOSSARY OF KAREN WORDS
B. BIBLIOGRAPHY

INDEX

[ILLUSTRATIONS

A Sgaw Karen Youth with His Harp (Frontispiece)
A Creek of the Irrawaddy Delta
A Mountain Stream in Burma
A Path through the Bamboo Jungle, Pegua Hills
The Morning Mist in the Toungoo Hills
Karen Hill Men Coming Down to the Plains
Karen Men from the Hills, Tharrawaddy District
Karen Family with Traces of Negrito Blood
Sgaw Karen Young Bloods, Ngape Eh Village, Tharrawaddy Hills
Karen Boys
Playmates: Karen Boys and the Sons of the Author
A Paku Schoolgirl, Toungoo
A Karen Belle
A Bwe Karen Man's Suit
A Karen Bamboo Comb
Women's Garments
Women's Head-dress
Karen Skirts and Bags
A Padaung Couple, the Wife with Neck-rings and Leg-rings
Women's Earrings
A Boar's Tusk Comb
Karen Girls in Burmese Costume
Two Sgaw Karen Maidens
The Gateway of a Village Stockade
Part of a Mountain Karen Village, Tharrawaddy District
Stockade and Gateway of the Village, Re Tho, Tharrawaddy District
Plan of Shataw Village, Tharrawaddy District
A Torch with Its Stand
Plan of a Karen Family-room
A Hill Village in Transition (absent)
Sideview of a Bamboo Karen House, Kaindagyi
Pounding Paddy in a Mortar
The Fireplace in a Hill Karen House
Karen Tobacco Pipes and a Piston for Breaking Betel-nut
Offerings and Traps on the Edge of a Field
A Hillside Plot Cut Ready for Burning
A Paddy-bin for Storing Grain in the Field
Off for the Fields with Baskets and Bags
Plowing a Paddy Field in Lower Burma
Women Transplanting Paddy
Reaping Paddy with Sickles
A Threshing-floor on the Plains
Winnowing Paddy
Fanning Paddy
Sgaw Karen Women Carrying Grain in Large Baskets
Karen Houses on the Plains
Turning the Buffaloes Out to Graze
Setting a Spring trap, Pegu Hills
A Box Trap for Catching Birds
A Large Fish-trap
Climbing the Toddy-palm
Cylindrical Fish-traps
Bottle-shaped Fish-trap
Ginning Cotton in the Pegu Hills
Batting Cotton into Smooth Layers with a Bow
A Karen Girl at a Burmese Loom
The Karen Loom
A Karen Matron Weaving under Her House
Karen Bronze Drum, Nabaain Village, Tharrawaddy District
A "Rubbing" Showing the Pattern of the Head of the Nabaain Drum
Bronze Drum from Kondagyi, Tharrawaddy District
Head of the Kondagyi Drum
Bronze Drum Owned by Rev. A. V. B. Crumb
Head of Mr. Crumb's Drum
Bringing Water for the Visitor, Nabaain Village, Tharrawaddy District
Young Women Bringing in Bamboo Fuel, Tharrawaddy Hills
Plains Women Bathing in the Irrawaddy, in the Lee of the High-sterned Burmese Boat
Carrying Water in Bamboo Joints
Dipping Water from a Shallow Stream
Buffaloes at Their Daily Bath
Karens of Three Generations on the Plains
Karen Girls of the Plains Carrying Water in Earthen Pots
A Sgaw Karen Orchestra, Tharrawaddy Hills
Karen Jew's harps
A Karen Guitar
Playing the "Paw Ku" or Karen Xylophone
An Exhibition Performance on the Xylophone
Musical Score of a Karen "Hta" or Poem
A Child Riding on Its Mother's Hip
The Friends of the Bridegroom
The Bridegroom's Company Entering the Bride's Village
The Wedding Party
Karen Girls of the Plains, Tharrawaddy District
Christian Converts, Ngape Eh Village, Tharrawaddy District
Sgaw Karen Young Women
Arrangement of Pestles for a Funeral Game
Another Arrangement of Pestles for a Funeral Game
A Sketch of a Tree Used in the Funeral Games
Climbing the Cocoanut-palm
A Hill Village in Transition
A Karen Village on the Plains
A Bwe Karen Christian Village, Toungoo District
Karen Girls Pounding Paddy in a Mortar Out-of-doors
A Bwe Karen Prophet
A Hut Erected in a Forest Clearing by a Self-styled Prophet as the
   Center of a New Karen Religious Cult of Short Duration
A Sgaw Karen Grandmother
Karen Villagers, Tharrawaddy District
Utensils for the Sacred "Bgha" Feast of a Pwo Karen Family, Bassein District
Village School-children with Their Teacher
Paku Karen Schoolgirls
Field-day, Tharrawaddy Karen High School
Chicken Bones Used in Divination
A Christian Karen Village School, Tharrawaddy District
Two Karen Christian Pastors
Karen Theological Students
A Christian Village School, Prome District
The Chapel and Schoolhouse of the American Baptist Mission High
  School, Tharrawaddy District
Schoolgirls at Calisthenics, Tharrawaddy Karen High School
Schoolboys Lined up for Drill
A Karen Teacher and Lahu Boys
Rev. Thra Maung Yin, of Bassein
Karen Military Police]


[ Illustration -- A Sgaw Karen Youth with His Harp (Frontispiece) ]
{ In the olden days every youth loved his harp and carried it with him constantly.
On such instrument as these they played the accompaniments to their old epic
"htas," which have been preserved for generations. The boar's tusk comb hangs
down behind this boy's ear. }




CHAPTER I - HABITAT AND TRIBAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE KAREN


The Karen are a group of Indo-Chinese tribes living principally
in Burma, the easternmost province of the British Indian
Empire, in the Indo-Chinese peninsula, and in the adjoining country
of Siam to the east. They are found between the tenth and
twenty-first degrees of north latitude and between the ninety-fourth
and one hundredth degrees of east longitude. The greater
part of this territory they occupy in connection with the other peoples
of the country, namely, the Burmese, Shan, Siamese, and Chin.
The only exclusively Karen country is the hilly region of the Toungoo
district and the Karenni subdivision, where the Karen chiefs
of five states, comprising 4,830 square miles and a population of
42,240 are still in power under the Advisory Council of the British
Government. There is also a Karen chief ruling one of the Shan
States, and five other states in that section are ruled by Taungthu
chiefs. In all these latter districts we find a mixed population.[1-1]

The whole group of Karen tribes can be divided into three divisions,
according to their language or dialect differences. These
are the Sgaw, Pwo, and Bwe groups.

The Sgaw group is the largest and most widely scattered. They
are found all through the Irrawaddy Delta, from the vicinity of
Prome southward, and from the Arracan coast eastward to the
neighborhood of Lakong in Siam and southward to the lowest point
of the British possessions. The Paku and Mawnepgha tribes of the
southern Toungoo Hills belong to this group. One dialect, with
only slight variations, is used through this region.

The Pwo group comprises, besides the Pwo Karen, the Taungthu
tribe, who call themselves the Pao. The Pwo are found along
the seacoast from Arracan to Mergui and are said to be found nowhere
more than fifty miles inland. However, I think that some
of the Pwo villages in the Henzada district may be a little farther
inland than that. The Taungthu are found in a section of country
running northward from Thaton into the Shan States beyond
Taunggyi.

[ Illustration -- A Creek of the Irrawaddy River Delta, Bassein District ]
{ These streams form the highways of this district. }

[ Illustration -- A Mountain Stream in Burma ]
{ The Karen build their villages along these streams of swift-running water. }

The Bwe tribes are found in the vicinity of Toungoo, in the territory
extending from the foothills east of that city throughout the
Karenni subdivision. This is a very mountainous region, and we
find the people broken up into small tribes differing from one
another in dialect, dress, and customs. Nine of these tribes were
enumerated in the last Government census. The tendency of the
present time is to consider these tribes more closely related than
was formerly the case.

In the _Census Report_ of the Government of India for the year
1911 we have the first enumeration of all Karens in the British territory.
In former reports the Karenni territory was not included
in the enumeration. The returns in 1911 showed a population of
1,102,695. This was an increase of 199,334 over the previous count
in 1901, due in part to the increased extent of the territory covered.
The enumeration, however, did not clearly distinguish between
the Pwo and Sgaw branches of the race, due, as the _Report_
says, to the fact that many returned themselves simply as Karens,
without specifying to which branch they belonged. The total number
of Pwos and Sgaws increased from 717,859 souls in 1901 to
872,825 in 1911, a gain of 154,966. This represents a real increase
in population, for these tribes are all in Burma proper. The Pwo
dialect is less persistent than the Sgaw, for more of its members
are using Burmese to a much greater degree than the Sgaws, although
the latter are also giving up their language where they are
living in close contact with the Burmans. The Sgaw dialect is not
"driving out the Pwo" as rumor says, but is merely holding its own
better against the Burmese. Probably there are about half a million
Sgaws in Burma and perhaps another 50,000 in Siam,[1-2] which
would make them the most numerous branch of the race. The
Taungthu were enumerated by themselves and, as has been said
above, belong to the Pwo group. There were 183,054 of them in
1911. During the decade previous to that enumeration they had
made an increase of 14,753 souls. The Pwo group would probably
include together about 350,000 members and would stand
second in point of numbers.[1-3]

The Bwe group is more definitely treated in the _Census Report_,
for in this group each tribe is enumerated separately, as follows:

Karenni.......................19,008
Karennet.......................3,721
Karenbyu.........................790
Zayein.........................4,981
Sinsin...........................533
Bre............................6,911
Mano...........................1,445
Yinbaw...........................911
Padaung............. ..........8,516

Total.........................46,816

These tribes,[1-4] dwelling in the heart of the Karen country where
they have been secure in the fastnesses of their native hills,
have never before been counted with enough exactness to allow
us to estimate their increase in numbers. There is no doubt
that the general impression that they are really increasing
is correct. Further investigation may show that some of these
tribes as, for example, the Zayein, may be allied to non-Karen
stock, such as the Wa of the Shan States.[1-5]

These Bwe tribes form a distinct group, but it is beyond the
purpose of this present work to deal in particular with them,
especially since they have already formed the subject of a study
incorporated in the _Upper Burma Gazetteer_.[1-6]



CHAPTER II
THE ORIGIN OF THE KAREN


The traditions of the Karen clearly indicate that they have not
always lived in their present home. The most striking story is that
of "Htaw Meh Pa," the mythical founder of the Karen race, who
lived with his numerous family in some unknown land to the North,
where their fields were ravaged by a great boar. The patriarch
went out and killed the boar; but when the sons went to bring in
the carcass, they could find only one tusk which had been broken off
in the fray. The old man made a comb made out of this, which surprised
them all by its power of conveying eternal youth to all who used it.
Soon their country became overpopulated, and they set out to seek
a new and better land. They traveled together till they came to a
river called in Karen "Hsi Seh Meh Ywa." Here the old man became
impatient at the long time it took the members of the family
to cook shellfish and went on ahead, promising to blaze his path
that they might follow him through the jungle. After a while the
Chinese came along and told them how to open the shells to get
out the meat; and then, having eaten, they followed the old man,
only to find that the plantain stalks he had cut off had shot up so
high that it seemed impossible to overtake him. They, therefore,
settled down in the vicinity. The patriarch went on, taking with
him the magic comb which has never been discovered to this day.

While this tradition is not confined to the Karen,[2-1] it has a
bearing, I believe, on their origin. A great deal has been written
about the "Hti Seh Meh Ywa" or, as Dr. Mason called it, the "River
of Running Sand,"[2-2] which is, as he thinks, the Gobi Desert.
This opinion of Dr. Mason is derived from Fa Hien's description
of his travels across that desert. However, the Karen name of the
river means not only "flowing sand," but also a "river of
water flowing with sand."[2-3] The reference to the Gobi Desert
seems rather far-fetched and has, therefore, been abandoned by
scholars, Dr. D. C. Gilmore suggests the Salwen as being a river
that fulfils the requirements of the tradition, but bases his conclusions
largely on the reference to the early home of "Htaw Meh Pa"
as located on Mount "Thaw Thi," the Olympus of the Karen, which
is mentioned in Dr. Vinton's version of the story, from which he
quotes.[2-4] This reference is not found in other versions of the story
and was probably not a part of it in its earliest form. It seems reasonable,
therefore, to look further for the sandy river. Dr. Laufer[2-5]
asserts that the early home of the peoples of eastern Asia was in
the upper reaches of the Hoang-ho or Yellow River, of China, and
that from this center the Tibetans migrated westward; the early
tribes of Indo-China, southward; and the Chinese, southeastward.
According to this view, the progenitors of the Karen probably
formed a part of the southward migration and, at some state of
their march, stopped on the banks of the Yellow River which, as its
name suggests, has from time immemorial been freighted with
silt and sand. Here they may have tried to cook the shellfish referred
to in the tradition. From this region they doubtless made
their way down to what is now Yunnan, where perhaps they found
a domicile till they were pushed farther south by migrating people
advancing behind them.

The name "Karen" is an imperfect transliteration of the Burmese
word "Kayin," the derivation of which has puzzled students
of that language. It has been thought that this word is derived from
the name by which the Red Karen call themselves, _i.e.,_ "Ka-Ya."
The designation of the Sgaw for themselves if "Pgha K'Nyaw,"
which has not usually been associated with the native name of the
Red Karen. In August, 1914, it was suggested to me[2-6] that these
tribal names, which have hitherto been thought to mean simply
"men," were related to, and derived from, the name of one of the
four ancient tribes of China, that is, Ch'iang (ancient
pronunciation, Giang or Gyang). This tribe, which is indicated in
Chinese by the ideograph of a man combined with the character
designating a sheep, conveying the meaning of shepherd, occupied
the western part of ancient China. The first part of the name
"Ch," means "people," and the latter part, "Yang," is the distinctive
tribal name. Turning now to the Karen word "Pgha
K'Nyaw." "Pgha" is a general word meaning people. "K'Nyaw"
is, according to my informant, composed of two elements: "K',"
a prefix often found in the names of tribes in the vicinity of Burma
and denoting a tribal group, as "Kachin," "Kethe," or "Karok" (as
used by the Talaing of the Chinese). "Nyaw" is derived from
"Yang," referred to above. The final nasal "ng" is softened in
Karen to the open syllable "aw," following the analogy of many
words occurring in the dialects or in Burmese and having nasal
endings; and "n" and "ny" are interchangeable. Thus, if this
reasoning is correct, "Pgha K'Nyaw" is derived from the ancient
"Yang," and is like the source from which the Burmese "Kayin" is
derived.[2-7] This explanation affords another link connecting the
Karen with the early dwellers within the confines of the present
Chinese Republic.

[ Illustration - A Path through the Bamboo Jungle, Pegua Hills ]

[ Illustration -- The Morning Mist in the Toungoo Hills ]
{ The mists settle in the valleys, which make the mountain-tops look like
islands in an inland sea. }

The language of the Karen, after being classed in various
ways, has now been recognized as a Sinitic language and, according
to the last Burma _Census_ (1911) is set down as belonging
to the "Siamese-Chinese" sub-family of the Tibeto-Chinese languages,
being grouped with the Tai or Shan. I feel sure that this
last grouping is subject to revision by the philologists. While at
first glance the relationship of these languages appears to be
remote, Major H. R. Davies makes a very pertinent statement when
he says: "Doubtless owing to phonetic change and the splitting of
initial double consonants, many words have been altered beyond all
hope of recognition, but a systematic study of the subject would, I
believe, reveal many unsuspected resemblances."[2-8]

When we consider that many of these languages have never
been fixed by written characters and that, within the past few decades,
the Karen language has so changed that the bard literature
of a century ago is almost unintelligible to the present generation,
we can see how complicated the problem is and that it is only capable
of solution, if at all, at the hands of experts.

The Karen language, as we now have it, is a monosyllabic
agglutinated speech, with no final consonants in Sgaw Karen and with
nasals and finals in other dialects. These are all marks of Sinitic
speech. Dr. D. C. Gilmore believes that the Pwo dialect branched
off from the parent stem earlier than the Sgaw, but kept the
original nasals and, being in closer contact with outside races,
adopted more outside words. [2-9] the Sgaw has dropped the final
nasals, because they were more difficult to pronounce, but has kept
the original form of the language to a greater extent than the Pwo.

The fact that the Karen have used bronze drums for many
generations has, I think, a bearing on their racial relationship.
These remarkable drums have only recently been studied by Western
scholars, and their full significance is still a matter for investigation.
These drums were formerly thought to be of Chinese origin,
but it seems that they are to be attributed to aboriginal tribes,
found in what is now Tong King and Yunnan by the Chinese general,
Ma Yuon (41, A.D.) and Chu-Ko Liang (230, A.D.), who
conquered these territories for the Chinese.[2-10]

The upper portion of Camboja is now considered to be the
original home of these drums. They formed part of the possessions
of the chiefs and were considered very precious, each being worth
from eight to ten oxen. Chu-ko Liang is reported to have exacted
sixty-three bronze drums as tribute from the barbarians and to
have taken them back with him. Among the peoples of Burma the
Karen seem to be the only race that has made use of these drums.
They do not manufacture them, but buy them from the more industrious
Shans, who do not appear to set much store by them.[2-11]
Among the Karen, until recent times, the owner of one of these
instruments was considered of more worth than a man who had
seven elephants. A drum often formed the ransom of a village or
the dowry of a maiden. Although so valued a possession often
belongs to a chief, it may belong to any one who can purchase it.

It may have been from the Karen that the Chinese generals
exacted part or all of their tribute. If so, this people was living in
the mountains of Yunnan at the beginning of the Christian era.
It is a belief of the Karen that their forefathers have cherished these
drums for time immemorial. One drum in Toungoo district is, I
have been told, supposed to be a thousand years old. Our knowledge
of them is, however, too meager to permit any dogmatic statements
on the subject. Further investigation should throw more light upon it.

The religious traditions of the Karen have also been thought
to possess significance in regard to their racial origin. When, in
1827, the early missionaries first discovered the Karen, they were
surprised to find that these people professed having received from
their forefathers monotheistic traditions in which the story of the
creation was almost parallel to the Mosaic account in Genesis.
The question, "Whence this story?" at once suggested
itself. Was it their independent possession from the beginning of
time, their only relic from a more vigorous and highly civilized
past when, as they explained, they had not yet lost their book?[2-12]
Or had it been borrowed from another people, whom they had met
in the course of their wanderings from their northern birthplace
to their present home? Some of the early missionaries, including
Dr. Mason, thought that the Karen might be found to be the lost
tribes of Israel[2-13] or, if not actually descended from Abraham, that
they had received instruction from colonies of Jews, who were
supposed to have spread to the East in ancient times.

It has also been suggested that Christian missionaries, traveling
to the Orient during the early centuries of our era, transmitted this
creation story to the Karen. On this point the comment of Dr. Laufer
is pertinent.[2-14] He says: "The 'River of running sand' in the
traditions of the Karen is not necessarily to be interpreted as the
Desert of Gobi; at least it is not convincing. Still less is it conceivable
that their legends should suggest an acquaintance with the
Jewish colonies in China, or even with the Nestorian tablet at
Sin-gan-fu. The small number of Jewish immigrants into China,
who were chiefly settled at K'ai-fong in Ho-nan, have never been
able to exert the slightest influence on their surroundings, but, on
the contrary, have been so completely sinsized that they are now
almost extinct. Nestorianism left no trace on the thought of Chinese
society. The inscription in question is written in such an exalted
and highly literary style that it is quite unintelligible to the
people and its technical terminology is a complete mystery to the
present scholars of China. No popular influence can be attributed
to such a monument." It appears that the number and antiquity of
early Jewish immigrants into China have been much overestimated
by many writers, so that, if present scholarship is correct, this
source from which the Karen could have obtained their tradition has
practically been eliminated.[2-15]

Though there seems to be little ground left for connecting the
Karen story of the creation with either the Jewish or Nestorian
colonies of China, there are one or two points that might be borne
in mind in regard thereto. The story is universally known among
the Karen tribes and most fully among the Red Karen, who have
been least affected by outside influences in recent times. It contains
no reference to the life or teachings of Christ or to any real
Messianic hope, but suggests only _Old Testament material_, such as
the creation, fall, flood, and tower of Babel, besides containing
the Red Karen genealogy. Hence, it would seem that we can hardly
attribute the story to the Portuguese missionaries, who were not in
Burma until the sixteenth century or later. It would rather point
to an earlier Jewish source, from which the story came back in the
days when the tribes were less divided than they were later. For if
Christian teachers had taught the Karen, would they not have made
a deeper impression with their story of salvation than with the less
significant one of creation?

Some writers have asserted that the original religion of China
was a sort of monotheism, in which one god, the Emperor of
Heaven, was somewhat akin to the Jehovah of the Hebrews,
thought not worshipped to the exclusion of all other deities. There
is a bare possibility that the Karen tradition might have some relation
to such an ancient belief.[2-16]

However, the story of the creation among these people has
such a marked parallelism with the Hebrew story that, even though
its origin has not been traced, we find it difficult to avoid the suspicion
that it came from an Hebraic source, being carried by some
wandering story-teller or unknown missionary only to become incorporated
into the tribal belief of the Karen, along with their own
primitive mythology.

The hilly province of Yunnan in southern China with
its great mixture of races, answers the description of an ancient
reservoir of fugitives and migrating groups from both India and
China. In the marauding expeditions and massacres taking place
among the contending elements in such a "melting pot," the Oriental
conquerors showed mercy only to the women along the foe and
made wives of them. On the assumption or theory that the Karen
spent a part of their migratory period in Yunnan, they may have
preserved a greater degree of racial purity by their practice of
strict endogamy and their custom of retreating to mountain fastnesses."[2-17]

From Yunnan the route that was probably followed by the
Karen was by way of the Mekong or Salwen into the upper part
of what is now the Shan States. Thence they spread southward
over what is now Karenni and then on to Lower Burma and
Tenasserim.[2-18]

We are unable to determine when these migrations took placed,
or when the Karen entered Burma. If it could be shown that the
ancestors of the Karen were among those from whom the drum
tribute was exacted by the Chinese generals, we should know that
they were dwellers in Yunnan at the beginning of the Christian era.

Dr. Mason notes a tradition that a Karen chief went to the site
of Laboung, intending to bring his people to settle there, but that
when the returned with his followers the Shan had already occupied
the location. The founding of Laboung has been fixed at 574 A.D.
This comes the nearest to being a definite landmark in the southward
migration of the Karen people. The vicinity of Laboung was
probably the stopping-place on their long journey.[2-19]

Mr. J. O'Riley, one of the earliest English officers to travel in
the Karenni, writes that he found traditions indicating that the
country around Pagan was one of the early homes of the Karen
and that they were driven southwest from there, while the Chinese
who were with them were driven back to their own country, and the
Kollahs (foreigners), northward. The Karen then appear to have
gone to the Shan country, Hyoung Yuay, and thence to have been
driven to the Myobyay province. Here, according to tradition, they
were again attacked and, having in time greatly increased in numbers,
they turned against the Shan, expelled them, and occupied
the present Red Karen country.[2-26]

[ Illustration -- Karen Hill Men Coming Down to the Plains ]

The fact that the Karen are found farther south than the Shan
also argues that they migrated earlier and were perhaps pushed
on by the latter, who in turn may have given way before a more
powerful force at their heels. O'Riley learned of a tradition of the
Red Karen which suggested that they have lived ten generations in
their present home.[2-21] This would limit their sojourn here to a
period of less than three hundred years. This is doubtless much
too low an estimate, unless it refers to the time of their domicile
in the particular district now occupied.

In so far as we may venture a conclusion, it is that the Karen
migrated into Burma, coming from the ancient home of the early
tribes, inhabiting the country of China, with whom they are
related by tribal, linguistic, and possibly religious ties, the full
significance of which are yet to be determined.

NOTE.
Various Theories of the Origin and Tribal Relationship of
the Karen. -- From the middle of the nineteenth century
many theories regarding the origin and racial affinity of
the Karen have been propounded by writers on Burma.
J. R. Logan, writing in 1850 in the _Journal of the Indian
Archipelago_ (Vol. IV, p.478) connects this people wit
the tribes in the highlands of the Kolan and Irrawaddy and
in the lower bend of the Brahmaputra. Writing again in the
same _Journal_ in 1858 (New Series, Vol. II, p.387)
Logan maintains that the Karen Language is a dialect of
the Irrawaddy-Brahmaputran dialect, affected by Chinese
influence as it came south. Professor De Lacouperie
in his introduction to Colquhoun's _Amongst the Shans_
(pp. xxxviii, ff.) argues that the Karen are descended from
the ancient Tek or Tok tribes of central Asia. Early
missionaries and other writers, including Denniker
(_Races of Man_, pp. 395) believed that the Kachin
and Chin formed a branch of the Karen race. _The
Archaeological Survey_ of Burma has linked the Karen
both with the ancient Kanran, one of the three primitive
tribes mentioned in Burmese annals, and with the Miao
and Yao of Yunnan (_Report_ of 1916). But the Kanran
were driven southwestward from the region around
Prome and seem to have disappeared from history.
(Phayre, _History of Burma_, pp. 5-19.) The linguistic
differences between the Miao, Yao and Karen have led to
the abandonment of the idea that they are closely related.
In fact, all of these views have been given up, because
they were based on an inadequate knowledge of the tribes
concerned.

Dr. Mason, in the _Journal, Asiatic Soc. Of Bengal_
(Vol. XXXVII, p. 162, 1868) says that the first historical
notice of the Karen is in Marco Polo's travels in the 13th
Century. He quotes Malte Brun on the basis of Marco Polo's
travels, as follows: "This country of Caride is the southeastern
point of Tibet, and perhaps the country of the nation of the
Cariaines; which is spread over Ava.' This statement is
confirmed by old Bghai poetry in which we find incidentally
mentioned the town of Bhamo to which they formerly were
in the habit of going to buy axes and bills or cleavers, as they
do now at Toungoo. When this poetry was composed they
live five hundred miles north of their present locality." These
geographical allusions seem so vague that it appears to be
impossible to build much of a theory upon them. Perhaps the
lines referring to Bhamo may refer to a trading expedition
and not to a line of migration. And the statement of Malte Brun is
only conjecture at the most.

In their excellent work on _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_,
Hose and McDougall say that "of all the tribes of the
southwestern corner of the continent, the one which seems
to us most closely akin to the Kayans [of Borneo] is that
which comprises the several tribes of the Karen." (Vol. II,
p. 235).

The similarity in culture and physical characteristics of the
Kayan and Karen with some of the tribes of the Philippine
Islands, e.g., the Davao and Tinguian tribes, or between
the Karen and certain of the Malays, is strong. The
similarity of the name "Kayan" with that by which the Karen
are known to the Burman is also striking; but it seems fairly
clear that if this accidental similarity of name did not exist, the
Kayans would not have been considered closer than the
Dyaks in kinship to the Karen. Dr. J. H. Vinton, who has
had a life-long acquaintance with the Karen, thinks that
they are resembled more by the Dyaks than by the Kayans.
He expressed this view after a recent tour through Borneo.
These similarities suggest that most of these tribes are not
far removed from one another, and that they all belong to
the Indo-Chinese stock, which, in turn, resembles the
South China type, due no doubt to a common ancestry
in the remote past.

[ Illustration -- Karen Men from the Hills, Tharrawaddy District ]
{ The second man from the left is a village chief or headman. The fourth
is a plainsman, who is the teacher in Pankabin Village. }



CHAPTER III
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS


The Karen are of medium height. On the plains they average
about five feet, four inches, in stature, and in the hills they are about
three inches shorter. The women are smaller than the men.[3-1] The
hill people have the harder struggle for a livelihood and are also
more liable to attacks of malaria. The Brecs show evidence signs of
stunted growth. On the plains and in the more fertile lower hills
we find that the Karen are a stocky race with broad, well-built
bodies, strong legs, and well-rounded calves. The legs are often
short in proportion to the body. Karen players on a football team
are usually noticeable for their sturdy appearance, in contrast with
the slimmer Burman boys. They are capable of considerable physical
exertion, but soon tire. The women are well formed and buxom.
They have an erect carriage, being used to bearing heavy burden,
on their heads or backs. Their teeth, like the men's, are stained
with continual betel chewing. In the hills their lack of bathing and
their accumulations of beads and charms detract from their
appearance; but when they have taken on more cleanly ways they become
not unattractive. Their youth is cut short by heavy work in
the field, constant childbearing, and nursing, and soon the signs of
age appear.

The color of the Karen varies all the way from a light
olive complexion to a dark coffee brown. On the whole, their color could
be said to range between that of the Burmans and the Chinese.
Those who work indoors are, of course, lighter than those who
work in the open. Many skins have a distinctly yellowish or reddish tinge.
Infants are often almost as white as European children.
Red cheeks are not infrequently found in the Toungoo hills.[3-2]

[ Illustration -- Karen Family with Traces of Negrito Blood (Profile View & Front View) ]
{ The rest of the villagers, to whom the family is related by the usual
web of intermarriages, acknowledge the difference of feature, but are
at loss to account for it. }

Though we often find considerable individuality in the facial
features of the Karen, they conform more or less to type, which
consists of the broad flat face of the Mongolian races with high
cheek-bones and widely set eyes. The eyes have narrow palpebral
openings, sometimes slanted, and the characteristic fold at the
nasal end. The nose is broad and flat without much of a bridge.
The plane of the nostrils is tilted upward, so that the septum and
nostrils are quite noticeable. The mouth is usually well shaped, but
a few individuals have thick lisp and a heavy Negroid mouth. The
teeth are quite regular and, when not stained with betel, are white
and shining.

In the Pegu Hills, in the village of Ngepe, I found a family that
had decidedly negroid features. The contrast
with the rest of the villagers was marked. Although I could get no
hint of a different ancestry in the case of the exceptional family
from that of the rest of the people, it was obvious that an admixture
of Negrito blood must have taken place somewhere.

The hair of the Karen is generally black, straight, and coarse.
Once in a while away hair is found, and in rare cases, it seems to
be almost as kinky as that of the African. Wavy hair is not admired,
but, on the contrary, is much disliked. The Karen have an
abundance of hair on the scalp. It often reaches to the waist, and
I have noticed a few instances in which it reached to the ground.
In the early days the custom was for both sexes to wear the hair
long, but now the men usually wear theirs short.

The men have scant beards which are seldom allowed to grow,
being pulled out with tweezers. The mustache is prized and is
coaxed to become as luxuriant as possible. In the few cases where
the beard is allowed to grow, it resembles the beards of Chinese
men. However, I know a Karen teacher in Bassein who has a beard
that would please any inhabitant of Russia. A mole with a few
hairs growing from it is greatly treasured, the hairs being allowed
to grow as long as they will. Hair on the body and chest of the
men is rare. I can recall only one man who had a hairy chest.
There is nothing unusual about the eyebrows.

The Karen seem to be susceptible to all the diseases prevalent
in the country. Children are seen more often than not with distended
bowels, due to worms. Enlarged spleen is the rule in the
hills, where malaria is so prevalent. A number of cases in which a
low vitality has caused ulcers to break out and involve the entire
system have come under my notice. Epidemics of measles are
much feared, due to complications induced by bathing soon after the
rash has disappeared, the bathing being thought necessary. Smallpox
does not cause much apprehension. The bubonic plague has
never claimed many Karen victims, but the influenza was terribly
fatal during the cool season of 1918-19. Tuberculosis is one of the
many diseases from the West that is claimed its victims among the
Karen people. Though their open-air life safeguards them somewhat,
their fear of demons causes them to cover their heads at
night, and they breathe only through their blankets. Those who
lived in the better built houses on the plains also deprive themselves
of fresh air by retiring into the close inner room of their homes in
order to avoid the smell of cooking, which they fear. Such
superstitious practices furnish ideal breeding-places for germs. The
unbalanced diet of the Karen also restricts their disease-resisting
powers. One hopes that, with improved ideas on sanitation and
hygiene, the people of this race will not only be relieved from the
present high rate of infant mortality, but also that those surviving
may attain greater longevity.

The presence of certain birth-marks on the children of Mongolian
parents has been thought by some scientists to be an important
criterion for distinguishing members of that race.[3-3] The Karen infants
certainly have these blue patches on the back and buttocks.
Sometimes they are so indistinct as to be hardly noticeable,
and again they are clear and bright. They are irregular in shape
and size. My observations confirm the accuracy of the census
returns, namely, that about seven out of ten children have these marks
at birth. They usually disappear by the time a child is a year old.
The Karen explanation for them is that they are the stains of leaves,
on which the spirits of the children sat or laid down to rest in the
course of their long and wearisome journey from their former
abode. These marks are thought to show that the children having
them will be strong, and mothers are glad to see them on their offspring.
Perhaps they reason that if the baby spirit was able to
stand the long journey necessary to come to the birth, it will
endure the longer journey of this human existence.

[ Illustration -- Sgaw Karen Young Bloods, Ngape Eh Village, Tharrawaddy Hills ]
{ Like most mountain people, the Karen are stocky race. }

I have noticed a few cases of homosexuals among the Karen,
thought they do not seem to be as common as among the Burmese.
These individuals, who assume more or less the dress and customs
of the opposite sexes, have been known to contract unions with others
of the same sex, and live as husband and wife. The cases I found
have all been on the plains.



CHAPTER IV
MENTAL AND MORAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE KAREN


The Karen draws the blinds over the windows of his heart and
leaves one to wonder what goes on within. I once asked an educated
Karen what he thought was the chief characteristic of his race, and
he immediately replied that they are a people who can be afraid.
Centuries of subjugation and oppression have filled them with fear.
During the protracted period of their tribulations, to be caught
by a Burman was to be stripped of everything, even of one's clothing,
and to be beaten into the bargain. Where only a few families
lived on the plains, the women with child dared not undergo confinement
in their houses, lest they could not escape from a sudden
attack by their oppressors. Karen cartmen still drive around
a village rather than through it, although they know there is little
danger of having dogs set on them, as there used to be. Not only
does the Karen fear his fellow-men, but he is also terrified by the
strange and weird beings, demons and ghosts, with which his imagination
and credulity people the world. Should he, even by chance,
offend any of these -- and it is easily done he thinks -- he must live
in dread of their vengeance. His religion is one of fear, precaution,
and propitiatory sacrifice. The trepidations of the past have been
perpetuated through generations and, though education has shifted
them in a measure, they still crop out on occasion even in the most
advanced members of the race.

The Karen is led into all sorts of difficulties by his timidity.
He is apprehensive and desirous of avoiding trouble with officers
or others. When brought into court to answer questions, often this
fear will lead him to deny any knowledge of the facts, instead of
relating what he has seen; or he may acknowledge the opposite of
what he want to prove. Not long ago I heard of a man who had
what seemed to be a good case, but on the witness-stand he swore
to the opposite of what he had told previously. When asked why
he did so, he replied that he was so scared that he did not know what
he was saying. In thus yielding to his timidity the Karen often
involves himself in serious difficulty, for his mistakes are easily
detected.

Shyness, caution, and concealment are fruits of this trait of
fear. I have often heard a veteran school-teacher remark that the
Karen never puts his best foot foremost. In the past it was not
safe for him to do so. Concealment was one of his natural means
of protection. To show signs of prosperity or admit having possessions
was only tempting his more powerful neighbors to come and
dispossess him. I know of recent instances of persecution of one sort
or another being visited upon certain Karen villages on account
of their prosperous condition. In the days of the Ancient Regime
the French peasantry stimulated poverty, in order to protect their
property from the tax-collector. The Karen has been preyed upon
in various ways in earlier and later times, and in his fear
and helplessness he has resorted to the method of the European peasant.
Shyness and caution are marked traits of the Karen women even
more than of the men. Indeed, I have seen all the inhabitants
of a village run to the jungle when I came in sight. A group of
girls out gathering firewood dropped their faggots and disappeared
as fast as possible at the approach of my party along the path. In
their attempts to hide their shyness, schoolgirls often succeed in
attracting the attention they are trying to avoid.

A leading authority on Burma has said that the Karen are
"absolutely devoid of humor."[4-1] Having had years of experience as
a missionary among these people, I may be allowed to differ from
the opinion just quoted. The authority referred to was a high Government
official, and I am quite sure that no Karen would be so
self-forgetful as to risk offending the dignity of such a personage.
One who has entered into intimate association with these people,
has been entertained in their houses, and has sat beside their fireplaces
will testify to their love of fun and their jolly laughter. For
myself I ask for no lighter-hearted companions than those with
whom I have traveled over the plains and hills, and whom I have
met in distant villages. They are keen enough to see the humor in
some of their folklore tales, in embarrassing situations, and in the
little mishaps of daily life, and to laugh heartily when these are
told. They are also capable of enjoying practical joke. This is
illustrated by the instance of a young man who by mistake shot
a vulture, as it flew up out of the bushes, and decided to serve the
breast of the great bird, cooked with curry well spiced, to some of
his chums. The flesh of the creature proved to be both tough and
strong, and when one of the guests left the group to wash out his
mouth, the host beat a hasty retreat. The other villagers, who
promptly heard of the unpalatable feast, amused themselves by
asking the guests how they enjoyed it.

[ Illustration -- KAREN BOYS ]
{ Most of the crowd that gathered to watch the foreigner have already fled.
Only a few brave boys remain to face the camera. }

[ Illustration -- Playmates: Karen Boys and the Sons of the Author ]
{ Notice the unusually curly hair of one of the Karen boys, all of whom
are brothers, children of a Bassein man and a Toungoo woman. }

The Karen are accustomed to say of themselves that "they put
a thing in the heart." They mean by this that they hold their peace,
but do not forget slights, grudges, disagreeable request, and the
like. If a Karen is asked to do something he does not want to do,
he may reply with a grunt suggesting an assent, but does not comply
with the request and fails to put in an appearance again soon.
He does not refuse at the time, fearing to cause trouble. In the
same way a slight or an insult is "put in the heart" without retort
or demonstration of anger. He dissimulates and waits for his revenge.
Before the British established orderly government in the
country, many a raid was executed to pay off a grudge or an insult
cherished in the heart. For the man of little or no influence in his
village there was a secret method of vengeance, namely, by resorting
to magic or to poison. It was the fear of this vengeful trait in the
Karen that for years prevented the Burman subordinate officials
from crossing Thaukgeyat Creek into the Toungoo Hills.

The repudiation of a friend is not unknown among the Karen,
but such conduct is rare. In general, they are cautious in entering
into friendships, but, having done so, are faithful and sincere to
those whose confidence they accept in exchange for ther own.
Blood-brotherhood is a recognized institution among them, having
been much more prevalent in the past than at present; and the bond
signified by it in most of the Karen tribes was stronger than the
ties of family. Westerners make friends more quickly than the
Karen, but Western haste and impatience are not winsome qualities
to the latter.

It has been said that the Karens are stubborn. They do not
reach quick decisions in regard to matters novel to them and can
not be forced to do so. But if given time to consider after a full
explanation, they are pretty sure to return later and offer
their reasons for not consenting to the proposition; and if allowed
to talk the matter out, their objections being answered and time
given for their consideration, they will most likely be persuaded.
When thus convinced, their loyal cooperation may generally be
depended on. I have known not a few Government officials who, by
such methods, have won the confidence and earnest support of the
people with whom they were dealing. It is unfortunate, however,
that the number of such officers is not larger. While the Karen have
not always been treated with proper consideration and have some
times failed to understand the aims and methods of the British
Government, they are deeply attached to it.

It is true that the Karen are not as quick-witted as some of the
other races of the Orient. Nevertheless, they are in some respects
out-distancing their more facile neighbors. They excel in the routine
of their daily tasks. This is observable in the schools, where
the Karen boys usually take the lead in the daily recitations, but
make a poorer showing in the written and oral examinations. Several
Government officers have spoken in high terms of their Karen
clerks, commending their faithfulness and honesty. Not infrequently
it happens that such a faithful worker finds that some
astute associate has gained the credit and reward that should have
been his. The Karen are not blind to disappointments of this sort,
as the following fable shows: A man, about to leave home, ordered
his pig and dog to prepare a plot of ground for planting as a garden.
The pig was industrious and rooted until he had all but finished
turning over the plot, while the dog spent his time lying under
a tree. Late in the afternoon, before the master's return, the dog
jumped up and scratched about here and there in the soft earth.
When he heard his master coming, he ran barking down the path to
meet him, and told him that the pig had been working about a short
time, while he had been digging all day. The faithful pig, meanwhile,
was so busy rooting in the farthest corner of the lot, trying
to finish before his owner's return, that he knew nothing of
what was going on. The credulous man believed the dog's deceitful
words, killed the pig, and only discovered his mistake when it was
too late. This fable is epitomized in the proverb. "The dog
scratches in the pig's place." For many a Karen this i all too true.

Early writers speak of the peaceableness, honesty, and goodness
of the Karen.[4-2] There are, of course, in every nation those who
believe any statement concerning the people as a whole. However, I
have no hesitation in saying that deceit and trickery are not common
among the Karen. I have been told by peddlers and other, who
often have to carry valuable goods and money into the jungle, that
they prefer to spend their nights in Karen villages and do so whenever
possible. In the Karen hills the paddy-bins, in which is stored
the year's supply of rice, are situated far away from the village
along the jungle paths. It is almost unknown for grain to be stolen
from them. Among some of the tribes east of Toungoo stealing
was punished, until recently, by death. Dr. Mason says that he has
never found a Karen who would not lie, if it was to his advantage
to do so. This does not agree with my experience.

In various respects, certainly, Karen conduct differs from European
conduct. To expect the same standards would be unreasonable.
Any fair estimate of the Karen, as of any other primitive
people, must taken into account the fact that morality with them is
group conduct. The behavior of the individual must be regarded
in the light of the life and customs of the group to which he belongs.
If the actions of the people., considered thus in relation to
their own social status, appear capable of betterment, efforts
should be put forth to lead the primitive folk to the higher level.

The Karen possess intellectual capacity commensurate with
that of other races of Burma. Being subject people in the country,
their ancestors were precluded from independent thought and action
in essential matters. With the advent of education a sufficient
number of the young men and women, though the proportion of the
later is small, has taken collegiate course with credit to show
that they are not inferior to others. The same may be said of many
who have won success in practical lines of work. I could name
several Karen occupying positions of responsibility that require high
mental attainments, who are demonstrating that they are not lacking
therein.

The old practice of village communities in exiling widows and
orphans to the jungle, and the occasional abandonment of little
children by their parents who were attempting to escape from
raiders are, happily, things of the past. Fear, the instinct of self-preservation, and
superstition serve to explain such phenomena,
which must not be taken as indicating that the Karen are lacking
in love for children or in humane sentiments. Nowadays orphans
find a home without difficulty; widows and aged persons are cared
for; parents enjoy their firesides and manifest love for their offspring,
with whom they are, in fact, too indulgent, even to their
hurt; and young men and women are not above giving tender care
to some little niece or nephew.

[ Illustration -- A Paku Schoolgirl, Toungoo ]

The Karen have been addicted to the use of liquor. Their
feasts and religious observances have been occasions for drinking.
It is reported that the Brecs are accustomed to store their grain in
two bins, one (often the larger one) for that of which liquor is to
be made, and other for that which is to be used as food. On the
plains I have not found the Karen greater drinkers than their
neighbors. With the decay of the old rites and the spread of Christianity
the evil seems to be on the decline. Among the members
of the Baptist churches, however it may be in the other denominations,
total abstinence is enjoined.

The Karen are lovers of music. In the early days they accompanied
the chanting of their poems on their primitive harps and
other instruments. The people of the Pegu Yomas, Tenasserim, in
the delta of the Irrawaddy, have interesting tunes, which have been
in use from the olden times. In other district they have contented
themselves with the rythm of chanting and moaning, melodies being
conspicuous by their absence. The Maw Lay and other religious
sects have had their own songs, which may be said to correspond
to Christian hymns. With the introduction of Christianity came
the music of the Western hymn-book and to this the Karen have
taken with their whole hearts. They love to sing and do not grow
weary of it, however late the hour. Occidental music has taken
such a hold on those who have become Christians that they have almost
entirely given up their native music. A few hymns are sometimes
sung to adaptations of their old tunes; but they prefer the
Western melodies, and few of the young people know any other.
They learn the new tunes readily and are able to sing glees and
anthems by ear after a moderate amount of practice. Their voices
are much softer than those of the Burmese and blend well in
choruses. Some of the young women have very sweet voices, which
seldom become harsh and rasping. While traveling in the hill country
I was delighted one evening with the sweet voice of a young
woman, which came floating up from the stream where she was
drawing water. She was singing an old "hta" or poem, while I
listened unobserved behind a clump of bamboos. No sooner did I
step into the open than she ceased, and I could not persuade her to
continue the song.

One discovers but few indications of a love of beauty among
the Karen. They make little attempt to ornament their houses or
their implements, so that the evidence of their possessing a sense
of color and design is practically limited to the woven patterns of
some of their garments. They have only a scant vocabulary for
colors. I have seldom heard them remark on the beauty of a sunset
or the glories of a sunrise. Sometimes they have called attention
to a pleasing landscape, but I have wondered whether they were
not doing so because they knew of my pleasure in such scenes.

The Karen is a plebeian. His manner at home are crude, although
he is not without a certain personal dignity. His shyness
in the presence of strangers, especially of those whom he
fears, causes him embarrassment. Under such circumstances he
often impresses one as being impolite. He is not servile. It has
never been his custom to "shiko".[4-3] The greatest chief is a comrade
among his men, who do not yield their self-respect in his presence.
Nevertheless, the inherent timidity of the race shows itself in the
avoidance of making a request in person. A request may expose
the one making it to the chagrin of a refusal and the one addressed
to the unpleasant necessity of giving an adverse answer. The Karen,
therefore, gets a friend to act as his intermediary. Even a boy who
wants to buy a book will have his classmate get it for him.

Amiability is another marked trait of the Karen, both of the
educated and the uneducated, rendering them acceptable in many
kinds of service. Young Karen women are in demand as nursemaids
all over Burma, and not a few have gone temporarily to
England and America in that capacity. They are kind, patient, and
faithful in their care of the children entrusted to their care.

The remarkable chastity of the Karen is also worthy of notice.
It has, however, been mentioned in several places in this work
and perhaps need not be discussed further in this connection, except
to say that the fear of the evil consequences of violating at the laws
of the elders has kept them free from any unhealthy customs
that are found in many parts of the world.[4-4]



CHAPTER V
LANGUAGE


In Chapter I, I referred briefly to the relationship of the Karen
dialects to the other languages of Burma and noted the bearing of
that subject upon the question of the origin of the people. I
adopted the grouping suggested in the last Burma _Census_ (that
of 1911), where those dialects are described as forming a Sinitic or
Karen group of the Siamese-Chinese sub-family of the Tibeto-
Chinese languages. This group comprises three principal branches,
namely, the Sgaw, the Pwo (including the Taungthu), and the
Bwe, which embraces several minor dialects in the Toungoo and
Red Karen country. Some of these latter forms of speech have
been very little studied. A few books have been published in Bwe,
but at present are superseded by publications in the Sgaw, the 
Sgaw language was reduced to writing by Dr. Jonathan Wade in
1832, the Burmese alphabet being used in denoting most of the
sounds, while certain symbols were employed for such letters as
had no equivalent in Burmese. In this way a perfect phonetic alphabet
was created.

It may not be out of placed in this connection to point out a
few of the marked characteristics of the Karen language. The
order of words in the sentence is that of the English, as well as of
the Chinese and Tai, namely, subject, predicate, and object. The
language is monosyllabic, except in a few instances, some of which
are more apparent than real. Each root may be used in any form
of speech, that is, as noun, adjective, verb, or adverb, by the 
addition of the proper particle or in combination with other roots.
Each syllable has a signification of its own and a grammatical relation
to one or more of the other syllables in every compound part of
speech.

Dr. Wade calls attention to the fact that the Karen often use
words in pairs, verbs being paired sometimes merely for the sake
of euphony, though generally to give fullness and force to the idea
intended. Such pairing of words, whether nouns, verbs, or other
parts of speech, invest the Karen language, Dr. Wade thinks, with
"a beauty and force of expression unsurpassed perhaps in any
other language in the world." These paired words, which are called
by the Karen 'father and mother words," may be parsed separately
or together according to their position in the sentence. They may
consist of two roots having similar meanings, or of a well-known
root together with one which by itself has no meaning now commonly
understood. Misapprehension is often avoided by the use of
paired words. For example, "ni" (with the circumflex tone) means
years, and the same syllable (with the long tone) means day. When
this monosyllable is carefully pronounced, one does not always
catch the difference; but "ni-thaw' unmistakably denotes day, because
"thaw" is another designation for this period of time; and
"ni-la" cleriy signifies year, the latter syllable meaning literally
month. Such compound words may have compound modifiers which,
when used with discrimination, give a pleasing finish to the speech.

The Sgaw dialect has six different tones and the Pwo an equal
number. The other dialect have various numbers, but not so many 
and difficult as the tones of the Chinese language.

The Sgaw alphabet consists of twenty-five consonants and ten
vowels. One character appears both as a guttural and a consonant.
There are no closed syllables in this dialect. The Pwo dialect has
three nasal endings which, Dr. Gilmore thinks, are a remnant of the
original speech. Evidence in support of this view is supplied by a
comparison of the meanings of the single word "hpaw" in Sgaw
Karen with the nasal forms expressing the same meanings in Pwo.
In the former dialect "hpaw" means one of three things, namely
cook, flower, or granary, while in the latter these meaning 
require the use of three nasal forms as follows; "hpawn, "hpaw,"
and "hpan." Other roots from the two dialects show a difference
of this sort, indicating that the Sgaw has dropped its original
nasals.[5-1]

There is no proper relative pronounce in Sgaw. The particle
"leu" serves in this capacity, as well as doing duty as quotation
marks, a preposition, and a part of every compound prepositions,
this last form of speech being one of the characteristics of the
language. The reflexive use of the pronoun is a notable idiom in the
Sgaw. The demonstrative supplies the place of the definite article.
A numerical affix or adjective is employed with every numeral.
Each of these affixes is supposed to denote the leading characteristic
of the noun to which it refers. Its use is similar to our saying in
English "cattle, five head," or "bread, four loaves."

The verb is almost always considered transitive and, if there
should be no word that could properly stand as its object, the nominal
pronoun "ta" is added to supply it. The verb "to be" takes the
objective case. The double negative is used with the verb after the
manner of the French and Burmese idiom, "t'--ba" corresponding
to the Burmese "m--bu."

The Karen numerals are based on the decimal system not only
from one to ten, but also upwards by tens and hundreds to tens of
millions. There is, however, a marked peculiarity in the Bwe
method of counting from six to nine, six being three couples; seven,
three couples-one; eight, four couples, and nine, four couples-one.

The Pwo dialect does not differ materially from the Sgaw in
structure, or greatly in vocabulary, as shown by a comparison of
the two by Dr. Wade, which indicates that thirteen-fourteenths of
the words of the Sgaw and Pwo are from the same roots. For one
familiar only with the Sgaw dialect there is difficulty in immediately
understanding the Pwo, because the nasals affect the pronunciation
of the latter. The Bwe and other Toungoo dialects seem
to have nasals and wide variations in tones. They also possess letters
that are lacking in the Sgaw, such as g, j, z, and a peculiar dj
that is impossible to represent in English letters. The Mopgha
have the letter f, which they pronounce highly aspirated.[5-2] The
Sgaw have no g, j, v, or z. They have both the aspirated and
unaspirated, k, t, and p. Besides these consonants, they have gutturals
and combined consonants to which there are no parallels in Western
speech.[5-3]

Although in the early days the Karen had no written language,
it is not to be inferred that they were without a literature. On the
contrary, a large quantity of bard literature was handed down
orally from generation to generation, being taught by certain
elders to the youths who were arriving at maturity, in order that
they might transmit it in turn without change to those coming
after them. This literature comprises probably more than two hundred
tales, legends, and mythical stories. A large proportion of
these are in the nature of beast tales or fables, such as are found
in India, European, and Africa. Some of the myths and legends are
in the form of verse and were formerly recited at length at 
funerals and on other festal occasion, or were sung to the accompaniment
of the harp. There are also the epics containing the
"Y'wa" legends. Finally, a considerable amount of wise instruction
is contained in the numerous short sayings, Proverbs, and
riddles that have survived. Fragments of the shorter and longer
poems, chanted at funerals, have been quoted in the chapter on Funeral
Customs, and some of the tales and myths have been referred
to or paraphrased in other portions of this work. Further presentation
and discussion of the Karen literature is reserved for a future
study.

[ Illustration -- A Karen Belle ]
{ Thought not particularly handsome, many of the Karen maidens
are very attractive. }



CHAPTER VI
DRESS AND ORNAMENTS


To describe in detail the costume of every tribe of the Karen
would be like going into all the minutiae of the tartans of the
Scotch and would of itself fill a volume. There are, however, 
certain characteristics of dress that prevail more or less widely
among the whole people, and I shall endeavor to point these
out. The "hse" is found in various forms among almost all hte
tribes. This resembles a smock in that it is a loose, unfitted garment,
falling from the shoulders over the body. This "hse" is made
by sewing together two narrow strips of cloth to form an oblong,
inverted "meal-bag." Holes are left in the seams at the upper corners
through which the arms are thrust, and another opening is
left in the middle seam at the top, which serves as the neck of the
garment.

For the men in the Sgaw and Pwo tribes living back in the
hills this garment still serves as their entire costume. It reaches
from the shoulders to the calves. In the Pegu Hills the Sgaw
wear a garment that is white above, except for red selvedge lines
along the seams, and has the lower third woven with red. The border
between the two colors may be more or less variegated and embroidered.
In the Moulmein and Papon districts and to the eastward
the garment is made of alternating wide strips of white and
red running its whole length.

Among the Bwe tribes the custom is to wear a shorter smock,
which fits a little more closely than the one just described.
It might be called a tunic. The loin-cloth (sometimes replaced by
shorter trousers) is worn with the tunic. Various branches of the
Bwe wear different arrangements of colors. The Paku wear a
white tunic with a narrow red border around the bottom. In each
village this border has a distinctive form. Among the other eastern
hill tribes we find the Kerhker, sometimes called the Gai-hko, wearing
a tunic embroidered with vertical figures like towers, from the
top of which lines radiate like the rays of the rising sun. The Bwe
tribes usually wear tunics of vertically striped weaves, some of
them, e.g., the Mopgha, with narrow red lines. In the early days
they wore scant loin-clothes, but nowadays they wear longer cloths
or Shan trousers, like many of the other hill tribes. The Brecs wear
short breeches belted in at the waist with a string. These trousers
are at first white with narrow red stripes, but soon become a dirty
yellow, growing constantly darker with wear and age. The so-called
"Pant Bwes" ornament their breeches with radiating lines
at the bottom. The Red Karen, who take their name from their
red garments, wear short breeches of red cotton and a short close-fitting
tunic of the same color. These soon become the color of dirt
from the generous accretions of that substance which adhere to
them. These people use a blanket, which is red and white striped
when new. They discard both the tunic and blanket in warm
weather. Cotton is the most common material used, but in Toungoo
silk is often used, either alone or with the cotton.

[ Illustration --  A Bwe Karen Man's Suit, Bwe Karen Hills, Toungoo District ]
{ The smock is of white silk with red stripes and embroidery woven
in. The loin cloth ("teh ku") is magenta and black. Both are of
silk, for every man of any account feels he must have one silk suit. }

In Lower Burma, on the plains, it has become customary for
the men to wear Burmese garments. The only time they put on
their Karen garments, if they have them, is when they hold their
"Bgha" feast. The different tribes to the east wear the Shan costume,
with more or less variation, all the way to the Chinese
Border.

[ Illustration -- A Karen Bamboo Comb ]

The Karen men knot up their long hair on the top of the head
or over the right or left ear, according to the custom of their particular
locality, fastening it with a small triangular bamboo comb.
No other head-dress is worn, except a piece of white muslin or other
light-weight cloth, which may be put over the head as a turban or
around it like a fillet, unless one should include the ornamental
head-bands of the Karenni youth who, before marriage, wear neck-laces
of stones that have been handed down from father to son for
generations, and ornaments for the head, neck, and ears, consisting
of mother-of-pearl buttons interspersed with the shining wings of
beautiful green beetles. All these are, however, given up at
marriage and become the property of the bride.

In the matter of adopting foreign dress the women are more
conservative than the men. Long after every man in a village has
taken on the Burmese costume, the women continue to wear their
characteristic black smock over their Burmese jacket and "longyi"
(skirt).

The Sgaw and Pwo women, after arriving at the age of puberty,
wear a smock ("hse") and a shirt ("ni"). Little girls wear a single
"hse," falling from their neck to their ankles, at least when it is
new. In some villages they wear a white "hse," without any ornament
or color, but in other places they wear a black garment ornamented
with colored yarns at the neck and around the armholes.
In some localities the maidens wear the long white "hse," reaching
to the ankles, until they are married; but it is more common for
them to put on the skirt and wear a shorter "hse" at about the
time they arrive at maturity.

The women's dress varies from one tribe to another, and in
some instances each village has its particular weave. There is considerable
general similarity of the Karen designs to those in
the Malay countries, in Borneo, and in the Philippines; but the
particular Karen design, among the Sgaw women at least, is that
supposed to be derived from the python. The story is that "Naw
Mu E," one of the mythical characters of ancient times, was kidnapped
by a fabulous White Python and carried off to his den.
Later, her husband, hearing of her plight, came and rescued her by
sacrificing himself at the mouth of the den, whereon the woman
was released and enabled to return to the upper earth again. Various
versions of the story exist, one of which is that she was compelled
by the python to weave patterns on its skin that still remain,
but on being released showed her contempt for it by weaving skirts
for herself of the same pattern, thus giving it the gravest insult
she could inflict. This pattern soon became general among Karen
women.

Other patterns, of which there are many, are called by various
names, as seeds, little pagodas, cowries, etc Especially beautiful is
the pattern or weave worn by the Mopgha women which consists
of a variety of figures in magenta, yellow, and green on a black
ground. I have been told that the weaving of the designs for these
skirts has become a lost art, none of the young women of the few
villages of the Mopgha tribe having learned to weave these garments.
The Bwe women usually wear a black "ni" or skirt with
a few horizontal stripes of white and red running through the middle.

[ Illustration -- Women's Garments ]
{ (1) A "hko peu" or head-dress of a Sgaw Karen.
(2) A smock ("hse") and a skirt ("ni"), Sgaw Karen,
from the Pegu Hills, Toungoo District, The smock is
embroidered with colored yarns and
"Job's Tears." The middle of the skirt shows the
python pattern.
(3) A Sgaw Karen smock and skirt from Shwegyin District.
This smock is trimmed with red braid, except the
lower part which is fancily woven ("u"). }

The women of all these tribes wear the simplest kind of a
skirt; it is a straight slip which, instead of being gathered about
the waist, is drawn tight across the back, folded across the front,
and the fulness tucked in at the waist line, thus allowing the
action of the knees. The garment remains in place remarkably
well, although no belt is used. When the women bathe -- those on
the plains doing so with much more regularity than their sisters
in the hills -- they bring the top of the skirt up under the armpits
and fasten it over the breasts in the same manner as about the
waist.

The jackets or smocks of the women present a variety of 
designs. The most common is the plain black or dark blue "hse" with
little or no ornament on it. Sometimes it is decorated with small
rosettes or stars of colored yarns or, among the Pwo, with fern-like
figures. The prettiest decorations are made with the hard white
seeds of various shapes of the plant called Job's Tears (_Coix_). The
variety mostly used are those resembling barberries, called "bwe"
in Sgaw Karen and found all over the hills. These are sewed on
the finished garment in parallel rows, in rows forming V-shaped
figures, or in the forms of stars or rosettes and edging the arm,
and neck holes. Red yarns or pieces of red cloth are also sewed on
to add to the ornamentation. In Shwegyin we often see a "hse"
that is woven with elaborate designs of red and green on a black
ground, red tape being sewed in vertical lines on the body of the
garment and in horizontal lines over the shoulders. The head-dress
of the women is called "hko peu ki" and among the Sgaw women
consists of a piece of cloth about two yards long and a foot
wide. The middle part is plain white. At either end there is a
fancy woven ("u") portion about twenty inches long, red in color
and cross at intervals of two inches by transverse lines. In the
middle of these colored ends is a white zigzag line representing a
serpent. The other lines are in pairs, those equidistant from the
zigzag above and below being alike and having their special designations.
These names are, however, in archaic form, and their
meaning is not well known. There are long white fringes on the
ends of the head-dress and shorter colored ones at the ends of the
cross lines. When worn, it is twisted about the head in such a way
as to form a peak over the forehead with the colored fringes hanging
down about the eyes and the long white fringes down the back.
In a few villages in the Pegu Hills the women wear circlets ("hko
hhlaw") of bamboo or silver, around which they coil their hair. The
metal circlets are made of beaten silver a scant inch in width and
long enough to go once and a half around the head, being held
by a fancy clasp at the back, which keeps the band in place. Such
silver circlets are valued at about ten rupees or more, according to
the work on them.

The Karen make blankets of the same cloth that they use for
their garments. They use two strips of white edged with red selvedges,
each piece being four yards long. These are sewed together
lengthwise, and then one outer edge is sewed up to provide a
half-open sleeping-bag. The fringes of the open end are drawn up over
the head.

[ Illustration -- WOMEN'S HEAD-DRESS]
{ Half Size }

On the whole, the Karen are very careful about exposing their
persons. The women have always worn the closed skirts and not the
open "tamein," which was formerly in vogue among the Burmese.
They seldom go without their jackets, though in the hills older
women now and then leave them off. Little children run about
more or less naked. Boys often find their garments a bother and
thrust them aside, but men usually are very careful about keeping
their loins covered. When working, the men, who wear the "hse"
or smock, pull the right arm inside the armhole and extend it again
through the wide neckhole, so that the right arm and shoulder are
entirely free for chopping or doing any other work at hand.
They sometimes lower the whole garment to the waistline,
where they knot it up in Burman fashion and thus leave the upper
part of the body free. The Brecs are the poorest tribe of Karen
and wear the scantiest clothing consisting of short trousers. Often
these are much the worse for wear. These people have rough small
blankets, which they throw around themselves in cold weather. But
more often they appear without them. The Karen on the palins
bathe daily, doing so in their skirts ("longyi"), as do the Burmese.
After the bath they slip the fresh garment over the wet one, which
they allow to fall off as they fasten the other in place.

[ Illustration -- KAREN SKIRTS AND BAGS ]
{ No. 1 is a Mopgha Karen skirt, a black ground with silk embroidery in magenta, 
yellow, green, and red. The younger women have lost the art of weaving these
garments.
No. 2 is a Tavoy Sgaw Karen skirt woven in imitation of a popular
Burmese pattern.
The bags, Nos. 3 and 4, are Sgaw Karen, and
No. 5 is Bwe. }

The wet garment is then pounded on a stone or soused up and
down in the water a few times, and that is about all the laundering
it gets. White jackets are washed out with soap and, in the towns,
are given to the Indian washermen ("dhobies") for proper "doing
up."

For protection from the rain the Karen use the wide-spreading
fronds of the palm, which are nature's models for the paper umbrellas
of the Chinese and Burmese. Workers in the paddy-fields
make raincoats out of thatch woven on flexible bark fibre stays,
which they tie across their shoulders. Three or four layers of the
thatch make a protection that reaches to the knees. For a hat they
tie a bit of palm leaf over the head, or wear a round umbrella-
shaped hat like those made by the Shan and Burmese out of the
sheathes of the Cocoanut-palm or of bamboo. While transplanting
rice on the plains a rain cover is made of these same sheathes or of
tough large leaves covered with a network of thin bamboo splints
bound with rattan. These covers are scoop-shaped and hang from
the head down the back, causing a company of cultivators, bent
over their work while wearing them, to look like long-legged 
tortoises wading in the mud.

Every Karen carries a bag ("hteu") slung over his shoulder
as a part of his outfit. It is his pocket, in which he carries everything
from money to the small game he has shot. The bag is woven in two
parts. One, which forms the straps, consists of a strip from four
to six inches wide and five or six feet long. Both ends are fringed.
The other piece is from six to eight inches wide and from two to
three feet in length. Each end of the long piece is folded lengthwise
in the middle and sewed together, thus forming the corners of
the bag. The short piece is folded crosswise in the middle and
sewed to these corners or ends, thus forming the sides of the bag.
The hemmed ends of the short piece from the edges of the mouth of
the bag. The cloth woven for these bags is usually red with lengthwise
stripes of white, yellow, or black. Different tribes have their
different patterns and shades of color. The Karen do not ornament
their bags so highly as do the Kachin tribes in Upper Burma.
Every Karen woman and girl has some sort of a necklace. It may
be a few seeds of the Job's Tears strung together, or some glass
beads purchased from wandering peddlers, or silver beads made
by Burmese silversmiths who visit the Karen villages during the
dry season to pick up odd jobs. A common variety of beads is
made by pounding out little disks of silver and rounding them into
beads, according to the shape of the disk. Some of these finished
beads are an inch in length and half an inch in diameter at the
middle, tapering off to almost a point at the ends. When strung,
they sometimes form chains so long that they encircle the neck
several times and hang down over the bosom.

Bracelets of silver are, like the beads mentioned above, pounded
out of coins (rupees) for the girls and young women, who not infrequently
wear anklets of the same material. Even little boys
sometimes wear silver bracelets and ankelts.

Disks of silver, with rude figures of peacocks, elephants, and
other Burmese figures, are often seen hanging from strings around
the necks of children. Coins are also used in the same way. These
are usually said to be simply for ornament, but I have occasionally
wondered whether they might not have some magical purpose as
well.

Among all the Karen tribes the most peculiar adornments are
those of the Padaung women. These are rings of brass wire about
a third of an inch in diameter, worn around the neck for the purpose
of forcing up the chin and lengthening that member. As the
process of elongation is slow, only a few rings are used at first; but
as time goes on others are added, until the high metal collar thus
formed consists of from twenty to twenty-five rings. The greater
the length of the neck, the greater the beauty they think. The
appearance of these women is grotesque, for their heads appear
abnormally small above their long necks; and their bodies, around
which flap their loose garments, also seem disproportionate.[6-2] They
can sleep only with their heads hanging over a high bamboo pillow,
on which they rest their brass-armored necks. These rings are like
those forming the brass corsets worn by the Iban women of Borneo,
only the latter wear them lower down.

The Red Karen women wear, besides a profusion of beads
around the neck, a girdle or many girdles of seeds and beads of
various kinds and coils of lacquered rattans. These rattans are
also worn as rings around the legs just above the calves. They
often bulge out an inch or two from the leg and cause the women
to walk with a stride "like a pair of compasses" and to experience
some difficulty in sitting down. Indeed, it is necessary for them
in sitting to stretch out the legs straight in front of them.[6-3] It
is not uncommon to see similar garters, if one may call them so,
worn by many of the Karen, but usually they are made of a few
strands of rattan interwoven in a neat band of about a half an inch
in width. Some say that they wear these simply for ornament, and
others think that they find them useful in walking long distances.
In fact these leg-bands perform somewhat the function of the
rubber stocking of the West.

[ Illustration -- A Padaung Couple, the Wife with Neck-rings and Leg-rings ]
{ A large share of Padaung wealth is lavished on feminine attire. The brass
rings around their legs and necks often weigh twenty pounds. This lady is
not very stylish, for her neck has not been stretched enough. The longer
the neck, the more attractive the lady. }

Among some of the Karen tribes to the east brass or other
wire rings are worn on the legs, either from the ankles up over the
calves, or from the knees up the thighs, or with only one or two
rings at invertals on the legs. The arms are also more or less laden
with brass circlets, as may be seen from Scott's description.[6-4]

Earrings are worn by both Karen men and women, but
are usually in the form of plugs instead of rings. The silver ear
plug of the Sgaw resembles a spool with one end flaring out more
widely than the other. The larger end may be nearly two inches
in diameter at the rim, tapering down to a little less than an inch
in diameter where it joins the cylindrical part which fits the hole
in the ear-lobe. The men wear plugs that have the ends covered
over with a plate of silver, while the plugs worn by the women
are left open. Through these openings leaves or flowers are often
inserted. Sometimes plugs made of a rolled strip of palm leaf fill
the holes in the ear-lobes, these holes being rarely more than an
inch in diameter. When the holes for the ear plugs are in process
of being enlarged, the little rolls of palm leaf are as tightly wrapped
and as large as possible when inserted. They then tend to loosen,
and in so doing stretch the lobe. Sections of a stem of bamboo
are sometimes worn by hill people in the lobes of their ears or
in the absence of anything else, a buttonaire of orchids or other
flowers found in the jungle. More than once have I seen orchids
that would bring fancy prices in a Western city fringing the dirty
face of some half-naked urchin.

[ Illustration -- WOMEN'S EARRINGS, HALF SIZE ]

Karen men not uncommonly wear beads or strings about their
necks, besides other ornaments on their arms and legs. But perhaps
the ornament peculiar to them consists of the boar's tusk
comb, such as their ancestor, "Htwa Meh Pa," made after he had
killed the mythical boar. This is worn behind the ear, hanging
down as a sort of earring. The comb, which is not unlike the
ordinary Karen comb, is made of strips of the outer shell of the
bamboo, each about two inches long, and held together by a sealing-wax
produced from the gum of a tree. The upper or pointed end of
the comb is made small enough to be inserted into the open end of
the tusk, where it is fixed in place with wax. (See _Frontispiece_,
which shows how a comb is worn.)

[ Illustration -- A BOAR'S TUSK COMB ]

[ Illustration -- KAREN GIRLS IN BURMESE COSTUME ]
{ This illustrates the way in which the women secure their skirts by drawing them tightly
to one side and then folding back the slack and tucking it in on the opposite side. }



CHAPTER VII
MEASURES OF TIME AND SPACE. KAREN ASTRONOMY


THE SEASONS AND THE MONTHS

The seasons in Burma are clearly distinguished, the year being
divided into two parts by the monsoon, which is the periodic
wind of the Southern Asiatic tropics that for six months, between
April and November, blows from the southwest off the Indian
Ocean, bringing clouds and moisture which produce the never-failing
rainy season, as the Karen name for it, "ta su hka," signifies.
In November the monsoon shifts to the opposite quarter and the
dry season or "ta yaw hka" follows, being again six months in
duration. This latter period is subdivided into the cool season or
"ta hku hka," from the middle of November to the first of February,
and the hot season or "ta ko hka," during which the sun is
waxing hotter and hotter until the beginning of the rains in May.
The rainy season has a fairly even temperature with a mean of
about eighty degrees, Fahrenheit, while the dry season is marked
by variations ranging from about fifty to over one hundred degrees.

The Karen term for year is "ni" and for a generation, their
longest unit of time, it is "so." Eternity is designated by reduplicating
the root "so," for example, "so so," or, with this couplet,
"so so xa xa."

According to Karen reckoning, the year is divided into twelve
lunar months, a month of twenty-nine days alternating with one
of thirty. Thus, they have six months of twenty-nine days each
which total one hundred and seventy-four days, while the six intervening
months of thirty days each total one hundred and eighty
days. These two totals added together give but three hundred and
fifty-four days. This arrangement of the calendar necessitated the
addition every three year of an extra or intercalary month to
make the reckoning of time correct But the calendar was so poorly
kept that confusion arose, and the people do not agree among themselves
as to the proper order of the months, or the beginning of the
year, or even as to the correct interpretation of the names of the
months in all cases.[7-1] However, the names in the commonly
accepted order are as follows:

1. _Th' le_, the searching month, when the villagers hunt for
a new village site. It corresponds to the Burmese month,
_Pyatho_, and to the moon of January.

2 _Hte ku_, the cutting month, when the Karen cut the jungle
preparatory to cultivation. It is equivalent to the Burmese
_Tabodwe_ and to the moon of February.

3. _Thwe kaw_, the brewing month, when the women prepare
the mash for brewing liquor. By some it is said to signify
the month of burnings, for at this time they burn over
the ground that was cut in the previous month. It is
equivalent to the Burmese _Tabaung_ and to the moon of
March.

4. _La hkli_, the month of yams, because at this season the
people were often reduced to the necessity of eating the
tubers of the wild yam. It is equivalent to the Burmese
_Tagu_ and to the moon of April.

5. _De nya_, the lily month, when the wild lilies bloom. 
Equivalent to _Kasone_ of the Burmese and to the moon of May.

6. _La nwi_, the seventh month, corresponds to the Burmese
_Nayone_ and to the moon of June.[7-2]

7. _La xo_, the eighth month, is equivalent to the Burmese _Waso_
and to the moon of July.

8. _La hku_, the shut-in month, when it is difficult to go about
on account of the heavy rains. It corresponds to the Burmese
_Wagaung_ and to the moon of August.

9. _Hsi mu_, the month of a little sunshine, when after the
heaviest rain there is a little fair weather. It corresponds 
to the Burmese _Tawthelin_ and the moon of September.

10. _Hsi hsa_, the month of a little starlight, when the stars
being to show themselves occasionally. It corresponds
to the Burmese _Thadingyut_ and to the moon of October.

11. _La naw_, the month of the "naw," when from the seeds of
this small plant is extracted an oil much like sessimum
oil. It is equivalent to the Burmese _Tezaungmon_ and to 
the moon of November.

12. _La plu_, the month of eclipses, when the moon dies and
hence the month for funeral ceremonies. It corresponds
to the Burmese _Nadaw_ and to the moon of December.

It will be noticed that in the list as given above the seventh
and eighth month are number 6 and 7, respectively. Two 
suggestions have been made to explain this incongruity. One of these
is Dr. Mason's suggestion to the effect that originally the first
month was _La plu_ (December), which would not only correct the
incongruity, but also make the Karen calendar correspond to that
of Tibet, which begins with December.[7-3] The other explanation was
given to me by a Karen teacher, who says that the month of _La
hkli_ (April) is the one that is repeated every three years in order
to correct the calendar, and that the periodic interposition of this
extra month is responsible for the names of the seventh and eighth
months and the disagreement of those names with their serial numbers
in the list. To me this explanation seems very dubious. One
Karen writer attempts to correct the incongruity between the
seventh and eighth months and their serial numbers by proposing
to transfer _La hku_ (August) from its generally accepted position
in the list to a place before the seventh month, but, of course, this
is not a feasible change. As many Karens associate the month for
funeral ceremonies (_La plu_) with the end of the year, they do not
think it should be shifted into first place in the calendar.

THE DAYS OF THE WEEK

Few of the Karen people can tell the days of the week, except
according to Burmese or Christian nomenclature. Severl old
men have given me names for the days, which, they say, were
in use a long time ago. There are seven of these, as may be seen
in the following tabulation:

ENGLISH     KAREN              TRANSLATION
Sunday     _Li naw_            The eagle's beak
Monday     _Htaw meh_          The long tooth
Tuesday    _To mu_             The slanting sun
Wednesday  _To kyaw_           The leaning oil tree
Thursday   _Thi thwa_          The big comb
Friday     _Mu daw hpa_        The divided sun day
Saturday   _Mu htaw k'hpu_     The pig's stomach day

I have found no traditions or other information relating to these
names.

The Karen divide the day into the following seven parts or
sub-divisions: (1) _mu hse wah taw_, dawn;
(2) _mu heh htaw_, sunrise;
(3) _mu heh htaw hpa htaw_, the sun is high;
(4) _mu htu_, noon;
(5) _mu xe law_, the sun declines;
(6) _mu haw law_, evening; and
(7) _mu law nu_, sunset.

The night also has its divisions, such
as _mu yaw ma_, meaning that the sun is deep down;
_hpa hpaw mu_, midnight or literally midway between the suns,
and _hsaw o_, cock crow or early morning, of which they
distinguish three stages. In conversation a Karen indicates
the time of day or night by pointing to the sun's position
as it was at the time to which he
is referring, pointing upward or downward as the occasion requires.
More than once in the narration of some story I have heard the
different members of a group dispute about the exact angle at
which the sun stood when the incident occurred, the difference 
between the angles indicated being not more than a degree.

MEASUREMENT OF SPACE
When a Karen speaks of some object, he is likely to indicate its
size by comparing it with some part of his person. For example,
he will describe a bamboo as being as large around as his arm, or
the limb of a tree as being the size of his thigh. Applying the same
principle, he has devised a system of rough units of measurement,
such as the length of the forefinger, called _t' su mu_; the distance
between the end of the thumb and the end of the forefinger, _t' hpi_;
the distance between the end of the thumb and the knuckle of the
little finger when the fist is doubled up, _t'so_; the interval between
the end of the thumb and the end of the middle finger, _t' hta_; the
cubit or the distance from the elbow to the tip of the middle finger,
_t' pla_, and the reach of the outstretched arm, _t' hkli_. Inasmuch as
all of these units of measurement vary with the size and proportions
of the individual, allowance is generally made for such variations.
The cubit is commonly employed in all building operations, and
men with long arms make the proper correction by measuring from
the elbow to the first joint instead of to the tip of the middle finger.
Contrariwise, small men add to their cubit the width of a finger
or more to bring it to the standard length of a half-yard, which
it is nowadays made to equal.

[ Illustration -- TWO SGAW KAREN MAIDENS ]
{ One from Tharrawaddy and the other from Tavoy District. The
Tavoy girl (on the right) is wearing a smock made of black
velvet purchased in a bazaar and trimmed with embroidery of
colored yarns. She also has on a head-band such as is worn in
that district. }

Measurements for longer or shorter distances are specified
in relative terms, borrowed from one form or another of physical
exertion. Such measurements are: the pace, _t'hka_; the stone's
throw, _t' kwi leu_; a call (that is, as far as one can hear a shout),
_t' kaw_. An indefinite distance of a mile or two, which one might
walk without stopping, is a stage, _t' taw leh_; a half-day's journey,
_t' mu htu leh_; a day's journey, _t' ni leh_, and so on. The Karen may
on occasion speak of a month's or a year's journey to very distant
places. Another method of designating distances by intervals of
time during which physical effort is required is to specify the number
of betel chews or quids that would be consumed during the
trip. For instance, a Karen is apt to inform one that a certain
village is three or four betel chews distant. As it requires from fifteen
to twenty minutes to dispose of a quid of betel, the village in question
may be estimated as being three or four miles away.

THE KAREN'S KNOWLEDGE OF ASTRONOMY

It often happens that the Karen find their way through the
jungle at night by means of the stars. The more brilliant constellations,
called _hsa t' so_, are well known and have their particular
names. Of these, the Great Bear (_Hsa k' htaw_, literary the Elephant)
and the Southern Cross (_Meh la ka_) are referred to the most
frequently, because they signify north and south, respectively.
These two constellations were supposed, according to an old legend,
to have been brothers, being thought to resemble each other in appearance;
but on account of a quarrel they separated and went to
the opposite ends of the heavens. Orion is known by the name of
the Stealthily Shooting Stars (_Hsa kwa hka_). A legend relating to
the three stars of Orion's belt, which are named _Hsa yo ma_ (stars
that seized wives), recounts that these stars kidnapped the daughters
of the Pleiades, which are regarded as the great ones of the
heavens. Later the three culprits were caught and reduced to the
degraded position of servants to their parents-in-law. The Archer
--Sagittarius of the ancients -- is called the Bow-head Star (_Hsa
hkli hko_, literally, the head of the bow where it is joined to the barrel
of the crossbow). The Pleiades are named _Hsa deu mu_, a term
signifying a collection of people closely related to one another;
while three stars just east of the Pleiades, which look as though they
had broken away from the original group, are called _Deu mu law
hpa_ (those separated from the company). Three stars south
of the Pleiades, which form a triangle, bear the name of the
Loom (_Hsa hta hko_), because the geometrical figure indicated by
their positions suggests that enclosed by the floor, which forms the
base; the wall, the vertical side; and the inclined warp, the hypotenuse,
of the loom in the living-room of a Karen home. It ought to
be added that the rising of the morning star, _Hsa tu ghaw_, marks
the time for the Karen to get up in the morning; while the appearance
of the evening star, _Hsa tu ha_, informs him that the end of
the day's work has come and with it the time for going home.

The Karen take note of shooting stars, which they speak of
sometimes as _Hsa yu_ or flying stars and sometimes as _Hsa hpo tha_,
youthful stars. Catching sight of them, people say that they
are going to visit the maidens. They give to comets the obvious
name of tailed stars, _Hsa meh htaw_, and are not different from
other superstitious races in believing that their coming brings
calamity. The planets have impressed them as "wandering stars,"
while they leave the fixed stars without names, except the Pole
Star, which they call the Mouse, and a star near the moon, which
they describe as the star that draws the moon, _Hsa mo la_. The
Milky Way reminds the Karen of their flowering fields of paddy
and receives the poetic name of the paddy flower stars, _Hsa bu
hpaw_.

Like the Chinese and other Oriental peoples, the Karen 
attribute the eclipse of the sun or moon to some monster that devours
the luminary. The Karen, however, do not discover this monster in
the dragon, but believe that dogs do the devouring. According to
the legend, a certain personage, who possess the elixir of life, had
four dogs. On one occasion when he was absent from home, the
moon descended to earth and stole his wondrous cordial. On his
return, finding the elixir had vanished, he constructed a ladder of
rice-straw and mounted aloft with his dogs. But just as he was
stepping upon the moon his ladder broke, causing him and one of
his faithful beasts to fall to earth and lose their lives. The other
three dogs were so fortunate as to find secure footing on the firmament.
Now and again they become enraged at the recollection of
the umtimely fate of their master, attack and swallow the moon,
and thereby produce the eclipse. One of these faithful dogs is black,
and for some unknown reason is unable to swallow the moon
entire and so causes only a partial eclipse; but the yellow one
devours it completely, and it can be seen shining through his hide,
which accounts for the color of the luminary during a total eclipse.
On escaping through the animals' bowels, the moon regains its
former brightness.[7-4]

[ Illustration -- THE GATEWAY OF A VILLAGE STOCKADE ]
{ This is a protection not only against bad characters, but also against wild animals. }



CHAPTER VIII
THE KAREN VILLAGE-HOUSE


The Karen on the plains live in houses of Burmese construction,
which are therefore outside the scope of this work. In the Pegu
Hills we find the single-structure village, which seems to have
been the characteristic Karen dwelling from early times. It might
be described as a bamboo apartment-house on stilts, accommodating
on the average from twenty to thirty families. It is spread out on
one floor, and each family occupies not one "flat" but a room, called
in Karen "deu," which faces a central corridor running the length
of the barrack.

Such a village, "th' waw," is usually rebuilt on a new site each
year. The new location is sought by the local chief during the hot
season, after conference with the elders and after the crops have
been brought in. The place selected by the chief is fairly level,
adjacent to the area to be cut over the coming year, and near a
spring or stream that will not dry up during the hot weather. In
the old days it was also necessary to choose a site that would be
high and easily defended agains raids. Before the decision is
finally made, the chief must consult the auspices in the form of
chicken bones, and if these are propitious and no laughing-bird
(_Lanius_) calls "chet, chet," the men begin to cut bamboos with
which to construct the village.

The bamboos selected for posts are twenty or more feet long
and usually from four to six inches in diameter. They are set in
the ground at intervals of four or five cubits (six to seven and a
half feet). Holes are chopped through these large upright at a
height of from six to eight feet above the ground and pins are
thrust through on which bamboo girders of the same size are 
fastened by means of withes. At right angles to these girders and
resting on them, other bamboo poles, slightly smaller in size, are
tied at regular intervals of about a cubit to form the floor joists.
The floor is made of large bamboos, split, flattened out, and secured
to the joists by means of withes of the same material. It is six
or eight feet above the ground, springy, and seamed with cracks,
through which rubbish and wash water may be disposed of. As
the floor of the corridor is subjected to much heavier wear than
that of any single room, it is made of round bamboos securely tied 
together.

[ Illustration -- Part of a Mountain Karen Village, Tharrawaddy District ]

[ Illustration -- Stockade and Gateway of the Village, Re Tho, Tharrawaddy District ]

Some six feet or less above the girders -- my head has sometimes
found that it was not fully six feet -- another set of holes are
hacked into the posts or uprights, through which pins are run ot
serve as supports for the "wall-plates," as the English residents
of Burma call them, which run parallel with the girders below, and
are secured in the same way. Other bamboos, parallel with the
floor joists, are tied on the wall-plates at intervals of three or four
feet. These beams give stability to the building. The tops of the
posts may be only a little above the wall-plates, or they may run
up several feet to the roof-plates, which are secured by pins and
bamboo withes like the beams below. There may or may not be
a roof-tie running across above the wall-plates. On the roof-plate
rest the purlins or rafters that carry the interlocking half-sections
of bamboo of which the roof is formed. This kind of roof may have
supplied the model for the native round tiles used so extensively in
China and throughout the East. The bamboos to be used in the
construction of the roof must be straight and three or four inches
in diameter. They are split down the middle. The halves are laid
close together with the concave sides uppermost, and the cracks
between their edges are covered by a second row of halves laid with
their convex sides uppermost. This overlapping of the concave by
the convex halves give a tight roof, the rain running down the
troughs formed by the concave halves and off at the eaves. if one
set of interlocking or overlapping bamboo "tiles' is not long enough
to make the roof, a second set fits far enough under the higher set
to catch the drip from above. Sometimes the roof covers the whole
structure, including the corridor. In that case it has a ridge in the
middle; otherwise the ridge may be over the row of posts next to
that standing at the corridor. If the village-house stands in a windy
location, where the rain would sometimes be driven up the roof, a
small bamboo strip is tied at right angles across the upper ends of
each set of "tiles." This is the more necessary because the roof is
never steep, having a slope of not more than twenty degrees.

The walls of the village-house are constructed of flattened bamboo
lengths nearly long enough to reach from the floor to the wall-plates.
Three horizontal bamboo poles of small diameter are run
through the posts, holes having been made for the purpose, and the
flattened bamboo stripes are woven between these. Such a wall contains
numerous cracks and apertures, and may be easily removed
to allow a corpse to be carried out. Similar partitions divide the
sleeping apartment from the rest of the family-room.

[ Illustration -- Plan of Shataw Village, Tharrawaddy District ]

When we come upon such a village, we may find it surrounded
by a stockade, as in the case of those in the Tharrawaddy district,
where protection is thus obtained from tigers and other animals
of the jungle and also from human prowlers. The stockade is made
of bamboo poles, re-inforced by four rows of sharp pickets woven
in and out of the fence. The gate of the stockade is
constructed of large bamboos suspended from a cross-piece, so that
they knock against one another when any one enters. Thus, the
approach of a visitor is well announced. Once inside of the enclosure
and past the multitude of yelping dogs which the villages
keep, the visitor comes to the ladder by which access is gained
to the communal abode. The ladder, like everything else, is made
of bamboo and has small loose rungs that can be easily removed.
To an American it looks inverted, for it is narrow at the bottom and
wide at the top. If the sun is high, heat is reflected from the burning
hot bamboos. Mounting to the floor, one steps gingerly along,
fearing the round flooring may turn under him. The hollow bamboos
resound, as each rubs and creaks against its fellows. The whole
population seems to be peering out of their doors or peeping through
the cracks. The visitor enters a doorway, without its door. The
first thing in the room that strikes his attention is the fireplace
("hpa k' pu"), which is only a little way from the entrance. The
intervening space is largely filled with water-joints, rice baskets
and various household utensils. This is called the water-joint
place ("hti pu law"). The fireplace consists of four upright bamboos
fastened in the floor beams below and reaching to the crossbeams
above. On the floor a rough box-like enclosure is built around
the bottoms of the poles and filled in with dirt and ashes. Three
round stones, or more in case the family has two pots boiling at
once, give support to the cooking vessels; while the fire underneath
is fed with dry bamboo fuel. About three feet above the ashes
there is a shelf made of bamboo splints with their hard surfaces
downward to the fire. The soot deposit on the under side of this
shelf prevents the flames from doing any damage. Pots, plates, and
other utensils find their convenient resting-place upon the shelf.
One or two other shelves above this serve as catch-alls for herbs,
baskets, tin lamps, unused food, large knives ("dahs"), and almost
anything else that finds its way into the house. A hole cut in each
of the two front poles of the fireplace a little way above the floor
serves as a holder for the bamboo stick kept for stirring the cooking
rice or other foods.

A smaller box of ashes in the center of the room supplies a
fireplace for the warming of the family when the air is chilly of
nights and mornings. It is then comfortable to sit about the fire,
as one visits and tells stories.

The Karen have little use for artificial light. They get up with
the sun and go to bed with the chickens. Often the flaring light of
the bamboo fuel in the fireplace serves for light, while they entertain
visitors or do odd bits of belated work. When they need something
more than this, they use a cup containing crude earth-oil (petroleum
is found in large quantities in Upper Burma) with a wick
sticking out, or they make torches from the resinous oil of
the "xaw" (_Dipterocarpus_) tree. These enormous trees when
tapped yield a good run of oil. After each run of sap
they scorch the hole and get another run. The oil is
mixed with bits of dry wood or punk and moulded into
sticks about a cubit long and an inch in diameter by putting
it into joints of small bamboo. When it has dried,
it is wrapped in palm or pineapple leaves and tied
up with bark fibre. When needed for use, one end is
loosened and applied to the fireplace for
lighting. It is then set on a rough stand fashioned out
of wood, on which it rests in an oblique position and in this manner
burns to the best advantage. Nowadays little tin lamps made by
Burmese tinsmiths after the pattern of the old European lamps
are in common use. These hold a cotton wick and give a little light
and some smoke, as they have no chimneys.

[ Illustration -- A TORCH WITH ITS STAND ]

Usually beyond the cooking place a small partition extends out
about four feet from the wall, forming a little alcove and hiding
from view the family sleeping-room. The latter is a small apartment
not more than eight or ten feet each way and is supplied
with either a few rush mats, such as the Burmans are in the habit
of sleeping on, or a single large bamboo mat, besides a quantity of
old clothes, blankets, pillows, and rags scattered about or hanging
from the rough ends of the walls. At either the front or back of the
large outer room, whichever is toward the east -- the place of honor
in a Karen house -- is a raised platform called the "hso hko." This
is about a cubit's height from the floor and has a mat on it worn
shiny with much sitting. It is the place where guests are received,
especially if they are people of note. Here against the wall are a few pillows,
which may be half-round bamboos of giant size, that is, from eight
to ten inches in diameter, or cloth pillows filled with fibre from the 
cotton tree (_Bombax heterophylla_). The guest is invited to sit
on the platform and to partake of the contents of the fragrant
betel-box, which is sure to be hospitably pushed in front of him.
The cradle usually hangs from the crossbeams in the middle of
the room, being held up by fibre ropes, although occasionally
elephant chains are called into use to give full measure of security.
The cradle itself may be a blanket swung up at the four corners, or
it may be part of the trunk of a large hollow tree. A basket-work
cradle is scarcely ever found in old Karen homes.

[ Illustration -- Plan of a Karen Family-room ]

At the back of the family apartment the bamboo joists and
flooring project several feet beyond the wall, forming a primitive
back veranda where clothes are hung to dry; rice (paddy), fish,
fruit, and vegetables are set out in the sun, and other domestic
operations are carried on in private.

In a few Karen villages a young men's club- room ("blaw") is
still maintained, but not in most. Where such a room exists, it does
not differ in general appearance from a family-room, except that
it has no partitions. The hearth in the middle of the space serves
as a social fireside on cold mornings and evenings. At the east end
a raised dais extends the width of the room, being used both for
reception and for sleeping purposes. Guests, unless closely related
to some family in the village, usually sleep here, except when, as
a mark of respect, they are invited to sleep in a room apart on the
"hso hko" with the men of the house. Women guests sleep in the
family sleeping-room together with the women folk and children.

The old type of Karen village-house, such as we have been
describing above, is being modified by contact with the Burmese
way of building, and every stage of evolution from the village-barrack
to separate family houses may be observed in Karen villages
today.

When an epidemic breaks out in a bamboo village-house, the inhabitants
are not held there by the considerations that ordinarily
prevent the dwellers in durable towns and cities from taking their
prompt departure. At best the Karen village-house is habitable
only for a year or two, was built by the combined efforts of the men
of the little community from material of which the supply is abundant,
and can be replaced quickly. When, therefore, disease begins
to spread among the adjacent families, they scatter to the four
windows with their most necessary belongings. Soon they gather and
build another village on a new site and, having removed the last of
their possessions from the old infected structure, leave it to decay
or set it on fire.

When a village community is removing from one site to another,
the women prepare food and liquor for the journey, pack up
their belongings and leave them in the jungle near the path, if they
do not wish to take them to the new place at once, and, finally, prepare
the offerings to be left behind. These offerings consist of four
balls of cooked rice, one white, another made black by being mixed
with charcoal, and the other two colored red and yellow, respectively,
by the admixture of colored pigments. These balls are placed
on a large winnowing-sieve that has been woven by the women for
the purpose at the very last. This tray and its offerings are carried
to the central part of the house, where it is visited and spat upon
by every member of the village. They then repeat the following
lines:

"Let all sickness and pain depart. Depart all colds.
Go eat your black rice, your red rice.
Go eat your betel and its leaves.
Go eat with your wife and your children.
Go stay in your house."

After thus addressing the spirits, the villagers take up their burdens,
beat their drums and gongs, and set out for their new abode --
a sight, indeed, for a motion picture camera.

On arriving at the new house, they do not enter it at once, but
wait until some one has plucked from adjacent trees seven twigs
growing upright, and with these has swept out the rooms. As the
sweeper goes through the house he repeats the following incantation:

"Go away, all evil spirits.
Depart, all devils.
We and our children are going to stay here.
Do not remain near. Go. Go."

The members of each family then take up the various household
tasks, including the building of the fireplace. If this is not completed
the same night, they tied up their wrists to keep their "k'las"
from wandering away and finish it the next morning. This is done
among the Karen of Siam.

In the precedding pages of this chapter I have attempted to give
a description of the Karen village-house. I do not say "home," for
the Karen language has no word for home. The house is, however,
something more than the eating and sleeping place of the village
families: it is the center of their domestic life and worship and as
such possesses a certain amount of sanctity. From what has been
said above, it is clear that the village structure displays no attempts
at artistic decoration, and is not made attractive by any of the
touches that give so rich a meaning to the word "home" among
Christians. The Karen bamboo house, located in a tropical climate
as it is, affords a certain amount of physical comfort; the breezes
blow through its airy walls, and one may lounge and gossip within
during the heat of the day and not experience great oppression.
At night, when the cool air begins to make itself felt, the open
fire with its cheerful blaze attracts the story-teller, while out in the
shadows the youthful lover strums his harp, and the children and
the dogs play about in sufficient quietness not to disturb their
elders.

Everywhere common dogs are kept by the Karen. These are
the ordinary smooth-haired pariah hounds, which are familiar to
the traveler in all parts of the peninsula. Besides these there are
the hunting-dogs, mentioned in the chapter on Hunting and Fishing.[8-1]
Only in recent days have the Karen shown any inclination to
raise cats. In the early days they professed not to eat these felines;
but I can testify that, whatever their former antipathies to the cat
tribe may have been in this regard, they no longer hesitate to eat
the wild varieties of cats that are to be caught in the jungle. They
also find rats palatable.

Pigs and fowls are the most common domestic animals among
the Karen. Dr. Mason speaks of the pigs as being of the "small
Chinese variety."[8-2] They are the property of the women and know
their mistress's voice. When a woman dies, her pigs are killed in
order that their "k'las" may accompany her into the next world.
The fowls are of a variety not unlike the wild jungle-fowls found all
over the country.

On the plains buffaloes have been extensively bred for use as
draft animals and in cultivating the paddy-fields. As they are
slow-going creatures the small native oxen, often mistakenly identified
with the "sacred ox" from having a hump like the cattle supposed
to have been used in ancient Israel, have largely superseded them
for draft purpoes. In the Toungoo Hills oxen are employed to
some extent as pack-animals, especially by the Paku tribe. Both
the Paku and their neighbors, the Mawnepgha, raise a few goats,
while the Red Karen are breeders of ponies to some extent.

[ Illustration -- Sideview of a Bamboo Karen House, Kaindagyi ]



CHAPTER IX
FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION


The dietary of the Karen includes almost everything edible in
the way of vegetables that grow in their country. A great variety
of fish, birds, and animals are also partaken of; but it should be
said at once that three-fourths, if not seven-eighths, of the amount
of food they consume is rice, of which they raise many varieties.
Next to rice they resort in time of need to millet, maize, and roots,
especially yams of different kinds. Besides gourds, sqaushes, eggplant,
roselle, sweet potatoes, and the edible fruits, the Karen eat
the tender shoots of many plants and trees, including the bamboo.

All kinds of fish and eels, some varieties of crabs, snake, locusts,
and grasshoppers, snails and other mollusks, and even certain
varieties of ants are comprised in the menu. Flesh of all sorts
from that of the elephant to that of the rat is eaten with relish.[9-1]
In the realm of feathered creatures the variety is equally comprehensive,
ranging from the sparrow to the peacock, not even omitting
the crow. Fish-paste, called in Karen "nya u"[9-2] but commonly
given its Burmese name of "ngape," is greatly prized by the Karen,
who think that it adds a very savory flavor to their frod. On the
plains they buy it from the Burmans from whom, it may be, they
have adopted its use, but sometimes those living near streams or
lakes make it for themselves.

Notwithstanding their inclusive diet, the Karen have no idea
of what we call a balanced ration and, after all, are more or less
undernourished. They also practice constantly the habit of betel
chewing, which benumbs their sense of taste. For these reasons
they crave highly seasoned foods. Chilies or red peppers are 
considered a necessity, while meats and powdered condiments of spices,
tumeric, and chilies are used only to make the pungent curry sauce
with which the cooked rice is flavored. Salt, which is obtained at
the bazaars, is also used in seasoning.

Inasmuch as rice is the chief article of diet among the Karen,
a few words should be said about its preparation. "Paddy," which
is the grain before it has been cleaned for cooking, is brought home
from the bins in which it has been stored and spread out on mats
to dry in the sun. It is then pounded in mortars to rub off the outer
husk. A second pounding removes the inner skin covering each
grain and polishes the rice pure white. As cleaned rice
does not keep as well as paddy, the natives pound only enough
to last a week or two. The kernels are washed in a basket with a
sieve-like bottom and are then poured into a pot of boiling water.
They are allowed to cook vigorously for ten minutes or less, until
they swell and become soft enough to crush easily between the
thumb and finger. The water is then poured off and the pot set
back in the hot ashes to dry out any remaining water. When the
rice is served, it remains whole, firm, and slightly hard. Soft boiled
rice is most unpalatable to the Karen, who think it not so sustaining
as the less cooked cereal. Nowadays the cooking is done in most
places in earthen pots, which are bought from Burmese or Shan
traders. These pots are of red unglazed clay, cost but a few annas,
(one anna is equal to about two cents or an English penny), and
last with care for some time.

Besides the rice used for ordinary meals there are many varieties
of glutinous rice that are cooked or st