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Title: The Discovery of Australia
Author: George Collingridge
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Title: The Discovery of Australia
Author: George Collingridge


A Critical, Documentary and Historic Investigation Concerning the
Priority of Discovery in Australasia by Europeans before the arrival of
Lieutenant James Cook, in the Endeavour, in the year 1770.


With Illustrations, Charts, Maps, Diagrams, etc. Copious Notes,
References, Geographical Index and Index to Names.

























In the Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of
Australasia, Sydney, New South Wales, 1893.

read at the December 1891 Meeting of the Royal Geographical Society of
Australasia, and further notes on the origin of Early Australian Charts.
In the Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of
Australasia, Sydney, New South Wales, 1893.

In the Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of
Australasia, Sydney, New South Wales, 1893.

In the Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society of Australasia
(Victorian Branch) Melbourne, 1894.

In the Magazine of American History, New York 1893.

leur importance relativement a la decouverte de ce continent.
In the Bulletin de la Societe Neuchateloise de Geographie, Neuchatel

In the Bulletin de la Societe Neuchateloise de Geographie, Neuchatel,

In the Geographical Journal, including the Proceedings of the Royal
Geographical Society, London, 1894.




Of the many books which have been published on subjects relating to
Australia and Australian History, I am not aware of any, since my late
friend Mr. R.H. Major's introduction to his valuable work, Early Voyages
to Terra Australis, which has attempted a systematic investigation into
the earliest discoveries of the great Southern Island-Continent, and the
first faint indications of knowledge that such a land existed. Mr.
Major's work was published in 1859, at a time when the materials for such
an enquiry were much smaller than at present. The means of reproducing
and distributing copies of the many ancient maps which are scattered
among the various libraries of Europe were then very imperfect, and the
science of Comparative Cartography, of which the importance is now well
recognised, was in its infancy. For these reasons, his discussion, useful
though it still is, cannot be regarded as abreast of modern
opportunities. It is indeed, after the lapse of more than a third of a
century, somewhat out of date. Having therefore been led to give close
attention during several years to the whole subject, I have thought the
time ripe for the present work.

The distance from the great centres and stores of knowledge at which I
have been compelled to labour will excuse to the candid critic the errors
which will no doubt be discovered, yet I feel some confidence that these
will prove to be omissions rather than positive mistakes. No pains have
been spared in investigating the full body of documents now available.
Though unable to examine personally some manuscripts of interest and
value, I believe I can truly say that I have read every book, and
examined every map, of real importance to the question, which has been
produced in English, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian and Dutch. I
have corresponded also largely, during the past four years, with many of
the most eminent members of the Geographical Societies of London, Paris,
Madrid, Lisbon, Rome, Amsterdam and Neuchatel. To these gentlemen I am
deeply indebted for searches which they have made for me in the libraries
and museums within their reach, for much information readily and kindly
afforded, and for the interest and sympathy which they have at all times
manifested in my labours. My thanks are due also to the gentlemen in
charge of the Sydney Free Public Library, who kindly enriched their
collection with many rare and very useful volumes of permanent importance
which I was unable to procure myself, and who aided my researches by
every means in their power. I cannot hope that in a subject so vast and
interesting I shall be found to have said the last word, yet I trust that
my book may prove to be of value, both in itself and as directing the
attention of others to a field which should be mainly explored by
residents in Australia. Such as it is, I now send it forth, with the
natural solicitude of a parent, and commend it to the indulgence of the
reader, and the kindly justice of the critic.


Hornsby Junction,
July, 1895.




The Dawn of Geographical Knowledge, especially with Reference to the
Southern Hemisphere.

An Inquiry concerning the Position of North and South in Ancient
The Equatorial Regions Distorted.
Taprobana and Ceylon.

CHAPTER 4. A.D. 1 TO 150.
St. Thomas.
Galvano's Opinion on Ptolemy's Geography.

Early Manuscript Maps of the First Period of the Middle Ages.

CHAPTER 6. A.D. 1295.
Marco Polo.
Java Minor and Java Major.
Five types of Maps with Marco Polo's Nomenclature.
Odoric de Pordenone.

Prince Henry the Navigator.

CHAPTER 8. A.D. 1444.
Nicolo de' Conti.

CHAPTER 9. A.D. 1457 TO 1459.
Fra Mauro Mappamundi.

CHAPTER 10. A.D. 1471 TO 1478.
The Equator crossed.
Revival of Ancient ideas concerning the sphericity of the Earth.

CHAPTER 11. A.D. 1479 TO 1484.
Toscanelli and Columbus.

CHAPTER 12. A.D. 1484 TO 1487.
The Cape of Good Hope Reached.

CHAPTER 13. A.D. 1487 TO 1489.
Bartholomew Columbus' Lost Map of the World.

CHAPTER 14. A.D. 1487 TO 1489.
British Museum Mappamundi.
A possible Copy from Bartholomew Columbus' Map of the World.

CHAPTER 15. A.D. 1492.
Martin Behaim's Globe.

CHAPTER 16. A.D. 1492.
The Australasian Regions on Martin Behaim's Globe.

CHAPTER 17. A.D. 1499.
Terra Australis.
Said to be Discovered.

CHAPTER 18. A.D. 1500.
Juan de la Cosa's Map.
Cantino's Map.
Australia the Baptismal Font of Brazil.

CHAPTER 19. A.D. 1503 TO 1508.
De Gonneville's Alleged Voyage to Australia.
Ludovico Barthema.

CHAPTER 20. A.D. 1506 TO 1511.
Hunt-Lenox Globe.
Ruysch's Mappamundi of 1507 to 1508.

CHAPTER 21. A.D. 1511.
Conquest of Malacca.
D'Abreu's Expedition to the Spice Islands.

CHAPTER 22. A.D. 1512 TO 1521.
Magalhaens and Serrano.
Francisco Rodriguez Portolanos.

CHAPTER 23. A.D. 1515 TO 1517.
The Frankfort-Schonerean Globe of 1515.
The Sunda and Molucca Islands as traced in Pedro Reinel's Chart.

CHAPTER 24. A.D. 1516 TO 1519.
Line of Demarcation of Magalhaens and Pope Alexander VI.

CHAPTER 25. A.D. 1520 TO 1522.
Vastness of the Pacific Ocean gradually Realised.
Petrus Apianus' Mappamundi of 1520.
Mappemonde La Salle, circa 1522.
Juan Vespuccius' Mappamundi of 1522/1523.
The First Circumnavigators.

CHAPTER 26. A.D. 1523.
Maximilianus Transylvanus' Letter.

CHAPTER 27. A.D. 1522 TO 1523.
Alleged Globe of Schoner of 1523.

CHAPTER 28. A.D. 1525 TO 1529.
Loaysa's Expedition to the Spice Islands.
Don Jorge de Menezes.
The Franciscus Monachus Mappamundi of 1526.
Alvaro de Saavedra Discovers nearly the whole of the North Coast of New Guinea.

CHAPTER 29. A.D. 1527 TO 1536.
Spanish Official Maps.
The Anonymous Weimar Mappamundi of 1527.
The Diego Ribeiro Mappamundi of 1529.
The Dauphin Chart, 1530 to 1536.

CHAPTER 30. A.D. 1530 TO 1550.
The Dauphin Chart of the Assigned Date of 1530 to 1536, and other Maps of
   the same School.

CHAPTER 31. 1531 TO 1542.
The Mappemonde of Orontius Finaeus of 1531.
Schoner's Weimar Globe of 1533.
G. Mercator's Double Cordiform Mappamundi of 1538.
Hernando de Grijalva's Expedition to the Spice Islands.
Two Maps of Australia by John Rotz (Jean Roze), 1542.

CHAPTER 32. A.D. 1540 TO 1545.
Villalobos' Expedition.
New Guinea named by Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico.
Juan Gaetan's Account of the Homeward Voyage of the San Juan along the
   North Coast of New Guinea.

CHAPTER 33. A.D. 1544 TO 1569.
The Sebastian Cabot Mappamundi of 1544.
The Henri II (so called) Mappamundi of 1546.
Pierre Desceliers' Mappamundi of 1550.
Mendana's Expedition of 1567.

CHAPTER 34. A.D. 1569 TO 1580.
Gerard Mercator's Mappamundi of 1569.
Ortelius' Mappamundi of 1570.
The Rise of England's Maritime Power.
Drake amongst the Islands to the North of Australia.

CHAPTER 35. A.D. 1537 TO 1588.
Cavendish amongst the Islands to the North of Australia.

CHAPTER 36. A.D. 1592 TO 1595.
The Rise of Holland's Maritime Power.
H. Linschoten.
Cornelius Claesz.
Peter Plancius.
The First Voyage of the Dutch to Australasia.

CHAPTER 37. A.D. 1595 TO 1605.
Mendana's Expedition in Search of the Great Southern Continent.
New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and the Australian Continent on De Bry's
   and Wytfliet's Maps.
De Quiros and Torres.
Arrival of the Dutch in the East Indian Archipelago.

Extract from a Memorial addressed to His Catholic Majesty Phillip III of
Spain, by Dr. Juan Luis Arias, respecting the Exploration, Colonisation,
   and Conversion of the Southern Land.

CHAPTER 39. A.D. 1605 TO 1606.
Relation of Luis Vaez de Torres, concerning the Discoveries of Quiros, as
   his Almirante, dated Manila, July 12 1607.

CHAPTER 40. A.D. 1605 TO 1607.
The First Claim of Dutch Discovery in Australia.
The Voyage of the Little Dove to the South Coast of New Guinea and the
   Gulf of Carpentaria.

CHAPTER 41. A.D. 1606 TO 1613.
Don Diego de Prado's Original Maps, made in 1606, showing the Discoveries
   made by the Spaniards that same year in the New Hebrides and New Guinea.
Two letters of Don Diego de Prado to the King of Spain, referring to de
   Quiros' Discoveries.

CHAPTER 42. A.D. 1616.
Dirck Hartog's Alleged Discovery on the western coast of Australia.

CHAPTER 43. A.D. 1617 TO 1623.
Other Dutch Discoveries on the western coast of Australia and south coast
   of New Guinea.
Abraham Goos' Globe of 1621.
The Discovery of the Land of the Leeuwin.
The Voyage of the Pera and Arnhem to the Gulf of Carpentaria.

CHAPTER 44. A.D. 1624 TO 1629.
An English Petition to King James the First for the right to Colonize the
   Terra Australis.
Discovery of the south coast of Australia, 1627.
The Vianen on the north-west coast in 1628.
The Wreck of the Batavia in 1629.

CHAPTER 45. A.D. 1630 TO 1640.
A Pre-Tasmanian Map of Australia.
Discoveries in the Gulf of Carpentaria.
Hoeius' Map, circa 1640.

CHAPTER 46. A.D. 1642 TO 1658.
Tasman's First Voyage round about Australia.
Tasman's Second Voyage along the northern and north-western coasts of
Wreck of the Golden Dragon.

CHAPTER 47. A.D. 1660 TO 1669.
P. Goos' Maps of Hollandia Nova, circa 1660 to 1669.

CHAPTER 48. A.D. 1688 TO 1700.
The Dawn of the English Period.
W. Dampier's First Voyage to New Holland.
W. de Vlamingh's Voyage.
W. Dampier's Second Voyage.

CHAPTER 49. A.D. 1700 TO 1717.
Voyage of the Nova Hollandia, the Wajer, and Vossenbosch to Melville
   Island and the Coburg Peninsula in 1705.
Dampier and Welbe.

CHAPTER 50. A.D. 1717 TO 1770.
John Purry's Propositions.
Roggeween's Expedition.
The Loss of the Zeewyck.

















































































































"Lifted up on the vast wave, he quickly beheld afar." HOMER.


(*Footnote. The initial sketch-map above is a very much reduced
adaptation of the Dauphin Chart of Australia which accompanies Chapter

Australia may some day, perhaps in 1899, hold an International
Exhibition, even as America held one in Chicago to commemorate the
four-hundredth anniversary of her discovery.

Looking broadly at the question of American discovery, C. Columbus may be
said to have discovered America in 1492; but the controversy on the
question, for the critic who likes to enquire into details, is not
settled yet.

Concerning the discovery of Australia, we are further off still from a
solution than our cousins of the New World. This is owing partly to the
fact that the matter has not yet received with us the same amount of

Lately there has been found a wooden globe, now in Paris,* on which an
inscription occurs to the effect that the Terra Australis was discovered
in 1499. The assertion needs confirmation, of course, like all other
assertions, without exception, relating to discoveries.

(*Footnote. This curious globe is preserved in the geographical
department of the Paris National Library (Number 386). For further
particulars concerning this globe we refer our readers to the admirable
work by Henry Harrisse, The Discovery of North America, where it is
described, page 613. H. Harrisse ascribes to it the date of circa 1535.)

The whole question of early Australasian maritime discovery is so
thoroughly enveloped in mystery that it will require not only the
greatest care to fathom it, but also the greatest impartiality and
circumspection to decide to whom the honor of priority of discovery is

As an instance, if we suppose that Captain Cook (Lieutenant at the time)
discovered the eastern sea-board, which, by the way, is the generally
accepted belief, we are met at the outset by the rebuffing testimony of
old charts presenting every portion of that coast line clearly set down
more than two hundred years before his arrival in these seas.

Then, if, taking a step backward, we consider the claims of the next
candidate for the honor, we are confronted by Tasman. What discoveries
did HE make? The old charts we have referred to preclude the possibility
of a discovery by him of the western and eastern shores. As to the
northern and southern coasts, which are not given on the said charts,
there is much incertitude. Who shall say who discovered them?

Again, while, as we shall show, the Portuguese and Spaniards were as a
nation the first Europeans to navigate in Australian waters and must have
discovered Australia, we find no narrative of their discoveries as far as
the continent of Australia is concerned. Furthermore, when we consult the
maps, the prototypes of which were made by them, and on which the
Australian continent, although evidently distorted for a purpose, is set
down with a fair amount of accuracy, we find these very documents
borrowing certain features and a certain nomenclature from older
representations on globes and maps. We are thus thrown back to a period
that antedates the arrival of their fleets in the southern hemisphere.

These older globes and maps connect us with the Ptolemaic period, which,
being one of retrogression in a certain measure, makes it imperative for
us to begin our inquiries with the very dawn of geographical knowledge.




(Footnote. With the initial W are represented Oannes and Ea, the Greek
and Chaldean Fish-Gods.)

We have said that the Ptolemaic period was one of retrogression in a
certain measure. This is apparent when we take into consideration the
fact that the earlier ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth were
generally discredited by Europeans during the prevalence of the Ptolemaic
system, which lasted thirteen centuries. Ptolemy however is not
altogether, if at all, responsible for this; as many errors got abroad
during the prevalence of manuscript copying, and even after the
introduction of printing, that were afterwards attributed to him and
other classical authors. It is therefore a difficult task to separate the
true teachings of early philosophers from the errors introduced
subsequently and which became crystallized in the first printed editions
of their works, appearing early in the sixteenth century. But it is a
task that is being performed by comparing the traditions and records of
western and eastern civilizations. During what has been termed the dark
ages in Europe, Oriental writers preserved in many instances more
faithful traditions, and were more versed in the sciences than the most
eminent men of their time in Europe. Such men as Albert-le-Grand, Bacon,
Pierre d'Abano, Dante, etc. began the work of revision; it is owing to
their knowledge of Oriental languages that they became pre-eminent among
their contemporaries, and they often refer to Oriental authors in matters
connected with geography, cosmography, astronomy and kindred sciences.

However, in order to fully appreciate the changes that took place with
regard to this matter, we must begin at the beginning, for, owing to the
connection and continuity that exist in all geographical representations,
we might overlook or fail to understand many cartographic particularities
if we did not get a clear conception of their origin. We must bear in
mind the theories of early cosmology and the motives that obtained later
on, whereby many features of archaic cosmography may have been altered;
as, for instance, the placing of islands in the northern hemisphere,
which, in reality, belonged to the southern one.


It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the
earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of the
earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those of a
subsequent period.*

(*Footnote. Mr. Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed out: The legend of
the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society 1886, etc., that
Australia must have been known in the most remote antiquity of the early
history of civilisation, at a time when the intercourse with America was
still maintained. It is certainly remarkable, as we learn from classic
authors, that the school of Pergamos taught that the earth was divided
into four worlds or regions. These were the Great World or Northern
Continent (Asia, Europe. and Africa), the Austral or Southern World
(Australia), the Northern World, opposite this continent--speaking from
Europe--(North America), and the Southern World, to balance the Austral
World (South America). All these were stated to be inhabited. Navis,
Australia and the Ancients, Notes and Queries volume 5 page 356 May 5

Let us see what they were. The author of Chaldea* says:

(*Footnote. Chaldea from the Earliest Times to the Rise of Assyria, etc.
by Zenalde A. Ragozin, London 1889 page 133.)

"According to Mr. Francois Lenormant,* the Shumiro-Accads had formed a
very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the world to be
like; they imagined it to have the shape of an inverted** round boat or
bowl, the thickness of which would represent the mixture of land and
water (ki-a) which we call the crust of the earth, while the hollow
beneath this inhabitable crust was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss
(ge), in which dwelt many powers.

(*Footnote. Lenormant, in the English translation of his La magie chez
les Chaldeens, which is a revised and enlarged edition of that French
work which appeared in the autumn of 1874, says, page 151: "Let us
imagine then a boat turned over, not such an one as we are in the habit
of seeing, but a round skiff like those which are still used, under the
name of Kufa, on the shores of the lower Tigris and Euphrates, and of
which there are many representations in the historical sculptures of the
Assyrian palaces, the sides of this round skiff bend upwards from the
point of the greatest width, so that they are shaped like a hollow sphere
deprived of two-thirds (sic, for one-third, as the context shows. G.C.)
of its height, and showing a circular opening at the point of division.
Such was the form of the earth according to the authors of the Accadian
magical formulae and the Chaldean astrologers of after years. We should
express the same idea in the present day by comparing it to an orange of
which the top had been cut off, leaving the orange upright upon the flat
surface thus produced.")

(**Footnote. See sketch.)

Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana), itself
divided into two regions--the highest heaven or firmament, which, with
the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as round an axis or
pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which joined it to the earth as
a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the far North-East--some say
North--and the lower heaven, where the planets--a sort of resplendent
animals, seven in number, of beneficent nature--wandered forever on their
appointed path. To these were opposed seven evil demons, sometimes called
The Seven Fiery Phantoms. But above all these, higher in rank and greater
in power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or, as often,
simply ANA--Heaven. Between the lower heaven and the surface of the earth
is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or MERMER, the Wind, where he
drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and whence he pours down the rain,
which is stored in the great reservoir of Ana, in the heavenly Ocean. As
to the earthly Ocean, it is fancied as a broad river, or watery rim,
flowing all round the edge of the imaginary inverted bowl; in its waters
dwells EA,* or THE EXALTED FISH, or on a magnificent ship, with which he
travels round the earth, guarding and protecting it." See accompanying
sketch (Illustration 57) of an inverted Chaldean boat transformed into a
terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the possible appearance of
early globes.

(*Footnote. Berosus, the priestly historian of Babylon, in reporting the
legend concerning the arrival of EA from the East, seems to have given
the God's name EA-han (EA the Fish) under the corrupted Greek form of

Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier Chaldean
ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also in the
circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its position from
latitudes encircling the ARCTIC REGIONS to a latitude in close proximity
to the equator.

Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external ocean--ENCROACHMENT
EARTH--SURROUNDING RIVER OKEANOS--the traditions relating to the
existence of an island, of immense extent, beyond the known world, were
kept up, for they pervade the writings of many of the authors of

One of the most striking of the traditions we refer to is quoted by R.H.
Major* in the following terms:

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Early Voyages to Australia, page ii line 27.)

"In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is the
account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in
which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were lands surrounded
by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another island, of
immense extent, of which he gives a description. The account of this
conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written
three centuries and a half before the Christian era. Not to trouble the
reader with Greek, we give an extract from the English version by Abraham
Fleming, printed in 1576, in the amusingly quaint but vivid language of
the time:


"(Paragraph mark) Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and
Selenus, and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported.

"Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were knit in
familiaritie and acquaintance. This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe
inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men
concerning mortalytie and death. These twaine mingled communication of
sundrye thynges. At length, in processe of talke, Selenus tolde Midas of
certaine ilandes, named Europia, Asia, and Libia, which the ocean sea
circumscribeth and compasseth round about; and that without this worlde
there is a continent or percell of dry lande, which in greatnesse (as hee
reported) was infinite and unmeasurable; that it nourished and
maintained, by the benefite of the greene medowes and pasture plots,
sundrye bigge and mighty beastes; that the men which inhabite the same
climats exceede the stature of us twise, and yet the length of their life
is not equall to ours; that there be many and divers great citties,
manyfold orders and trades of living; that their lawes, statutes, and
ordinaunces are different, or rather clean contrary to ours. Such and
lyke thinges dyd he rehearce." Major adds: "The remainder of this curious
conversation, however apparently fabulous, deserves attention from the
thoughtful reader."

The peculiar Chaldean opinion relating to the boat-shaped form of the
earth is commented upon by Mr. Gladstone in his Homeric Synchronysms.
Speaking of F. Lenormant's description, Gladstone says: "He (Lenormant)
observes that the meaning of scaphoeides is the form of a boat reversed,
and that the boats of the rivers Tigris and Euphrates were circular. They
are so represented on the Nineveh sculptures (Rawlinson, note on
Herodotus, i. 194); and they may still be seen on these rivers in the
like form."

"But he (Lenormant) does not notice," says Gladstone, "what we learn from
Colonel Chesney (Expedition to the Euphrates and Tigris; volume i. page
57; volume ii. page 640; and Rawlinson as before cited) namely, that the
side of the boat curves inwards, so that when reversed the figure of it
would be like an orange with a slice taken off the top, and then set on
its flat side. The Chaldean conception, thus rudely described, shows a
yet nearer approximation (to say the least) to the true doctrine
concerning the form of the globe, when we bear in mind that this actually
is in shape a flattened sphere, with the vertical diameter (so to speak)
the shorter one."

Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the
habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable portion
of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it came to
pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could not be
represented for want of space*--belonging to the southern hemisphere were
set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere.

(*Footnote. A curious example of the difficulties that early
cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend with, and
of the sans facon method of dealing with them, occurs in the celebrated
Fra Mauro Mappamundi, which is one of the last in which the external
ocean is still retained. On this map of the world the islands of the
Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from Malacca to Japan.
Borneo, Scelebes and the Philippines are left out, and the cartographer,
conscious of his omissions, excuses himself naively in these terms: "In
questo Mar Oriental sono molte isole grande e famose che non ho posto per
non aver luogo: In this Oriental sea there are great many large and
well-known islands, that I have not set down, because I had no room."
After this admission there was room for improvement.)

We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early
period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we may
safely conjecture as much, judging from copies which have been handed
down. Globes especially--as being more explicit, because not presenting
the difficulties of planispheric projection--would have been useful, for
they would have shown us exactly what early geographical knowledge must
have been in this respect; unfortunately, whereas the earliest recorded
MENTION of an earth globe is of the one made by Crates (200 B.C.), ten
feet in diameter and described by Strabo, Geographica; Book ii. cap. v.
paragraph 10--the earliest one extant dates no further back than the year
1492. This is the well-known globe of Martin Behaim, of Nuremberg.

Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us back to a
somewhat remoter period; they all bear most of the disproportions of the
Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the pre-Ptolemaic period are
known to exist. The influence of the Ptolemaic astronomical and
geographical system was very great, and lasted for over thirteen hundred
years. Even the Arabs, who, after the fall of the Roman Empire, developed
the geographical knowledge of the world during the first period of the
middle ages, adopted many of its errors. With reference to the earliest
opinions concerning a knowledge of an Australian Continent, R.H. Major
"Among the very early writers, the most striking quotation that the
editor has lighted upon in connection with the southern continent, is
that which occurs in the astronomicon of Manilius, lib. i. lin. 234, et
seq., where, after a lengthy dissertation, he says:

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Early Voyages to Australia, Introduction, page
xii. line 14th.)

Ex quo colligitur terrarum forma rotunda;
Hanc circum variae gentes hominum atque ferarum,
Aeriaeque colunt volucres. Pars ejus ad arctos

The latter clause of this sentence, so strikingly applying to the lands
in question, has been quoted as a motto for the title page of this
volume--Early Voyages to Australia. The date at which Manilius wrote,
though not exactly ascertained, is supposed, upon the best conclusions to
be drawn from the internal evidence supplied by his poem, to be of the
time of Tiberius.

"Aristotle also, in his Meteorologica, lib. ii. cap. 5, has a passage
which, though by no means so distinct as the preceding, speaks of two
segments of the HABITABLE globe, one towards the north, the other towards
the south pole, and which have the form of a drum. Aratus, Strabo, and
Geminus have also handed down a similar opinion, that the torrid zone was
occupied throughout its length by the ocean, and that the band of sea
divided our continent from another, situated, as they suppose, in the
southern hemisphere. (See Aratus, Phoenom., 537; Strabo, i. 7, page 130,
and i. 17; Crates apud Geminum, Elementa Astronomica, c. lxiii. in the
Uranologia, page 31)."

In the 9th century Al-Mamoun had Ptolemy's geography translated, which
became the Almageste, or Great Book of the Arabs. In the course of time,
through practical experience acquired in their extensive voyages to the
east and south-east, the Arabs wrought many improvements in their maps.
An important one was introduced in their maps of the Indian Ocean, and
that is: after having been set down as a Mediterranean, or enclosed sea,
by their predecessors, they represented it as an open sea again, as in
the days of Homer and in the geography of Erathosthenes.

Ptolemy's fantastic islands of the Indian Ocean--fantastic inasmuch as
they had been shifted from the southern to the northern
hemisphere--reappear during the later Arabian period in the southern
hemisphere; but, strangely enough, with others, which in their turn
become fantastic--so to speak--inasmuch as they are set down in the
southern while belonging to the regions north of the equator; the latter
mistake being traceable, principally, to an erroneous interpretation of
the writings of the two great Venetian travellers Marco Polo and Nicolo
de' Conti.

Thus we have a threefold source of information--a Greek, an Arabian, and
an Italian--and we shall find this threefold character in the
nomenclature of the islands we refer to.



Io mi volsi a man destra, e posi mente
All' altro polo; e vidi quattro stelle
Non viste mai, fuor ch' alla prima gente
Goder pareva 'l ciel di lor fiammelle.
O settentrional vedovo sito,
Poiche privato se' di mirar quelle!

Dante, Purgatorio, Canto I.


(Footnote. With the initial L of this Chapter is represented an Aztec
Calendar or Water-Stone. drawn in facsimile and reduced from the
illustration in Mr. Thomas Crawford Johnston's paper, Did the Phoenicians
discover America? which appeared in a special bulletin of the
Geographical Society of California; dated San Francisco, September 15

Speaking of this stone Mr. Johnston says: "And perhaps more curious
still, we find among the remains of this people in the ancient and
capital city of Mexico what has been called a calendar stone, which
anyone may see at a glance is a national monument of a seafaring people
in the form of a mariner's compass, and to which they probably attributed
the fact that they had discovered the new world." Pages 12 and 13.)

Let us now examine some of the peculiarities of geographical evolution.
One of these peculiarities is of very great importance, to say the least,
and has never, to our knowledge, been commented upon, or noticed by
cartographers or others with reference to the perturbation and errors
that it may have occasioned. It relates to the position of north and

We have seen that according to the earliest geographical notions the
habitable world was represented as having the shape of an INVERTED round
boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all round its rim, beyond which
opened out the ABYSS or BOTTOMLESS PIT, which was beneath the habitable

The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking its
general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that which
refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the spectator.

Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe or map
with the north at the top, would lead us' to conclude that the ABYSS or
BOTTOMLESS PIT of the inverted Chaldean boat, the Hades and Tartaros of
the Greek conception, should be situated to the south, somewhere in the
Antarctic regions.

There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we gather
in the Poems,* that these abyssal regions were supposed or believed to be
situated around the North Pole.

(*Footnote. The internal evidence of the Poems points to a northern as
well as a southern location for the entrance to the infernal regions. Mr.
Gladstone seems to incline to this opinion when he says (Homer page 60
paragraph 4. The Outward Geography Eastwards): "The outer geography
eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior boundary the great river
Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting flux and reflux, roundabout
the territory given to living man. On its farther bank lies the entrance
to the Underworld; and the passage, which connects the sea (Thalassa, or
Pontos) with Okeanos, lies in the east: 'where are the abodes of the
morning goddess, and the risings of the sun' (Od. 12:3). Here however he
makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and cannot
well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od. 10:139). This bewildered
state of mind may be reasonably explained. The whole northern region, of
sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was known to him only by
Phoenician reports. One of these told him of a Kimmerian land deprived
perpetually of sun or daylight. Another of a land, also in the north,
where a man, who could dispense with sleep, might earn double wages, as
there was hardly any night. He probably had the first account from some
sailor who had visited the northern latitudes in summer; and the second
from one who had done the like in winter. They were at once true, and for
him irreconcilable. So he assigned the one tale to a northern country
(Kimmerie) on the ocean-mouth eastwards, near the island of Kirke, and
the other to the land of the Laistrugonas westwards but also northern,
and lying at some days' distance from Aiolie; but was compelled, by the
ostensible contradiction, to throw his latitudes into something like
purposed confusion."

The author suggests the following as another probable source of
information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as
pilots of King Solomon's fleets BROUGHT GOLD AND SILVER, IVORY, APES AND
PEACOCKS from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian islands. The
Phoenician reports referred to by Mr. Gladstone came most likely
therefore, not so much from the north, as from these regions which,
tradition tells us (See Fra Mauro's Mappamundi), were situated propinqua
ale tenebre. Volcanoes were supposed to be the entrances to the infernal
regions, and towards the south-east the whole region beyond the river
Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa and the sea of Banda, was
sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to warrant the idea they may have
originated. Then in a north-easterly direction Homer's great river
Okeanos would flow along the shores of the Sandwich group, where the
volcanic peak of Mt. Kilauea towers three miles above the ocean. Indeed,
wherever we look round the margin of the circumfluent ocean for an
appropriate entrance to Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan,
Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands.)

European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered the
bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and setting of
the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and Sephuros. These
winds covered the arcs intervening between our four cardinal points of
the compass, which points were not located exactly as with us; but the
north leaning to the east, the east to the south, the south to the west
and the west to the north (see Turin Map).

These mariners and geographers adopted the plan--an arbitrary one--of
considering the earth as having the north above and the south below, and,
after globes or maps had been constructed with the north at the top, and
this method had been handed down to us, we took for granted that it had
obtained universally and in all times.

Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the Phoenicians,
the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations, considered the
south to be above and the north below.

The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman
regulated his navigation by the north star, the Asiatic sailor turned to
southern constellations for his guidance. Many cartographers of the
renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse them,
must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this perhaps
through copying local charts obtained in the countries visited by them.

It is strange that Mr. Gladstone, in pointing out so cleverly that the
Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine
concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at the
same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the Chaldean
terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top. This is all the more
strange when we take into consideration that, in the light of his
context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as coinciding with
other European views concerning the location of the north on terrestrial
globes and maps. These are Mr. Gladstone's words:

"The surface of the vessel represented is the world which we inhabit. The
mouth lies downward. In the hollow of the solid dwell the Earth-genii of
Tartaros and the Spirits of the dead. Over it extends the compacted mass
of Heaven, with its astral bodies. All this seems to have been adopted by
Homer. But, moreover, the Chaldean Heaven rested upon columns, about
which it revolved; these columns were not at the zenith of the heaven,
which was immediately over Accad, but at the Mountain of the East.* And
even so Homer sets his heaven upon columns, BUT PLACES THEM WITH HIS

(*Footnote. "North-east, some say north," according to Ragozin. Note of


Greek conception of the shape of the earth.

To resume briefly: The Chaldeans placed their north below; Homer placed
his north above. See Illustration 37. The Chaldeans placed their heaven
in the east or north-east; Homer placed his heaven in the south or

During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and the
terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to the
earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling the known
world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic Ocean, which in
days of yore encircled the infernal regions. In this ocean we find also
EA the EXALTED FISH, but, deprived of his ancient grandeur and divinity,
he is no doubt considered nothing more than a merman at the period when
acquaintance is renewed with him on the Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin
bearing date 1515. See Mappamundi bearing that date.

At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one hemisphere
of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent ocean must have
encircled the world as represented by the geographical exponents of the
time being; albeit in a totally different way than expressed in the
Shumiro-Accadian records. The divergence was probably owing in a great
APPEARANCE OF THE GLOBE ON A PLANE; but may be also traceable to an
erroneous interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of
the cardinal points of the compass.

Afterwards came the geographical period, 500 B.C., when Thales drew the
equator across the globe; but the original design of this line of
demarcation became confused also, and so misapplied that it was made to
follow the southern rim of the ocean that girt the world. This
extraordinary manner of distorting the equatorial regions was repeated in
mediaeval charts, and one of its last representations is nowhere more
remarkable than in Fra Mauro's celebrated Mappamundi of 1457/1459, a very
much reduced facsimile of which is given elsewhere.

The zone or climate division of the world was propounded about the same
time. According to this division other continents south of the equator
were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be approached
by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of the presumed
impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the heat of which was
believed to be too intense.

It follows from all this that, as mariners DID actually traverse those
regions and penetrate south of the equator, the islands they visited
most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of islands, Sumbawa, etc.,
were believed to be in the northern hemisphere, and were consequently
placed there by geographers, as the earliest maps of the various editions
of Ptolemy's Geography bear witness.

To these first sources of confusion may be added another that originated
with the misleading accounts in which Ceylon and Sumatra were
indiscriminately described under the Greek name of Taprobana,* and this
confusion of one island with the other led to various forms of
distortion; sometimes Ceylon was placed in the longitude and latitude of
Sumatra; at other times Sumatra was placed where Ceylon stands; but, as
Sumatra was known by some to be cut in two by the equator, Ceylon had to
be enlarged so as to extend sufficiently south to allow for it being
bisected by the equator as mentioned. Then again islands lying south of
the equator came to be taken for Ceylon--Ceram, for instance.

(*Footnote. Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the Tamravarna of
Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our modern Sumatra.
See Alberuni's India volume 1 page 296.)

These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous interpretation
of information received; and the most likely period during which
cognizance of these islands was obtained was when Alexandria was the
centre of the Eastern and Western commerce of the world. About this time
Erathosthenes was the chief or great Librarian at Alexandria (230 to 220
B.C.). Geographical science was on the eve of reaching its apogee with
the Greeks, ere it was doomed to retrograde with the decline of the Roman
Empire. The views of the three great Greek astronomers and
cartographers--Dicearchus, Erathosthenes and Hipparchus (300 to 125
B.C.)--comprising the origin of degrees of longitude and latitude, the
inauguration of the principle of stereographic projection and the
division of the circle into 360 degrees, give us an idea of the progress
made at the time. Although these views were continued and developed to a
certain extent by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman
period, and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became
obscured as time rolled on. The earliest known maps of the mediaeval
epoch present the appearance of rough delineations of land and water, a
corrupted nomenclature, and no reference whatsoever to degrees of
longitude or latitude. No geographical progress, in fact, was made by
Europeans until Marco Polo, Odoric of Pordenone, and Nicolo de' Conti,
the three great Italian travellers, revealing afresh the vast extent and
wonders of the eastern and southern hemisphere, created the interest that
brought about the rediscovery of new worlds.

But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period which we have left, and
to form an idea of the chances of information which the traffic carried
on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks and Romans, let us
listen to what Galvano* says, quoting Strabo and Pliny (Strabo, lib. 17;
Plinius, lib. 12, cap. 18). The quaint phraseology of his translator runs
thus: "For the trafficke grew so exceeding great that they sent every
yeere into India a hundred and twenty ships laden with wares, which began
to set saile from Myos-Hormos about the middle of July, and returned
backe againe within one yeere. The marchandise which they did carrie
amounted unto one million two hundred thousand crownes; and there was
made in returne of every crown an hundred. In so much that, by reason of
this increase of wealth the matrones, or noblewomen, of that time and
place (Rome) spent infinitely in decking themselves with precious stones,
purple, pearles, gum benzoin, frankincense, musk, amber, sandalwood,
aloes, and other perfumes, and trinkets, and the like; whereof the
writers and historians of that age speake very greatly."

(*Footnote. The discoveries of the world from their first original unto
the year of our Lord 1555, by Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate.
Corrected, quoted, and published in England by Richard Hakluyt 1601 page

Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and Pliny,
after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia, were
conveyed from one island to another, any information--when sought
for--concerning the location of the islands from which the spices came,
must necessarily have been of a very unreliable character, for the
different islands at which any stay was made were invariably confounded
with those from which the spices originally came.* We shall see, when
dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world, some of the results of this

(*Footnote. Such misnomers as Turkey-cock and Turkey rhubarb remind one
of the same peculiar way of confusing names.)

CHAPTER 4. A.D. 1 TO 150.



(Footnote. With the initial D of this Chapter is represented St. Thomas
catechising the inhabitants of Zanzibar island as represented on Martin
Behaim's globe of 1492.)

During the first years of the first century of our epoch there lived two
personages of a somewhat different character, but having both a claim on
our attention as connected more or less with our subject. These two
personages are: St. Thomas the Apostle, and Strabo the Greek geographer.

According to the Lives of the Saints St. Thomas, after the dispersion of
the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians; then
went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus Christ. John III, King
of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought for in a little ruined
chapel that was over his tomb, outside Meliapur or Maliapor. The earth
was dug in 1523, and a vault was discovered shaped like a chapel. The
bones of the holy apostle were found, with some relics which were placed
in a rich vase. The Portuguese built near this place a new town which
they called St. Thomas or San-Thome. We shall have to refer to this town,
when the name first appears in chronological sequence.

In Strabo's Geography* there are these four points of importance with
reference to our subject:

1. That he corroborates Homer's views as to the sphericity of the earth
by describing Crates' terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii. cap. v.
section 10).

2. That he accentuates Homer's views concerning the black races which
lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east (the
Australian race).

3. That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have been
situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1, c. iv.
SAME PARALLEL, ETC." This is the idea that C. Columbus endeavoured to put
into practice; but had he followed the parallel mentioned, instead of
reaching the islands now called the West Indies, he would have reached
the latitude where New York now stands. Again, if we consider the
Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans as devoid of the American Continent,
and the Atlantic Ocean as stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo
did, the parallel of Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbus' ships to
the north of Japan--i.e. much further north than the India of Strabo.

4. That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he
supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in the
southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern

(*Footnote. Bohn's Classical Library.)

From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to the
Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the Mountain of
the South, or South-West, of Homer, and the Infernal Regions, we may
conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was situated somewhere in
the neighbourhood of the Sea of Okhotsk. The relativeness of these
positions appears to have been maintained on some mediaeval maps. See the
Turin Mappamundi and Fra Mauro's.


A.D. 150.


(Footnote. Our initial I has a representation of an elephant of Ceylon
taken from an old edition of Ptolemy's geography.)

If we consult the scanty evidence distributed here and there during the
middle ages in old manuscripts, cosmographies, maps, etc. we shall see by
the data they furnish how slowly the geographical evolution proceeded.
Hundreds of years elapsed without any apparent progress. Yet progress of
a practical kind was being made all the time. Whilst, as Galvano's
Translator* quaintly puts it: "All the world was in a hurly burly"; the
Arabs were extending their navigations and trade to Malacca and China.

(*Footnote. Galvano page 51.)

Then the great period of general renascence brought about a revival in
geography as in other studies, and conjecture gave way to truth, as
navigators gradually penetrated to the furthermost regions of the earth.

But even then the first flush of revival brought back Ptolemy to the
front, and it was some time before the errors and disproportions of his
system were rejected. Witness the pertinacity with which C. Columbus
maintained and always believed to the last, that he had reached
India--the India of Marco Polo, Nicolo de' Conti, Pierre d' Ailly, and
Toscanelli--aye, the India of the Ancients--when amongst the islands of
the West Indies and on the north coast of South America.

The early editions of Ptolemy contain a map of the world, which is,--for
aught we know to the contrary--in design and information contemporaneous
with Ptolemy himself. The sketch given here shows the Indian Ocean of a
map of the world in an edition of La Geografia di Claudio Tolomeo
Alexandrino, published in Venice in 1574, the configuration of which map
dates probably as far back as A.D. 150, which is about the period at
which Ptolemy compiled his great work.


In the entire map the degrees of longitude extend from the Canary Islands
on the west coast of Africa to the longitude of Hong Kong, or thereabouts
on the east coast of China. Towards the south the limits of the known
world do not extend beyond the 16th degree of latitude.

In the portion of the southern hemisphere comprised within these
limits--that is, to the south of the China Sea, we should find the
greater or southern half of Sumatra, the island of Java, and a
south-western portion of Borneo.

What do we really find depicted?

The northern rim of a continent called Terra incognita, which might
comprise a portion of the coast of Australia, but connected east and west
by a continuous line of coast. On this coast the continuous line runs
north, passes the equator, and, still running north, connects with the
east coast of China.

On the west the continuous line of coast follows the 16th parallel until
it reaches the east coast of Africa, a little below the island Menuthias,
the modern Zanzibar.

By the above description we notice that the Indian Ocean becomes a
Mediterranean or enclosed sea. The islands set down to the north of
Australia are: Ceylon, which bears the Greek name Taprobana, and is
traversed in its southern parts by the equatorial line, thus actually
confounded with and in certain respects representing Sumatra; Java,
called Zaba; Sumbawa, named Zibala; and the various Spice Islands in the
Banda Sea, which appear to be represented under the names of Maniole,
Barusae, Sindae, Sabadibae and Labadii; whereas Satiroru may refer to the
north-western parts of New Guinea. It will be noticed that in this map,
Sumatra, being confounded with Ceylon, is removed, together with the
adjoining Eastern Islands, from its position near the Malay Peninsula.

We conclude from the position of most of these islands that all these
places, although evidently visited, either by Phoenician, Malay or
Arabian sailors, were set down by guess on Ptolemy's map of the world,
from accounts more or less trustworthy received at second hand.

Otherwise, why should we find Java and Sumatra placed in the northern
hemisphere and in the longitude of Ceylon; New Guinea, or its
north-western extremity, where the south-west coast of Borneo should be?
The Spice Islands are correctly placed, as far as latitude is concerned,
but they are set down too far to the west.

A few more words on Ptolemy's map of the world before we dismiss this
relic of a bygone age.

It is strange how its configuration, in that portion of it which occupies
us just now, follows the outlines of lands represented in the latest
surveys as having been above the sea level during a period when man was
in existence, and who shall say to what extent those archaic
representations may not have been correct at one time? It is only fair
therefore to point out that excuses--not to say reasons--were not wanting
to account for Ptolemy's discrepancies. As an instance of the firm belief
in the soundness of his views and in the correctness of his geographical
representations, the following few remarks from a man of rare
talent--Galvano, the founder of historical geography--may be quoted.
Writing towards the end of the first half of the 16th century, Galvano

(*Footnote. Galvano's Discoveries of the World, printed for the Hakluyt
Society, page 26 et seq.)

"In India also, and in the land of Malabar, although now there be great
store of people, yet many writers affirme that it was once a maine sea
into the foot of the mountaines; and that the Cape of Comarim and the
Island of Zeilan were all one thing. As also that the Island of Samatra
did ioine with the land of Malacca by the flats of Caypassia; and not far
fro thence there stands now a little island, which feu yeeres past was
part of the firme land that is ouer against it.

"Furthermore, it is to be seene how Ptolemy in his tables doth set the
land of Malacca to the south of the line in three or fower degrees of
latitude, whereas now it is at the point thereof, being called Jentana,
in one degree on the north side, as appeereth in the Straight of
Cincapura, where daily they doe passe through unto the coast of Sian and
China, where the Island of Aynan standeth, which also they say did ioine
hard to the land of China: and Ptolemy placeth it on the north side far
from the line, standing now aboue 20 degrees from it towards the north,
as Asia and Europe now stand.

"Well it may be that in time past the land of Malacca and China did end
beyond the line on the south side, as Ptolemy doth set them foorth:
because it might ioine with the point of the land called Jentana, with
the Islands of Bintan, Banca, and Salitres being many that waies, and the
land might be all slime and oaze; and so ye point of China might ioine
with the Islands of Lucones, Borneos, Lequeos, Mindanaos, and others
which stand in this parallele; they also as yet hauing in opinion that
the Island of Samatra did ioine with Java by the channel of Sunda, and
the Islands of Bali, Anjane, Sambana, Solor, Hogaleas, Maulua, Vintara,
Rosalaguin, and others that be in this parallele and altitude, did all
ioine with Jaua (and form one land); and so they seeme outwardly to those
that descrie them. For at this day the islands stand so neere the one to
the other, that they seeme all but one firme land; and whosoever passeth
betweene some of them may touch with the hand the boughs of the trees on
the one and on the other side also. And to come neerer to the matter, it
is not long since that in the east the Islands of Banda were diuers of
them overflowen and drowned by the sea.* And so likewise in China about
nine score miles of firme ground is now become a lake, as it is reported.
Which is not to be thought maruellous; considering that which Ptolemy and
others haue written in such cases, which here I omit, to return to my

(*Footnote. The connection of these islands was well illustrated the
other day when the volcanic disturbances in Sanghir were found to affect
the volcanos of Borneo and Scelebes.)




(Footnote. The initial T of this Chapter is adapted from Ptolemy's

There are no maps of the world extant of the first centuries of our era,
so says Santarem.* Those of the first period of the middle ages are
exceedingly scarce. We shall give a few of these, because there may be,
in some of them, preserved by tradition, or copied from earlier
prototypes, certain features and nomenclature that, with the help of
fresh data, will form, at the least, the disjecta membra of a chain of
evidence that may throw additional light on ancient geography generally,
and on the geography of Australasian regions in particular.

(*Footnote. Essai sur l'Histoire de la Cosmographie et de la Cartographie
du Moyen-Age 1849.)


Number 1 is a Mappamundi given in Jomard's collection from the library of
Copenhagen. It bears no date. The south is placed at the top as indicated
by the lettering. In the northern hemisphere, which is placed below, we
notice Asia, Europa and Affrica. Africa is set down according to the
Homeric and Strabonean geography which limits its extent to the northern
hemisphere. The Australian regions bear the name Synti bygd, which we are
unable to explain. The circumfluent ocean surrounds the hemisphere
represented, which is cut in two by the torrid zone, the two habitable
temperate zones being bounded north and south by their respective glacial
zones. A band cutting the equinoctial at the correct angle answers to the
plane of the celestial ecliptic. It is a pity that the information it
affords is so limited, but, such as it is, it is worth noting.


Number 2 is a Mappamundi given in Santarem's and Jomard's collections; it
is from the Royal Library of Turin, where it is to be seen in a
manuscript of the Apocalypse written in the 8th century. In it the east
is at the top, where Adam and Eve form a conspicuous feature in the
Asiatic landscape there represented by various mountains and rivers.
Asia, Europe and Africa are represented as separated from each other by
expanses of sea drawn at right angles; except where a connection between
Asia and Africa is left at the head waters of the Blue Nile and the
south-eastern extremity of the Red Sea. To the north-west of this
isthmus--our modern isthmus of Suez--the White and Blue Nile, in a
strangely overlapping way which reminds one of a flying pennant, flow
into the Mediterranean opposite an island without name, intended no doubt
for Crete or Cyprus.

The narrow isthmus of Suez, instead of being laved on the north side by
the Mediterranean, is confined on that side by a spur of the mountains of
the moon and the source of the Blue Nile indicated by a lake, which must
be meant for Lake Tzana, otherwise called Dembea. On the side of the Red
Sea the waters represented are those of the Gulf of Aden at the south
entrance to the Red Sea; Mushkah Bay and the promontory that juts out to
the north of the islands of that name being clearly set down close to the
words Mare rubrum on the map. Away to the west another lake--either the
Albert Nyanza or the Victoria Nyanza--indicate the source of the White
Nile. The Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean are indicated, but bear no names.
Of the two islands in the extreme east, i.e. at the top of the map, one
bears the name of Crisa and is either meant for the Golden Chersonesus or
Sumatra; the other island may be intended for Java.

We come now to a part of the map that has a distinct and decided interest
for Australians. To the south of Africa AND Asia, and separated by the
Indian Ocean, a fourth part of the world is represented beyond the
Equator. This fourth part of the world bears the following Latin legend
written right across it: Extra tres aut partes orbis quarta pars trans
oceanum interior est qui solis ardore incognita nobis est cuius finibus
Antipodes fabalatore inhabitare pduneur. Besides these three parts of the
world there is a fourth part beyond the interior ocean (Indian Ocean,
supposed by some to be a Mediterranean ocean, hence the term interior
ocean), which on account of the heat of the sun is unknown to us, and
where may live the fabulous antipodeans.

This then is the origin of the terra Australis incognita; at least it is
so far the first representation we have of it on a map. Nor can we argue
that because it is roughly set down, it was not known, because Asia,
Europe, and Africa are set down in the same way. The geometrical
arrangement of the Mappamundi points to an archaic origin, preserved in
later, and especially Arabian, maps.

Other features of this venerable specimen of cartography can be traced to
an early period; we have seen, for instance, reference made to a southern
continent* 350 years before our era. The immediate origin however of the
Latin legend quoted above may be attributed to Isidore of Seville.
Speaking of Mela and Isidore de Seville with reference to the Alter orbis
and Antichthone, Santarem says (T.I., page 22) of Isidore de Seville, who
lived in the 8th century, i.e., just before the Mappamundi we refer to
was drawn: "Il admet aussi l'Antichthone, en soutenant qu'il y a une
quatrieme partie du monde, au-dela de l'ocean interieur, c'est-a-dire au
midi, qui en raison de l'ardeur du soleil, est inconnue, et dans
l'extremite de laquelle on pretend que les Antipodes fabuleux font leur

(*Footnote. Above, Silenus.)

As another proof of the antiquity of the origin of this Mappamundi we
cannot do better than call the critic's attention to those quaint figures
dispensing wind and rain from sea shells and inflated skins in the
atmospheric regions which correspond with the realm of IM or MERMER of
the Shumiro-Accadian records. These figures represent Boreas, Euros,
Notos and Zephuros of the early Greek period, as far as their respective
positions are concerned. We shall see the idea perpetuated in later
documents, the rain however being left out.


Number 3 is a Mappamundi of the 9th century from El Istahkri, the Arabian
geographer. In it the circumfluent ocean is represented, and it is in
communication with the Indian Sea. The coastal lines are drawn with rule
and compass, a method which may be termed a decorative one, and often
used by the Arabs. The south is at the top. At this period the
geographical knowledge of the Arabs must have been far superior to what
this miserable specimen of cartography would lead us to believe, for they
had, at the time, passed the Straits of Malacca, and traded regularly
between Omaun, on the Persian Gulf, and China. All the trade of China and
India was in their hands, whilst the nation that possesses most of it
nowadays was defending her coasts and ports against Danish pirates, and
King Alfred, in consequence, was commanding boats and long ships to be
built throughout the kingdom.


Number 4 is a Mappamundi, the original of which covers two pages of the
Latin manuscript Number 8878 in the French National Library, Paris. The
manuscript was executed towards the middle of the 11th century in the
Monastery of St. Sever in Gascony, under the guidance of L'abbe Gregoire,
who administered the establishment from 1028 to 1072. The accompanying
sketch is a facsimile of an abridged and reduced copy of the original
taken from the Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie Commerciale de
Bordeaux, Number 19, October 3 1892.

As in the Mappamundi Number 2, the east is placed at the top, where Adam
and Eve, here also, hold a conspicuous position. To the south of India we
notice a large island, I. Tapaprone, Indie--the Taprobana of the
ancients. Whether it represents Ceylon or Sumatra is difficult to say.
There are three other islands in the same ocean, Scolera, Crise, and
Argire. According to the internal evidence of later maps, but as far only
as nomenclature is concerned, Scolera (the Scoyra of the Frankfort gores)
is meant for Socotra, and Crise for the Malay Peninsula. According
however to the position of these two islands and of Argire, two of them,
at least, may have been intended originally, i.e., in the prototype, for
Sumatra and Java; whereas Crise represented probably the Malay Peninsula.
In the original document, near the island Argire, there is a legend that
has been omitted on the Mappamundi of the Bordeaux Bulletin. This legend
however has been given by the author of the description; we translate it
as follows: "This country is near India and the island Taprobane; it is
also near the islands Argire and Crise, where quantities of gold and
silver are collected. There are in these parts elephants and dragons,
spices and aromatics, precious stones. Monsters prevent men from
approaching." It is well to note this legend and fix its origin thus far,
as we shall find it handed down and often repeated with slight variation
on maps and in descriptions of a later period.

To the south of Africa and Asia, the fourth part of the world is set down
with a little less importance than in Mappamundi Number 2. The Latin
legend, also, is abridged, but this may not be so on the original, for
the author of the French description, which accompanies the reduced copy
of the map from which we have taken ours, wisely acknowledges the unwise
act of leaving out a part of the nomenclature; in his words "pour eviter
la confusion du dessin, nous ne donnous que quelques-uns des noms
inscrits sur la carte, nos lecteurs pouvant se reporter a l'original pour
les details qui les interesseraient plus particulierement, page 505, lin.

The circumfluent ocean surrounds the elliptical form of the hemisphere

CHAPTER 6. A.D. 1295.



In 1295, after an absence of many years, Marco Polo, the great Venetian
traveller, returned to Venice. He had travelled more extensively in the
East and had penetrated further than any other European. Since the days
of Alexander the Great, no traveller had brought back from Asia such a
store of information of every kind. On his way back, and in the vicinity
of the straits of Malacca, the fleet that Marco Polo was with was
compelled to wait for the favourable monsoon. Previous to this stay he
had sojourned for some time on the coast of Cochin-China. Meanwhile, he
gathered information concerning the islands that lay toward the south.

His chief informers, the Arabs, or Moors, as they were called, used to
give the generic term iaoas to all the islands in those regions. The
terms Java Major and Java Minor occur frequently in Marco Polo's
descriptions, and, judging from the confusion which reigns supreme in
subsequent descriptions and maps wherever these names appear, it would
seem that Marco Polo's ideas on the subject were of a very mixed nature.
Such was not the case.

At a later period Nicolo de' Conti was also in the same localities, and
in describing them HE also mentions Java Major and Java Minor; his Java
Minor however does not apply to the same island as Marco Polo's.

The confusion we have referred to was brought about through the
insufficiency of knowledge of subsequent writers, some having read Marco
Polo's descriptions and not Nicolo de' Conti's, whilst other writers had
done the reverse.

Mistakes of the kind will arise also when persons consider a subject from
their point of view, instead of considering it from the point of view of
the person who introduces the subject.

Marco Polo considered our modern JAVA AND AUSTRALIA AS ONE--the south
coast of Java being unknown--and called it Java Major. He also gave this
generic name of Java to Sumatra; and to distinguish it from the larger
one, he called it Java Minor.

We must bear this fact in mind, because many errors have occurred through
mistaking Polo's Java Minor (Sumatra) for Java Major (Australia and

For superficial inquirers the mistake was an easy one to make, as Java
Minor seems to be the more suitable term for the lesser island; but then,
as we have said, Marco Polo connected, in his mind, Java with Australia,

Although some time elapsed after the return of Marco Polo before the
various manuscript editions of his travels appeared, the news of his
voyages spread wide and far. He was interviewed by the learned men of the
day, and the field of geographical knowledge was widened in consequence.
We do not know whether Marco Polo brought back from the East any maps of
the countries he visited; but, as an example of Marco Polo's
descriptions, we give the following, which not only refers to our subject
but is of the greatest importance in connection with it, as illustrating
what enormous mistakes were possible when no degrees of latitude or
longitude were given.

Owing to the word Java being used instead of Chiampa,* as a point of
departure, a whole set of maps were constructed, in which the islands
Marco Polo describes were set down in erroneous positions. Marco Polo's
description, which caused these mistakes, runs thus: "When you leave Java
and steer a course between south and south-west seven hundred miles, you
fall in with two islands, the larger of which is named Sondur and the
other Kondur. Both being uninhabited, it is unnecessary to say more
respecting them. Having run the distance of fifty miles from these
islands in a south-easterly direction, you reach an extensive and rich
province that forms a part of the mainland, and is named Lochac. Its
inhabitants are idolators. They have a language peculiar to themselves,
and are governed by their own king, who pays no tribute to any other, the
situation of the country being such as to protect it from any hostile
attack. Were it assailable, the Grand Khan would not have delayed to
bring it under his dominion.

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, in his biography of Prince Henry the Navigator,
page 307, says: "Now, although all the manuscripts and texts of Marco
Polo read 'when you leave Java,' Marsden has shown that the point of
departure should really be Chiampa, a name in old times applied by
Western Asiatics to a kingdom which embraced the whole coast between
Tongking and Cambodia, including all that is now called Cochin China.")

"In this country sappan or brazil-wood is produced in large quantities.
Gold is abundant to a degree scarcely credible; elephants are found
there; and the objects of the chase, either with dogs or birds, are in
plenty. From hence are exported all those porcelain shells which, being
carried to other countries, are there circulated for money, as has been
already noticed. Here they cultivate a species of fruit called berchi, in
size about that of a lemon, and having a delicious flavour. Besides these
circumstances there is nothing further that requires mention, unless it
be that the country is wild and mountainous, and is little frequented by
strangers, whose visits the king discourages, in order that his treasure
and other secret matters of his realm may be as little known to the rest
of the world as possible.

"Departing from Lochac and keeping a southerly course for five hundred
miles, you reach an island named Pentam, the coast of which is wild and
uncultivated, but the woods abound with sweet scented trees. Between the
province of Lochac and this island of Pentam, the sea, for the space of
sixty miles, is not more than four fathoms in depth, which obliges those
who navigate it to lift the rudders of their ships, in order that they
may not touch the bottom. After sailing these sixty miles in a
south-easterly direction, and then proceeding thirty miles further, you
arrive at an island, in itself a kingdom, named Malaiur, which is
likewise the name of its city. The people are governed by a king, and
have their own peculiar language. The town is large and well built. A
considerable trade is there carried on in spices and drugs, with which
the place abounds. Nothing else that requires notice presents itself.
Proceeding onwards from thence, we shall now speak of Java Minor."

With Marsden's rectification--see note above--it is easy to follow Marco
Polo's route on the map; it extends from the coast of Cochin China to the
Pulo Condore islands, thence to the coast of Cambodia.* From the coast of
Cambodia the next place mentioned is the island of Pentam, which has been
identified, by good authority, as Bintang, near Singapore; then the
island, IN ITSELF A KINGDOM, of the name of Malaiur, can be no other
country than the Malay Peninsula. Following the itinerary, he afterwards
describes Sumatra under the name of Java Minor.

(*Footnote. Marsden shows from the circumstances that it is highly
probable that Lochac is intended for some part of the country of
Cambodia, the capital of which was named Loech, according to the
authority of Gaspar de Cruz, who visited it during the reign of
Sebastian, King of Portugal. See Purchas, volume iii. page 169. The
country of Cambodia, moreover, produces the gold, the spices, and the
elephants which Marco Polo attributes to Lochac.)

The maps that began to appear after Marco Polo's and Nicolo de' Conti's
return, and which bear their nomenclature, are of five different types.

If we consider them in chronological order, there is:

1st. Shortly after M. Polo's return, but prior to Nicolo de' Conti's, the
primitive type; in it the circumfluent ocean is set down, and the
southern portion of Africa, from the equator to the Cape of Good Hope, is
bent round, so as to almost join the Malay Peninsula, like in the Arabian
maps. There is no mention of the islands Java Major, Java Minor, Pentan,
Condur, etc., which form such a conspicuous feature in later maps. This
class of map is best represented by the Mappamundi of Marino Sanuto,

In the 2nd type, of which only one specimen exists--the famous Fra-Mauro
Mappamundi--the circumfluent ocean is still retained, and, in
consequence, the islands of the Indian and Chinese seas lack space.
Nevertheless, Java Major, Java Minor, Pentan, etc. are represented. The
date, 1457/1459, allows for the introduction of information derived from
Nicolo de' Conti's writings.

In the 3rd type a decided progress is apparent. The circumfluent ocean is
rejected. Africa and Asia stretch beyond the equator, the Southern Sea is
studded with islands named after Marco Polo's descriptions, such as: Java
Major, Java Minor, Condur, Sondur, Pentan, Neucuram, Angania, etc. This
type, on which no Australian continent appears, is represented by what
may be termed the Behaimean and Schonerean maps--1477 to 1535, and even
to 1570.

The 4th type is of a mysterious kind; it shows signs of an early
beginning, yet contains some of the latest features, features, indeed,
that are still present on our modern maps and belong to the Australian
regions. It appears to be more independent and less connected with the
other three types than those types are relatively to each other. On maps
of this type the Australian continent is called Java Major, according to
the correct interpretation of Marco Polo's writings. This type of map is
represented by the Dauphin chart, circa 1530.

The 5th type is a fantastic one, we were going to say altogether
fantastic; it has however some features of actuality about it. It bears
the nomenclature of Marco Polo, but the term Java Major no longer refers
to Australia, which is called Terra Australis. The real Java is termed
Java Major. Java Minor, Pentan, and other misplaced islands are thrown
here and there at random. The Austral regions called Terra Australis
envelope the South Pole and extend in the correct longitude sufficiently
North to warrant the supposition of a knowledge of the Australian
continent. A strait between New Guinea and the Terra Australis is another
feature of this type. It is represented by the fine specimens of
cartography of Ortelius (1570) and Mercator (1569 to 1587).

It will be seen that the influence of Marco Polo's writings was very
great, and that their effect on the cartography of the Australasian
regions lasted for nearly three hundred years; but during this period
other travellers brought their quota of information to bear on the
improvements and consequent modifications that were wrought in the maps
we have alluded to.

There was Odoric of Pordenone and Mandeville, the mendacious Mandeville,
as he has been called. Concerning him, we notice in B. Quaritch's
catalogue, 1891, Number iii. page 39, the following: "The latest theory
developed from a study of Sir John Mandeville's travels, and supported by
Sir Henry Yule, Mr. E.B. Nicholson, and others, is destructive of the
interesting personality of the Knight of St. Albans. Just as Raspe
compiled the adventures of Munchhausen, so a certain Canon of Bruges is
considered to have concocted these wonderful travels and invented the
traveller. It is however at least probable that he met a real Englishman
whose career suggested the work."

Whoever the traveller may have been, he is quoted as an authority under
the name of Johan de Mandevilla on Martin Behaim's Globe, 1492.

Colonel H. Yule's verdict was that Mandeville's account of his voyages
was mostly inspired, not to say plagiarised, from Odoric de Pordenone's
descriptions. In those parts which concern our subject the plagiary is


After Marco Polo, Odoric of Pordenone was certainly one of the most
renowned travellers in his days; he also, like the great Venetian
traveller, visited far Cathay, following somewhat the itinerary of his
predecessor, reaching however nearer to Australia than Marco Polo ever
did, for, whereas the latter described the Australasian regions only from
hearsay, the Franciscan Monk Odoric actually visited Java and some of the
islands of the eastern Archipelago.

He started on his wanderings some time between 1316 and 1318, and
returned to Italy in the beginning of the year 1330, where he died the
following year from the hardships he had met with during his ten or
twelve years' travels.

Numerous manuscripts of the blessed Odoric's narrative spread rapidly
abroad during the fourteenth century, and his geographical descriptions
had some influence on the cartography of the period. These manuscripts
were derived from a copy dictated by the dying man, and written by a
friar of less literary attainments than Odoric; hence no doubt the
obscurity of many passages. Besides these obscure passages, there appears
to have crept into the text of some of these manuscripts several
interpolations, especially in those parts of the narrative that relate to
the Australasian regions.

Yule says..."The real difficulties of Odoric's story are the accounts of
the Islands of Nicoverra and Dondin"...etc.

We shall see with the help of comparative cartography whether these
difficulties may be overcome, or explained to a certain extent.

Odoric's course of peregrinations may be rapidly sketched thus:
Constantinople, Trebizond, Erzerum, Tabriz, Soltania, Kashan, Yezd,
Persepolis, Shiraz, Bagdad, Persian Gulf, Hormuz, where he embarks for
Tana in Salsette, Malabar, Pandarani, Cranganor, Kulam, Ceylon; the
shrine of St. Thomas at Mailapoor, Sumatra, Java, and some other islands
thereabouts, probably southern or eastern Borneo, Champa, and Canton. He
returns overland to Venice.

We give here Odoric's account of the regions south of the equator from
Yule's excellent and now scarce work, Cathay and the way Thither,
published by the Hakluyt Society.--Volume. i., page 87.


"In the neighbourhood of that realm is a great island, Java by name,
which hath a compass of a good three thousand miles. And the king of it
hath subject to himself seven crowned kings. Now this island is populous
exceedingly, and is the second best of all islands that exist. For in it
grow camphor, cubebs, cardamons, nutmegs, and many other precious spices.
It hath also very great stores of all victuals save wine.

"The king of this island hath a palace which is truly marvellous. For it
is very great, and hath very great staircases, broad and lofty, and the
steps thereof are of gold and silver alternately. Likewise the pavement
of the palace hath one tile of gold and the other of silver, and the wall
of the same is on the inside plated all over with plate of gold, on which
are sculptured knights all of gold, which have great golden circles round
their heads, such as we give in these parts to the figures of saints. And
these circles are all beset with precious stones. Moreover, the ceiling
is all of pure gold, and to speak briefly, this palace is richer and
finer than any existing at this day in the world.

"Now the Great Khan of Cathay many a time engaged in war with this king;
but this king always vanquished and got the better of him. And many other
things there be which I write not.


"Near to this country is another which is called PANTEN, but others call
it THALAMASYN, the king whereof hath many islands under him. Here be
found trees that produce flour, and some that produce honey, others that
produce wine, and others a poison the most deadly that existeth in the
world. For there is no antidote to it known except one; and that is that
if anyone hath imbibed that poison he shall take of stercus humanum and
dilute it with water, and of this potion shall he drink, and so shall he
be absolutely quit of the poison. [And the men of this country being
nearly all rovers, when they go to battle they carry every man a cane in
the hand about a fathom in length, and put into one end of it an iron
bodkin poisoned with this poison; and when they blow into the cane, the
bodkin flieth and striketh whom they list, and those who are thus
stricken incontinently die.]*

(*Footnote. From Pal. This is a remarkable passage from the Palatine
manuscript, and is, I suppose, the earliest mention of the Sumpit or
blow-pipe of the aborigines of the Archipelago. The length stated is a
braccio, which I have rendered fathom, as nearest the truth, a meaning
which the word seems to have in sea phraseology.)

"But, as for the trees that produce flour, 'tis after this fashion. These
are thick, but not of any great height; they are cut into with an axe
round about the foot of the stem, so that a certain liquor flows from
them resembling size. Now this is put into bags made of leaves, and put
for fifteen days in the sun; and after that space of time a flour is
found to have formed from the liquor. This they steep for two days in
seawater, and then wash it with fresh water. And the result is the best
paste in the world, from which they make whatever they choose, cakes of
sorts and excellent bread, of which I, Friar Odoric, have eaten; for all
these things have I seen with mine own eyes. And this kind of bread is
white outside, but inside it is somewhat blackish.

"By the coast of this country towards the south is the sea called the
Dead Sea, the water whereof runneth ever towards the south, and if anyone
falleth into that water he is never found more. And if the shipmen go but
a little way from the shore they are carried rapidly downwards and never
return again. And no one knoweth whither they are carried, and many have
thus passed away, and it hath never been known what became of them.*

(*Footnote. From Pal. De Barros says that the natives believed that
whoever should proceed beyond the Straits of Bali to the South would be
hurried away by strong currents, so as never to return.)

"In this country, also, there be canes or reeds like great trees, and
full sixty paces in length. There be also canes of another kind which are
called Cassan, and these always grow along the ground like what we call
dog's grass, and at each of their knots they send out roots, and in such
wise extend themselves for a good mile in length. And in these canes are
found certain stones which be such that if any man wear one of them upon
his person he can never be hurt or wounded by iron in any shape, and so
for the most part the men of that country do wear such stones upon them.
And when their boys are still young they take them and make a little cut
in the arm and insert one of these stones, to be a safeguard against any
wound by steel. And the little wound thus made in the boy's arm is
speedily healed by applying to it the powder of a certain fish.

"And thus, through the great virtue of those stones, the men who wear
them become potent in battle and great corsairs at sea. But those who
from being shipmen on that sea have suffered at their hands, have found
out a remedy for the mischief. For they carry as weapons of offence sharp
stakes of very hard wood, and arrows likewise that have no iron on the
points; and as those corsairs are but poorly harnessed, the shipmen are
able to wound and pierce them through with these wooden weapons, and by
this device they succeed in defending themselves most manfully.

"Of these canes called Cassan they make sails for their ships, dishes,
houses, and a vast number of other things of the greatest utility to
them. And many other matters there be in that country which it would
cause great astonishment to read or hear tell of; wherefore I am not
careful to write them at present."

After the above description concerning the bamboo and rattan there
follows a description of three islands which has puzzled many a critic,
principally because it does not appear to refer to any islands in the
vicinity of Java. These three islands bear the names of Nicoverra or
Nicoveran, Sillan, and Dondin.

We are inclined to believe that the reference made to these islands has
been interpolated from Marco Polo's work. Marco Polo describes Nicoveran
(Nicobar Island) and Sillan (Ceylon). Dondin or Dondyn may refer to
Candin or Candyn. If we turn to Martin Behaim's globe, 1492, or to any of
the globes or maps which bear Marco Polo's nomenclature, we shall find
all the islands in question set down in the vicinity of Java, which
appears to solve the mystery.




(Footnote. With the initial B of this Chapter is given a statue of Prince
Henry the Navigator over the side gate of the monastery at Belem, from
R.H. Major's Life of Prince Henry the Navigator.)

But the influence that these and other travellers brought to bear, after
all, was but of slight importance as regards the discovery of the
Australasian regions. Of quite another value was the influence of the
great figure we must now introduce in pursuance of the chronological
order of our scheme, an order which we have endeavoured to follow as
closely as the subject would allow. This great figure--PRINCE HENRY THE
NAVIGATOR--we cannot do better than introduce in the very words of the
late R.H. Major, his able biographer. In the first chapter of Prince
Henry the Navigator Major says:

"The mystery which since creation had hung over the Atlantic, and hidden
from man's knowledge one half of the surface of the globe, had reserved a
field of noble enterprise for Prince Henry the Navigator. Until his day
the pathways of the human race had been the mountain, the river, and the
plain, the strait, the lake, and inland sea; but he it was who first
conceived the thought of opening a road through the unexplored ocean, a
road replete with danger but abundant in promise."

And again, page ix. preface:

"The glory of Prince Henry consists in the conception and persistent
prosecution of a great idea, and in what followed therefrom...That glory
is not a matter of fancy or bombast, but a mighty and momentous reality,
a reality to which the Anglo-Saxon race, at least, have no excuse for

results of a great thought, and of indomitable perseverance in spite of
twelve years of costly failure and disheartening ridicule...To be duly
appreciated, this comprehensive thought must be viewed in relation to the
period in which it was conceived. 'The last of the dark ages,' the
fifteenth century has been rightly named, but the light which displaced
its obscurity had not yet begun to dawn when Prince Henry, with prophetic
instinct, traced mentally a pathway to India by an anticipated Cape of
Good Hope. No printing-press as yet gave forth to the world the
accumulated wisdom and experience of the past. The compass, though known
and in use, had not yet emboldened men to leave the shore and put out
with confidence into the open sea; no sea-chart existed to guide the
mariner along those perilous African coasts; no lighthouse reared its
friendly head to warn or welcome him on his homeward track. The
scientific and practical appliances which were to render possible the
discovery of half a world had yet to be developed. But, with such objects
in view, the Prince collected the information supplied by ancient
geographers, unwearingly devoted himself to the study of mathematics,
navigation, and cartography, and freely invited, with princely liberality
of reward, the co-operation of the boldest and most skilful navigators of
every country."

Not only did Prince Henry collect the information supplied by ancient
geographers, but also all the most recent information obtainable in his
days, for we cannot inquire into the geography of his times without
finding him always the first and best informed in matters connected with
the latest discoveries made, or else using all his efforts to obtain such

In 1428 Prince Henry's brother, Dom Pedro, after many years of travel,
returned to Portugal. On his journey home the Prince went to Venice,* and
there received from the Republic, in compliment to him as a traveller and
a learned royal Prince, the priceless gift of a copy of the travels of
Marco Polo, which had been preserved by the Venetians in their treasury
as a work of great value, together with a map which had been supposed to
have been either an original or the copy of one by the hand of the same
illustrious explorer...On his return Dom Pedro devoted himself like his
brother Prince Henry to scientific studies, among which the art of
cartography took a leading place, and there is little doubt that to the
genius and attainments of his elder brother Dom Pedro Prince Henry owed
much of encouragement and enlightenment in his pursuit of geographical
investigation. The Marco Polo Manuscript and the map brought from Venice
would doubtless act as a potent stimulus to these investigations.

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Prince Henry the Navigator page 51.)

Galvano* refers to the Venetian map in these terms: "In the yeere 1428 it
is written that Don Peter (Dom Pedro), the King of Portugal's eldest
sonne, was a great traveller. He went into England, France, Almaine, and
from thence into the Holy Land, and to other places, and came home by
Italie, taking Rome and Venice in his way: from whence he brought a map
of the world, which had all the parts of the world and earth described.

(*Footnote. Galvano, Discoveries of the World page 66.)

The Streight of Magelan was called in it The Dragon's taile: The Cape of
Bona Speranca, the forefront of Afrike (and so foorth of other places),
by which map Don Henry, the King's third sonne,* was much helped and
furthered in his discoueries."

(*Footnote. Don Henry was King Joao's 5th son; his two first sons, Branca
and Alfonso, died in infancy. See Prince Henry the Navigator page 20.)

And Galvano adds, page 67: "It was tolde me by Francis de Sosa Tauares
that in the yeere 1528 Don Fernando, the King's sonne and heire, did shew
him a map, which was found in the studie of Alcobaza, which had been made
120 yeeres before, which map did set foorth all the nauigation of the
East Indies with the Cape of Bona Speranca, according as our later maps
have described it. Whereby it appeereth that in ancient time there was as
much or more discouered than now there is. Notwithstanding all the
trauaile, paines, and expences in this action of Don Henry, yet he was
neuer wearie of his purposed discouveries."

It is no doubt the one and same map which is referred to as having been
brought back in 1428 by Dom Pedro, and seen in 1528 by Francisco de Souza
Tavarez, for Tavarez says it was made 120 years before, which would allow
for its being 20 years old when presented to Dom Pedro by the Venetians.
It was therefore apparently a copy from an Italian prototype.
Unfortunately this map has disappeared.

Major remarks that "it is a notable fact, and one that greatly redounds
to the honour of Italy, that the three Powers, which at this day possess
almost all America, owe their first discoveries to the Italians: Spain to
Columbus, a Genoese; England, the Cabots, Venetians; and France, to
Verazzano, a Florentine; a circumstance which sufficiently proves that in
those times no nation was equal to the Italians in point of maritime
knowledge and extensive experience in navigation."

The same may be said as regards the earliest information in connection
with the east and the Australasian regions--information that was only to
be obtained from such writers as Marco Polo, the Venetian, Odoric of
Pordenone, Nicolo de' Conti, the Venetian, Ludovico Barthema, the
Bolognese, Giovanni da Empoli, the Florentine, Andrea Corsali, the
Florentine, Hieronimo da San Stephano, the Genoese, etc, etc.

CHAPTER 8. A.D. 1444.



In 1444 Nicolo de' Conti, the emulator of Marco Polo, returned to Italy
after an absence of 25 years. During his peregrinations per tutte l'
Indie orientali, he had, in order to save his life, to renounce his
faith, and Ramusio* tells us: Bisogno ch'egli andasse al sommo Pontefice
per farsi assoluere, che allhora era in Firenze & si chiamaua Papa
Eugenio IIII, che fu dell' anno 1444, il qual dopo, la benedittione, gli
dette per penitenza, che con ogni verita douesse narrar tutta la sua
peregrinatione ad un valent huomo suo segretario detto Messer Poggio
Fiorentino, il quale la scrisse con diligenza in lingua latino.

(*Footnote. Ramusio, Navigationi at viaggi, fol. 338 C.)

Copies of the narrative of his voyages--narrative that Pope Eugene IV
ordered him, as a penance, to dictate to his secretary, Messer
Poggio--became very scarce about a hundred years later, for Ramusio could
not find a single copy, non solamente nella Citta di Venetia, ma in molte
altre d' Italia.

The patriotic Ramusio, wishing to make known to the world the exploits of
his worthy fellow citizen, was compelled, not finding a single copy of
his voyages in any town of Italy, to have recourse to a Portuguese
translation, printed in Lisbon, which he was fortunate enough to hear of.

Thus, the Portuguese were in possession of an account of the voyages of
the Venetian traveller, the memory of which voyages was all that was left
in the minds of Italians of a generation or two later; and Ramusio
informs us how this came to pass in these terms:

Questa scrittura dopo molti anni (the manuscript account) peruenne a
notitia del Serenissimo Don Emanuel primo di questo nome Re di
Portogallo, & fu del 1500, in questo modo: che sapendosi da ogniuno che
sua Maesta non pensaua mai ad altro, se non come potesse far penetrare le
sue carauelle per tutte I' Indie Orientali, le fu fatto intendere, che
questo Viaggio di Nicolo di Conti daria gran luce, & cognitione a i suoi
Capitani & Pilotti, & pero di suo ordine fu tradotto di lingua latina
nella Portoguese, per un Valentino Fernandes, il quale nel suo proemio
dedicato a sua Maesta, tra i altre parole dice queste. Io mi son mosso a
tradur questo Viaggio di Nicolo Venetiano, accio che si legga appresso di
quello di Marco Polo, cognoscendo 'l grandissimo seruitio che ne
resultera a Vostra Maesta, ammonendo, & auisando 1i Sudditi suoi delle
cose dell' Indie, cioe quelle Citta, & popoli, che sieno de Mori, et
quali degli Idolatri, & delle grandi utilita & ricchezze di spetierie,
gioie, oro, & argento, che se ne traggona, & sopra tutto per consolar la
travagliata menta di Vostra Maesta, la quale manda le sue caravelle in
cosi lungo & pericoloso Viaggio, conciosia cosa che in questo Viaggio di
Nicolo si parta particolarmente d' altre citta dell 'Indie, oltra
Calicut, & Cochin, che gia al presente habbiamo Scoperte; & appresso per
aggiugnere un testimonio al Libro di Marco Polo, il qual ando al tempo di
Papa Gregorio X, nelle parti orientali fra 'lvento greco, & levante, &
questo Nicolo dipoi al tempo di Pafa Eugenio IIII. per la parte di
mezzodi penetro a quella volta, & trouo le medesime Terre descritte dal
detto Marco Polo. & questa e stata la principal cagione d' havermi fatto
pigliar la fatica di questa tradutione per ordine suo.

In the above we see that Dom Manoel, King of Portugal, in the year 1500,
obtained a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's voyages, which he entrusted to
Valentino Fernandes to translate into Portuguese, as the account of these
voyages would be of great service to his captains and pilots. We see also
that Valentino Fernandes, in his dedicatory proem, refers to the
additional testimony that Nicolo de' Conti's account will give to Marco
Polo's book.

In the preceding chapter we stated that Dom Pedro in 1428 brought back
from Venice a manuscript of Marco Polo's travels. R.H. Major* says that A
PORTUGUESE TRANSLATION OF THIS WORK (Marco Polo's work) was made and
edited at Lisbon in 1502 by a learned German printer named Valentim
Fernandez, who had established himself in Lisbon at that time.

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Prince Henry the Navigator page 51 note 3.)

This Valentim Fernandez is no doubt the author of the translation of
Nicolo de' Conti's Voyages, mentioned by Ramusio under the Italian form
of Valentino Fernandes. Unfortunately. this learned German printer does
not appear--in the eyes of Ramusio--to have been a very LEARNED Italian
scholar, whatever his qualifications may have been in other branches of
knowledge, for Ramusio says of his translation: "l' ho ritrouato
grandemente guasto & scorreto," and he adds that he was on the point of
abandoning the idea of publishing it. So that, with Ramusio, we must
content ourselves with what information may be culled from the much
translated translation*: --The first of any importance refers to the city
of Malepur,** situata pur alla costa del mare nell' altro colfo Verso' l'
fiume Gange, doue il corpo di San Thommaso honoreuolmente e sepolto iu
vna chiesa assai grande, & bella, gli habitatori della quale son
christiani detti Nestorini, i quali sono sparsi per tutta l' India, come
fra noi sono li giudei, & tutta questa prouincia si dimanda Malabar.

(*Footnote. We make use of the Portuguese edition translated into Italian
by Ramusio, because it contains the text that caused, in our opinion, the
distortion of the Behaimean and Schonerean charts. The original Latin
edition that Ramusio could not find turned up afterwards, vide note

(**Footnote. Ramusio, Navigationi, F. 339, B.)

The above passage furnishes an item of information which connects it with
and suggests that it may have served to form the prototype from which
many important, highly interesting, and equally puzzling charts were

Nicolo de' Conti, referring to Malepur, WHERE THE BODY OF ST. THOMAS IS
BURIED, calls that part of the Coromandel coast Malabar; but, as a little
further on he refers to the real coast of Malabar, calling it also
Malabar,* we may presume that he did not confound the one with the other.

(*Footnote. The original Latin description of Nicolo de' Conti's travels,
which Ramusio could not find, appeared afterwards in the fourth book of
Poggio's treatise De Varietate Fortunae libri quatuor, edited by the Abbe
Oliva, Paris 1723 4to., and from that edition R.H. Major edited in 1857
the first English translation for the Hakluyt Society's volume India in
the 15th Century. In this edition Malabar is written Melibaria. See page

The mistake resulted no doubt from the similarity of the contemporaneous
names given to these two provinces (as they were called), namely:
Provincia di Malabar, on the coast of Malabar. Provincia di Ma'bar or
Mobar, on the Coromandel coast,* where the city of Malepur was situated
and where afterwards the city of San Thome was built.

(*Footnote. See map in Yule's Cathay Volume i.)

But, to come to the item of information which may account, in a certain
measure, for the distortions of Behaimean and Schonerean maps. It is
this: Conti, after describing several towns visited by him on the
Coromandel coast and referring to the location of Malepur, says: situata
pur alla costa del mare nell' altro colfo verso 'l' fiume Gange: situated
also on the sea coast in the other gulf towards the river Ganges.

Now, this passage is ambiguous. Conti spoke as though he were on the
shores of the Arabian Sea, meaning by the OTHER GULF the Bay of Bengal.
Those who had to make out his descriptions and locate on charts the
various places he described did not interpret him that way. By the OTHER
GULF they of course understood the Gulf of Martaban, and placed in
consequence the PROJECTED San Thome on the Tenasserim coast opposite.

In this translatory operation--we must ask the question--what charts did
they work on? They had no choice. There were no others but those of
the two important gulfs were: the Sinus Gangeticus, our modern Bay of
Bengal, and the Sinus Magnus, the Chinese Sea represented as a gulf (see
Ptolemy's map Illustration 69). San Thome was therefore placed in this
OTHER GULF, as may be seen in the 1489 British Museum map.

One fault begot another. Having duplicated in this way the Malay
Peninsula--duplication, let it be said, already suggested in Ptolemy's
map--the speculative cartographers proceeded without more ado to
duplicate on their charts the missing Sumatra, which had been dragged out
of place and stood for Ceylon in the Ptolemy maps, where its enormous
size had no doubt prevented the proper charting of the Indian Peninsula.
The missing Sumatra set down to the south of the duplicate Malay
Peninsula received the name of Cayln, afterwards converted to Seillan,
Seillan insulae pars, etc.; but, as we shall explain, when we come to the
detailed description of these important documents, the west coast and,
probably, north-west coast of this bogus Sumatra were in reality the west
and north-west coasts of Australia.

In Ramusio's description of Nicolo de' Conti's travels we are brought by
a sudden transition from Zaiton (China) to Giava minore & maggiore; the
reason of this suddenness is explained in the text by the notice: Qui
mancan righe; here lines are missing. The description runs thus: Nell'
India interiore vi sono due isole verso l' estremo confine del mondo, &
ambe due sono sono dette le Giave, una delle quali ha di circuito tremila
miglia, & l' altra due, poste verso 'l levante, & per il nome di maggiore
& minore sono differenti l' una dal l' altra, ad arrivar allequal vi
stette un mese continuo di navigatione nel suo ritorno. Da un' isola all'
altra vi sono cento miglia di distantia, dove e la parte piu vicina.
Quivi si fermo per spatio di nove mesi con la moglie, & con i figliuoli,
& con la sua compagnia.

It is strange that after a sojourn of nine months in the Javas, Nicolo
de' Conti's description should be so imperfect. For interiore, we propose
to read inferiore. The two islands in inferior or Austral-India, Giava
minore and Giava maggiore, situated on the confines of the world, must be
Java and Sumbawa, yet from his account we do not know in which he stayed.
Giava minore cannot be Marco Polo's Java Minor, i.e., Sumatra, for Nicolo
de' Conti describes that island under the name of Sumatra anticamente
detta Taprobana, fol. 340 B. Moreover, he says of the two islands: Da un'
isola all' altra vi sono cento miglia di distantia: from one island to
the other the distance is one hundred miles. Again, his context, where he
speaks of cock-fighting, the practice of running amuck, and the vicinity
of the Spice Islands, the produce of which he describes, points to Bali,
Lomboc or Sumbawa, but more probably to the latter as the island called
by him Java Minor. He describes Bandan (Banda) and Sandai. Banda is one
of the Spice Islands; Sandai may be one of them also, but is more
difficult to make out, which may explain how it came to be identified
with Sunda in the Fra Mauro Mappamundi.

The south coasts of the islands of the Indian Archipelago, such as Java,
Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc., were little known, on account of the strong
currents and consequent dangerous nature of the navigation through the
straits that separate these islands. Nevertheless, the more westerly
coasts of Australia WERE KNOWN, and the supposed connection that some of
the above-mentioned islands had with the southern continent gave rise to
the idea of great extent they were supposed to have, especially the Java

CHAPTER 9. A.D. 1457 TO 1459.



We have seen that in the year 1428 Prince Henry the Navigator and his
brother, Dom Pedro, had become possessed of a manuscript of Marco Polo
and of a map of the world. Twenty-nine years after, King Affonso V of
Portugal sent some documents to Italy to help in the compilation of the
famous mappamundi that forms the subject of this chapter. We shall find
in this mappamundi many traces, not only of the above-mentioned
documents, but also of Nicolo de' Conti's descriptions, showing that
although Ramusio could not find towards 1563 one single copy of Conti's
narrative of travels, the Portuguese Princes had either obtained a copy
long before the year 1500, the year in which, according to Ramusio, D.
Manoel obtained a copy, or copies were obtainable in Italy in 1457/1459,
the date of the compilation of the Fra Mauro Monument of Geography.

Prince Henry, although 63 years of age at the time, does not seem to have
lost sight of the task he had set himself in early life. Indeed Major

Prince Henry the Navigator. Page 187.

"During the long period in which Prince Henry was continuing his maritime
explorations, he did not cease to cultivate the science of cartography.
In this he was warmly seconded by his nephew, King Affonso V. We have
unfortunately nothing to show as the result of the cartographical labours
of the geographer Mestre Jayme, whom the Prince had procured from
Majorca, to superintend his school of navigation and astronomy at Sagres,
whither he had also brought together the most able Arab and Jewish
mathematicians that he could obtain from Morocco or the Peninsula; but at
his instance the King caused to be made in Venice the finest specimen of
mediaeval map-making that the world has ever produced, and which exists
at the present day. The discovery that beyond Cape Verde the coast
trended eastwards inspired the King with new energy, for he assumed
therefrom that it would soon lead to India. He thought it possible that
in that direction the meridian of Tunis, and perhaps even that of
Alexandria, had been already passed. He gave names to rivers, gulfs,
capes, and harbours in the new discovery, and sent to Venice draughts of
maps on which these were laid down, with a commission for the
construction of a mappemonde on which they should be portrayed.

It was to the Venetian Fra Mauro, of the Camaldolese Convent of San
Miguel de Murano, that this commission was entrusted. King Affonso V
spared no expense, and Fra Mauro paid the draughtsmen from twelve to
fifteen sous a day, while from 1457 to 1459 he himself gave all possible
pains to perfecting his task. The practiced draughtsman, Andrea Bianco,
was called to take a part in its execution. At length this magnificent
specimen of mediaeval cartography was completed, and by desire of the
King despatched to Portugal, in charge of the noble Venetian Stefano
Trevigiano on the 24th of April 1459. In the same year, on the 20th of
October, the drawings and writings and a copy of the mappemonde were
enclosed in a chest and sent to the Abbot of the convent, from which it
would seem that Fra Mauro was then dead. It is to be presumed that while
elaborating the mappemonde for King Affonso he made at the same time a
copy which he intended to leave to the convent. In the convent library
still exists the register of receipts and expenditure of the convent,
written by the Abbot, afterwards Cardinal, Maffei Gerard, in which is a
note of the current cost of the map.*

(*Footnote. Note in Prince Henry the Navigator, page 189. A photograph
copy of this planisphere, of the size of the original, and the finest
existing, having been made by Signor Naya, of Venice, under the express
supervision of my friend, Mr. Rawdon Brown, is now in the Department of
Maps and Charts in the British Museum.)

On this map, which preceded by forty years the rounding of the Cape of
Good Hope by Vasco da Gama, we see clearly laid down the southern
extremity of Africa, under the name of Cavo di Diab. North-east of Cavo
di Diab are inscribed the names of Soffala and Xengibar. The southern
extremity is separated from the Continent by a narrow strait. An
inscription on Cape Diab states that in 1420 an Indian junk from the east
doubled the Cape in search of the islands of men and women (separately
inhabited by each), and after a sail of two thousand miles in forty days,
during which they saw nothing but sea and sky, they turned back, and in
seventy days' sailing reached Cavo di Diab, where the sailors found on
the shore an egg as big as a barrel, which they recognised as that of the
bird Crocho, doubtless the roc or rukh of Marco Polo, a native bird of

There are other inscriptions and names on this wonderful chart, which
have not been noticed by Major or any other critic that we are aware of,
and which are of importance as connecting it with the later maps of the
world of the Behaimean and Schonerean type. But, before we proceed to
notice these, it may be well to consider, with the help of the
accompanying sketch map, the general features of this last of the
planispheric maps of the archaic type in which the circumfluent ocean is


The above skeleton-map is a much reduced outline facsimile of Fra Mauro's
celebrated Mappamundi.

Owing to the inability of representing graphically the hemisphere, or,
strictly speaking, semi-hemisphere, intended, the longitudinal projection
is confounded with the latitudinal. In this state of things it will be
noticed that it is necessary to place the west at the top in order to
recognise the Australasian regions; for what appears to be the equator
with reference to Java and its eastern prolongation of islands is nothing
else but the outward limit of the circumfluent ocean. We have here, on
the extreme confines of the world, as the cartographer expresses it,
Sumatra, Banda, Java, Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc. In the large original
map, placed amongst the various islands there are represented rolls of
paper on which the explanatory text shows that the map-maker evidently
held views concerning the shape of the earth somewhat similar to those of
the early Greek period; for the islands referred to are propinqua ale
tenebre: near the exterior darkness.

Yet all kinds of spices are said to be produced in these beautiful
islands, and notice is also taken of the various bright plumaged birds:
Item li se trova papaga tutti rossi salvo i piedi et el becco che son
zali; wherein we recognise Nicolo de' Conti's description. We must take
note of this mention about parrots, because we shall find it revived
later on, and the whole Australian Continent termed Psittacorum regio:
the land of parrots.

We have remarked elsewhere concerning the omission of the islands of the
Chinese Sea, such as Borneo, Scelebes, etc. There was clearly no room for
them, and who knows but that the Australian Continent, or a part of it,
at least, was omitted for the same reason, per non aver luogo.

The inexorable laws of routine and conservatism had not yet, in the year
of grace 1459, sanctioned the breaking of the pagan shackles that
prevented the expansion of the old world. It was reserved for Diaz,
Columbus and Vasco da Gama to do this.

Taking the nomenclature in the order given in the accompanying sketch,
that is, from the true east, westwards, it may be noticed that Sumbawa,
Lomboc, Bali and Java are remarkably well charted, and that an open sea,
albeit the old river Ocean, is shown to the south of these islands. It
will be well to note this fact at this date, 1459, because we shall find
this sea blocked, not without reason, at a subsequent date. Sumatra is
charted nearly as well as Java and its eastern prolongation of islands,
and much better than in many later maps. It is much split up in its
southern extension, but this must not surprise us, as the southern parts
of Sumatra were believed to be formed of several islands as late as the
year 1784--vide map in Marsden's Sumatra. Amongst those islands we notice
Java Minor and Pentan (Bintang), which tallies, in a certain measure,
with Marco Polo's description--Sondai (written Sandai in Ramusio's
account) and Banda are also there, corresponding to Nicolo de' Conti's
text. The cartographer says: Sondai insola propinqua a banda, and
describes the nutmegs, spices, parrots, and white cockatoos found there;
this also corresponds with Nicolo's description. But Nicolo de' Conti
describes the Spice Islands from hearsay, and no doubt confounds some of
them with some port of call on the coast of Sumatra where the spices were
conveyed to, which may explain how Banda came to be placed in propinquity
to Sondai (Sunda). The larger portion of Sumatra bears the name first
given to it by Nicolo de' Conti, Isola Siamotra* over Taprobana--and in
large type TAPROBANA. Another name for Sumatra is referred to in an
inscription in the centre of the island: Questa isola antichissamente era
nominata Si modi (sic for Sismondi). So that there is no mistaking

(*Footnote. In Ramusio's translation from the Portuguese, this island is
named Sumatra; but in the original Latin of Poggio Bracciolini the name
is Sciamuthera.)

The most interesting inscription however, and one that gave rise to many
strange complications, is set down to the north of some lofty hills on
the north coast, where a couple of lakes are portrayed. Lago and Lago
regno is the inscription. We shall refer to this lake district in due

We may conclude by drawing attention to the fact--an important one--that
the straits of Malacca are shown. Malacca is also set down in its proper
place; but Milapur, Conti's Malepur, is set down on a duplicate Indian
peninsula, for we see towards the west Saylam, i.e. Ceylon, and the true
Indian Peninsula clearly marked.

CHAPTER 10. A.D. 1471 TO 1478.



The example set by Prince Henry the Navigator was followed by his nephew,
King Affonso V of Portugal, and the voyages towards the south along the
west coast of Africa were continued; nor were these voyages, strictly
speaking, made along the coasts only, as expressed in a paper which has
recently appeared in the Century Magazine,* where the writer says: "The
Portuguese merely felt their way along the coast in all these
voyages;...the coast-line served for a leading-string, holding to which
they felt themselves safe;...they only dared to leave the land in regions
with which they had long been acquainted."

(*Footnote. Columbus, by Professor Dr. S. Ruge, Harper's Monthly Magazine
page 682 line 9 October 1893.)

For Major, on the contrary, says: "It will have been noticed that in
previous voyages, when islands at a distance from the mainland, as for
example Porto Santo and the Cape Verde Islands, had been discovered, it
had been through the vessels being driven on them by storms; but in the
present case we have islands, one, S. Thome, more than fifty, the other,
Annoban, more than eighty leagues distant from the mainland, discovered
without the interference of any storm whatever of which we are informed.
The reasonable inference seems to be that the navigators used their newly
improved nautical instruments to good purpose, AND WERE ABLE TO LEAVE THE
COAST WITH IMPUNITY, which their predecessors were not in the position to
do, for want of being able to take the altitude. In this same year 1471,
now Cape Lopez, was the first locality, south of the equator, to have a
geographical name attached to it, it may fairly be inferred that this was
the name of the navigator who first crossed the line."*

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Prince Henry the Navigator pages 199 to 200.)


Figure 1. The World of Ptolemy.

The crossing of the line was the first act in the upsetting of the old
world theories concerning the inaccessibility of the regions lying beyond
the circumfluent ocean, and the equatorial regions also inaccessible on
account of the intense heat. Once the equator crossed, the gates of the
ocean were opened and all parts of the world brought into communication.
No objection could henceforth be raised against the habitableness of the
southern hemisphere, and in future maps we shall see the Australasian
regions invaded by the hitherto cramped islands and other features that
the former cartographer could not set down per non aver luogo. The world
which had been represented WITHIN A CIRCLE was in reality only a QUARTER
OF THE SPHERE. See Figure 1, Illustration 86.


Figure 2. The world as apprehended by the Portuguese and Italians.

After the bursting of the Archaic ocean, half the sphere was apprehended
(see Figure 2, Illustration 85), the natural result of the widening of
the sphere being the enlargement of various configurations of land and
water which had been, with or without reason, supposed to have been

The next task for thinking minds of the day, cartographers and others,
was, once the sphericity of the earth practically demonstrated, to
ascertain what remained to be discovered. Cartographers set to work to
construct maps and globes in order to clearly ascertain the proportions
of the undiscovered surface of the globe. Since the days of Crates, who
is mentioned by Strabo as having constructed a terrestrial globe, that is
since 200 years before Christ, little could have been done in the way of
constructing earth-globes, for none have been handed down to us from that
period to the one we are now dealing with. We shall now find--to use an
expressive modern term--a boom in map and globe making. In the
construction of these the older documents were used until fresh data
could be obtained; but, as the world was now enlarged, geographers
naturally thought fit to enlarge the dimensions of the various
configurations of land and water, and in this process the less well known
regions, that is, those most distant, suffered most.

The amount of progress achieved latitudinally had also been made
longitudinally by the Portuguese. In this respect they had also
anticipated the discoveries made under the Spanish flag. As Mr Harrisse
remarks, speaking of C. Columbus:* "It cannot be denied that
notwithstanding his extensive display of Scriptural and scientific
authorities, the great Genoese was also influenced by the attempts of the
Portuguese; from which, in point of history, his theories and
achievements cannot be separated, although they were not precisely of the
same character. The bold seafaring men of Portugal sought to reach
insular regions supposed to be cast far away into the ocean, whilst
Columbus endeavoured to arrive at China and Japan. Still, those islands
were so much believed to be on the route that Toscanelli referred to them
as landing places, when Affonso V should send an expedition in search of
the east coast of Asia. What is more, the map which Columbus took with
him when he started from Spain on his first voyage contained oceanic
isles depicted by himself. Those were necessarily borrowed from charts
then current: 'donde segun parece tenia pintadas el Almirante ciertas
islas por aquella mar.' All those notions therefore were not only co-eval
but also closely connected.

(*Footnote. H. Harrisse, The Discovery of North America page 651 2nd

"It is unquestionable that Roger Bacon, Pierre d'Ailly, Toscanelli,
Munzmeister, and a host of thinkers, derived their ideas concerning the
existence of transatlantic lands from the hypothesis of Aristotle, more
or less directly; the mariners of the first half of the fifteenth century
however were actuated by different inferences. They firmly believed that
the islands which stud the western seas in all maps and globes of that
period, so far from being imaginary, existed really, and could be
reached. Hence repeated efforts on the part of adventurers, chiefly
Lusitanian, or from the Azores, whose habits of thought precluded them
from entertaining learned or theoretical opinions on the subject, and who
were impelled only by practical ideas.

"We possess abundant proofs that such was actually the case. Where did
Prince Henry send Gonzalo Velho Cabral? In search of the islands marked
on the map which Dom Pedro had brought from Italy in 1428. Where did
Diogo de Teive direct his ship? To the south-west of Fayal to find the
Antilia. What was the island which Affonso V conceded to Fernam Tellez,
and which Joao II afterwards granted to Fernam d' Ulmo? The Island of the
Seven Cities. What isle did the captain in the employ of the Infant Henry
pretend to have discovered? Again, the Antilia. What was the object of
the voyage of Thomas Lloyd? To find the island of Brazil. What
captainship was given to Joao Vogado? That of the Ovo and Capraria
islands, known then chiefly from being marked on charts: 'As quaaes
segumdo a carta de marear.' Did not the Bristol people during seven years
previous to 1498 equip every year two, three, or four caravels to go in
search of the islands of Brazil and of the Seven Cities? None of these
fantastic islands are mentioned in the Opus Majus or in the Imago Mundi;
but they figure in almost every mappamundi and atlas of the fifteenth
century. Nay, do we not see Martin Alonso Pinzon claiming to have been
shown in the Pope's library at Rome, in 1491, a map setting forth the
transatlantic lands which, in company with Columbus, he was destined to
discover a year afterwards?"

Toscanelli appears to have been the first in the field to put these ideas
into shape, by giving the relative distances as considered in connection
with the projection of the earth. The wonderful piece of mediaeval
cartography known as Fra Mauro's Mappamundi served him as a ground plan
to work on; it had no degrees of longitude or latitude; he undertook to
indicate by what he called spaces the missing degrees. On the 25th of
June 1474 he sent to Portugal a copy of a map he had constructed; this
was addressed to Fernam Martins, King Affonso's chaplain, and a letter
accompanied it, in which he says*: "I send to His Majesty a map which I
have designed with my own hands, and on which I have marked the coasts
and islands which may serve to you as a starting point when you undertake
that navigation, in steering always westward."

(*Footnote. H. Harrisse, Discovery of North America page 378.)

On this subject, and with reference to Nicolo de' Conti, Professor Ruge
says*: "After his return (Nicolo de' Conti's return to Italy from the
East) he made a report of his journey to the Pope, and Toscanelli also
gained information from him by word of mouth. Toscanelli possessed energy
and genius. His experience of life was wide. He lived to be a hundred
years old, and he had considerable geographical knowledge. It was natural
enough that such a man should conceive the idea of representing in
visible form on a globe the distribution of land and water. The coast
line of Europe from Scotland southwards, and the western coast of Africa
as far as Guinea, had been correctly depicted by the skilled
cartographers of Italy and Spain. Now it was necessary, from the
information given by Polo in writing and by Conti in conversation, to
construct a picture of the position and size of the countries of Asia, a
picture which might claim to give a true, or, at all events, a probable,
presentation of the facts. A sketch made it quite clear to the Italian
cosmographer that the western ocean was very small. The conviction
gradually grew stronger, and he came to think that a man in the
neighbourhood of Mexico, for example--if I may borrow the geographical
language of our own time--would be on the east coast of Japan. He knew
how the Portuguese were exerting themselves to find a way to India round
Africa. From the Italian agents at Lisbon he constantly heard of new
attempts. His sketch map showed him that this route must be decidedly
longer, even without taking into account the fact that no one had the
least idea how far Africa extended to the south. He wished to put the
Portuguese on the right track, and with this object he made an indirect
application to the King of Portugal."

(*Footnote. Columbus, by Professor Dr. S. Ruge, Harper's Monthly Magazine
page 687 line 4 2nd column.)

Manuscript copies of Marco Polo's travels were no doubt very difficult to
obtain; but, when the Editio Princeps (Fricz Creuszner zu Nurmberg Nach
eristi gepurdt Tausent vierhundert un im siben un sibenczigte iar) (1477)
of his travels, published in any language, appeared, geographers and
cartographers, especially in Germany, were enabled to make use of his
descriptions of countries in the East in the construction of their new
maps of the world. It is no doubt from this date that the various types
of maps that we have mentioned as belonging to the 3rd type began to make
their appearance. The first edition of the Ptolemy Atlas, with the first
set of maps ever produced by copper engraving, which appeared the
following year, 1478, shows the interest that was taken at the time in
connection with geography and cartography.

CHAPTER 11. A.D. 1479 TO 1484.



The following year, 1479, C. Columbus may have received* from Toscanelli
a letter and map in answer to inquiries made by him concerning the Land
of Spice. This letter and map appear to have been duplicates of those
sent in 1474 to Affonso V, King of Portugal. Concerning this map and
letter Mr. Harrisse says: "This map was crossed with longitudinal lines
indicating the distances from east to west, and with horizontal ones
showing the distances from north to south. The intervals between those
lines was called a space, and each space measured from east to west 250
Italian miles. The Italian mile was equal to 1481 meters. The early
Spanish navigators considered the nautical league as equal to four miles:
'Volunt leguam Hispani millia passuum quatuor continere mari prasertim;
terra vero tria.' Anghiera Decad. ii., cap. x., page 174.

(*Footnote. The date fixed by Mr. Harrisse is between 1479 and 1484. See
Discovery of North America pages 379, 380.)

"From Lisbon to the city of Quinsay there were 26 such spaces, which 26
spaces represented, in the opinion of Toscanelli, about one-third of the
surface of the entire globe. Las Casas says: 'Tenia en circuito 2,400
millas, que son 600 leaguas.' Historia General, lib. i. cap. i. volume i.
page 360.

"On that map were marked, adjoining the coast of Portugal, islands which
we assume to have been the Azores, and, west of the same, that is, on the
opposite shores of the Atlantic Ocean, the province of Mango, near
Cathay, and the Empire of the Great Khan, the extremity of which bore the
name of Zaitam.

"Nearly in the middle of the Atlantic was the imaginary Antilla Island,
10 spaces distant from the island of Cipango.

"Finally, the map stated 'how much it was necessary to deviate from the
pole and from the equinoctial line.'

"This primitive and original chart was in the possession of Las Casas
when he wrote his History of the Indies, and apparently until the time of
his death, which occurred in 1566. It doubtless belonged originally to
the library of Fernando Columbus, and we are of opinion that it was given
to Las Casas by the Dominican friars, who were yet in charge of that
library as residuary legatees, when he was ordained bishop in their
monastery of San Pablo, at Seville, in 1544.

"There is a minute description of the map in Book I., chapter L., of Las
Casas' Historia General de las Indias, to which we refer the reader.

"But if the map itself is irretrievably lost, we still have the letter
which Toscanelli sent to Columbus at the same time. It is to be found
among the manuscript annotations added by the Great Genoese to the few
books which he possessed, and are now preserved in the Colombina Library,
where they have been an object of curiosity for three centuries, without
anyone suspecting until May 8 1871 that they contain the original Latin
text of Toscanelli's important epistle, theretofore supposed to have been
originally written in Italian.*

(*Footnote. It is owing to Mr. H. Harrisse's indefatigable and
intelligent researches that the Latin text of Toscanelli's letter has
become known to the world. We may therefore be allowed to join the Chief
Librarian of the Colombiana Library who thanks him for having caused the
fact to be known that the text referred to was the original one. George

"That letter is so inseparable from the geographical data which led to
the discovery of the New World; it has played so great a part in the
evolution of American cartography in its incipient stage, and it serves
in such a high degree to comprehend the lost map of Toscanelli, that we
feel constrained to reproduce it in connection with the present chapter."

The above paragraph applies with equal if not greater force to Australia;
for was it not to the Land of Spice--that is to the AUSTRALASIAN
REGIONS--that C. Columbus directed his course?*

(*Footnote. See also The Early Cartography of Japan, By George
Collingridge, in the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society,
London, May 1894. In that paper the author shows that the famous island
of Cipango that Ch. Columbus was in search of was not Japan but Java.)

We shall also therefore reproduce Toscanelli's letter, contenting
ourselves with the vernacular which accompanies in Mr. H. Harrisse's work
the Latin text of Toscanelli.

We continue the quotation as follows: "As the reader is aware, Columbus
wrote a letter to Toscanelli, which is lost. We know however that it was
a request for information concerning the Land of Spice, which he thought
possible to reach direct from Europe by sea. Judging from the
Florentine's reply, Columbus desired more particularly to ascertain what
route he should take, the distance to sail over, the stations on the way,
landfalls, and landing places.

"Toscanelli replied by sending him the above-mentioned map, together with
a copy of a letter which he had formerly addressed to Fernam Martins, the
chaplain of the King of Portugal, in answer to just such a request.

"The letter written to Martins was dated from Florence, June 25 1474, but
Columbus only received communication of it years afterwards. In the note
accompanying the package, Toscanelli says that the original letter had
been written: Antes de las guerras de Castilla--before the wars in
Castille. Consequently the copy was sent after September 24 1479, when
the treaty of peace between Spain and Portugal was signed.

"That letter was translated into Spanish probably by Fernando Columbus
when engaged writing the life of his father. That translation has been
inserted by Las Casas in his Historia General de las Indias, but it is
far from being literal. Certain geographical descriptions, borrowed
apparently from Toscanelli's map, explanations which are regular
commentaries, and personal details, of which we do not know the source,
have been intercalated. Several passages are also inserted not in their
proper place. It follows that the critic can no longer remain satisfied
with the Italian version first published in the Historia in 1571, and
which was the only one known, until the Spanish translation from which it
had been taken was printed with Las Casas' work in 1875. Nor is the
latter version any more satisfactory, as it contains the same defects.

"The original Latin text of that letter is as follows: Copia misa
christofaro, etc. The English translation being: Copy sent to Christopher
Colombo by Paul the physician, with a nautical chart.

"To Ferdinand Martins, a canon in Lisbon, Paul the physician, greeting: I
have learnt with pleasure that your health is good, and that you are on
terms of intimacy with your very generous and very magnificent sovereign.
On a previous occasion I have spoken to you of a sea route to the land of
spice shorter than the one which you (i.e. the Portuguese) take by the
way of Guinea. That is the reason why the Most Serene King (Affonso V,
surnamed The African, (cross symbol) 1481) asks of me today information
on the subject, or rather an explanation sufficiently clear to enable
men, even but little learned, to understand the existence of such a
route. Although I know that it is a consequence of the spherical form of
the earth, I have decided, nevertheless, so as to be better understood
and to facilitate the enterprise, to demonstrate in constructing a
nautical chart that the said route is proved to exist. I therefore send
to His Majesty a map which has been drawn with my own hands, and on which
are marked your coasts and the islands which may be taken as a starting
point, when you undertake the voyage, by steering constantly towards the
west. (Las Casas here--volume 1 page 93--makes the following
interpolation: En la cual esta pintado todo el fin del Poniente, tornando
desde Irlanda al Austro hasta el fin de Guinea...con las islas. These
details may be added to his description of the map.) You will also find
thereon the indication of the countries which you must fall in with; how
much you will have to deviate from the pole, and from the equinoctial
line; and finally, the space--that is to say, the number of leagues--you
have to sail over to reach the country, which is so rich in spice and
precious stones of all sorts. Do not be surprised if I call the country
of spices a WESTERN country, whilst it is the custom to call it EASTERN.
The reason is that in making the voyage by sea, in the hemisphere which
is opposite our own, that country will always be found on the west side.
If, on the contrary, the land route is adopted, in crossing the higher
hemisphere it will always be found in the east. The longitudinal lines
traced on the map show the distance from east to west; the horizontal
ones show the distance from south to north. I have also marked, for the
use of navigators, several countries where you may touch in case contrary
winds or some accident should drive mariners to some other coast than the
one intended. I wanted to enable them to show the aborigines that we were
not without possessing some knowledge of their country, which must please
them. Only merchants, as we are informed, settle in those islands; for
there is such a great concourse of navigators with goods that the port of
Zaiton alone, which is famous, contains a greater number of them than all
the rest of the world together. It is asserted that every year one
hundred large vessels, loaded with pepper, arrive in that port; without
speaking of the other ships which bring different kinds of spice. That
country is very much peopled, and very rich. It is composed of a
multitude of provinces, kingdoms, and innumerable cities, all of which
are under the sway of a single prince, called The Grand Khan. That title
means, in Latin, The King of Kings. His residence is mostly in the
province of Cathay. His ancestors being desirous to have intercourse with
the Christians, sent, two hundred years ago, an embassy to the Pope to
obtain doctors in theology to teach them the Catholic religion; but the
envoys were prevented from continuing their route, and returned home. In
the time of Eugene,* one of them visited the Pope, and assured him that
his countrymen entertained very good feelings towards Christians. I have
conversed with him a great deal on all topics. He spoke to me of the
large size of the royal palaces; of the prodigious extent of rivers in
breadth and length; of the multitude of cities built on their banks
(nearly two hundred towns were on the banks of a single river); finally,
of marble bridges very wide and very long, adorned with a double row of
columns. That country deserves to be sought after by the Latins, not only
because enormous wealth can be acquired there, in gold, in silver, in
precious stones of all kinds, and in certain sorts of spice which never
reach our country, but on account of the scholars, philosophers, and
learned astrologers (from India), who may teach us by what means a
province so powerful and so magnificent is governed, and their manner of
waging war.

(*Footnote. See the relation of N. Conti in Poggii Bracciolini Florent.
Historiae de Varietate Fortunae; Paris 1723 4to lib. iv. Also Yule,
Cathay and the way thither; London 1866 page cxxxviii.; and Cordier,
Bibliotheca Sinica volume i.)

"Let these short details suffice to satisfy, in a measure, the king who
asked for information. My occupations, which absorb my entire time, do
not allow me to speak more at length. But, later on, I shall be disposed
to comply with the desires of His Royal Majesty as extensively as he may

"Given at Florence on the 25th of June 1474.

"From the city of Lisbon, towards the west, in a direct line, there are
twenty-six spaces (of 250 miles each) marked on the map as far as the
famous and very large city of Quinsay. The circumference of that city is
100 miles. It possesses ten bridges, and its name means The city of the
Heavens. They relate marvellous things relative to the multitude of
objects (of art ?) found there, and the amount of its revenue. That space
is about one-third of the entire globe.* The city is in the province of
Mango, near that of Cathay, in which is the royal residence. From the
Antilia Island, which you know, to the famous island of Cipango there are
ten spaces. That island yields quantities of gold, pearls, and precious
stones. The temples and palaces of the king are inlaid with plates of
gold. It will not be necessary therefore to cross very extensive spaces
over the sea on an unknown route. Perhaps I should have given more minute
details on many things, but a careful observer can, of himself, supply
much of what may be wanting. Goodbye, dearest."

(*Footnote. Conti here says: Piu oltre de questa provincia di Mangi, se
ne troua un' altra che e la miglior di tutte l' altre del mondo nominata
il la principal citta, et la piu nobil si chiama Cambalu
nella quale e posto il palazzo del Re. Viaggio di Nicolo di Conti,
scritto por Messer Poggio; in Ramusio.)

Mr. Harrisse adds: "That important letter must not be considered simply
as a familiar communication of which Toscanelli had kept a copy for ten
years or more. It was evidently based upon some scientific paper, which
embodied notions shared by a certain class of thinkers in quarters where
the problems of cosmography were frequently mooted, and whose writings
have not all come down to us. We are even justified in supposing that the
idea of the existence of transatlantic lands which could be easily
reached by steering westward, had been the subject of conversations in
the Italian cities. This is shown by the fact that the Duke of Ferrara
viewed the discovery accomplished by Columbus as a confirmation of the
ideas advanced by Toscanelli, and in 1494 requested his ambassador at
Florence to institute researches among the papers of the Florentine
astronomer, then in the possession of his nephew Ludovico, and to secure
any note or writing on the subject."*

(*Footnote. See H. Harrisse, Discovery of North America pages 2 and 3.)

CHAPTER 12. A.D. 1484 TO 1487.



View of Table Mountain, Cape of Good Hope.


In 1481 King Affonso V of Portugal died, and his son and successor Joao
II, The Perfect, entered with zeal into the views of his predecessors.
R.H. Major tells us*: "Hitherto the Portuguese in making their
explorations had contented themselves by setting up crosses by way of
taking formal possession of any country; but these crosses soon
disappeared, and the object in setting them up was frustrated. They would
also carve on trees the motto of Prince Henry, Talent de bien faire,
together with the name which they gave to the newly discovered land. In
the reign of King Joao however they began to erect stone pillars
surmounted by a cross. These pillars, which were designed by the king,
were fourteen or fifteen hands high, with the royal arms sculptured in
front, and on the sides were inscribed the names of the king and of the
discoverer, as well as the date of the discovery, in Latin and
Portuguese. These pillars were called Padraos.

(*Footnote. Prince Henry the Navigator page 203.)

"In 1484, Diogo Cam, a knight of the king's household, carried out with
him one of these stone pillars and, passing Cape St. Catherine, the last
point discovered in the reign of King Affonso, reached the mouth of a
mighty river, on the south side of which he set up the pillar, and
accordingly called the river the Rio do Padrao. The natives called it
Zaire. It was afterwards named the Congo, from the country through which
it flowed. Diogo Cam ascended the river to a little distance, and fell in
with a great number of natives, who were very peacefully inclined, but
although he had interpreters of several of the African languages, none of
them could make themselves understood. He accordingly determined to take
some of the natives back with him to Portugal, that they might learn the
Portuguese language and act as interpreters for the future. This was
easily managed, and without any violence, by sending Portuguese hostages
to the King of Congo, with a promise that in fifteen months the negroes
should be restored to their country. He took with him four of the
natives, and on the voyage they learned enough Portuguese to enable them
to give a fair account of their own country and of those which lay to the
south of it. King Joao was greatly gratified, and treated the negroes
with much kindness and even munificence, and when Diogo Cam took them
back the following year, the king charged them with many presents for
their own sovereign, accompanied by the earnest desire that he and his
people would embrace the Christian religion. Up to the year 1485 Joao II
used the title of King of Portugal and the Algarves on this side the sea
and beyond the sea in Africa, but in this year he added thereto that of
Lord of Guinea.

"In this remarkable voyage Diogo Cam was accompanied by the celebrated
Martin Behaim, the inventor of the application of the astrolabe to

A curious parallel might be drawn, in many ways, between Martin Behaim
and Alexander Dalrymple on one side and C. Columbus and Captain Cook on
the other, the principal features being that M. Behaim and Alex Dalrymple
were both sailors and savants, and came, both of them, very near being
sent out on the two expeditions which resulted in the rediscovery of New
Worlds. C. Columbus and Cook were better sailors than savants, but were
both pre-eminently practical men, and both of them must be considered as
the principal agents in the practical rediscovery of America and
Australia respectively.

To return to the voyage of the Portuguese that led to the opening of the
sea-way to India and Australasia we must here introduce a personage that
greatly exercised the minds of the period. Prester John was the name
given to him. He was supposed, in his twofold character of priest and
king, to rule over vast tracts of country, and, if we judge from the
tales that were told concerning him, and from the localities marked on
maps, over which he was said to rule, he would have been a mighty prince
indeed; for he is represented as having under his sway all the eastern
parts of Africa and the larger part of Asia.

King Joao II, believing that such a monarch might be of the greatest
service to him, determined to reach his country both by land and sea.
Major tells us*:

(*Footnote. Prince Henry the Navigator page 212 et seq.)

"The first persons whom he sent out with this object were Father Antonio
de Lisboa and one Pedro de Montarryo; but when they reached Jerusalem
they found that without knowing Arabic it would be useless to continue
their voyage, and therefore they returned.

"On the 7th of May 1487 however the king despatched two men who were not
wanting in that respect, namely Pedro de Covilham and Affonso de Payva.
They went by Naples and Rhodes to Alexandria and Cairo, and so to Aden,
where they separated with an agreement to meet at a certain time at
Cairo. They left Lisbon for Naples, where their bills of exchange were
paid by the son of Cosmo de Medicis; and from Naples they sailed to the
island of Rhodes. Then, crossing over to Alexandria, they travelled to
Cairo as merchants, and proceeding with the caravan to Tor on the Red
Sea, at the foot of Mount Sinai, gained some information relative to the
trade with Calicut. Thence they sailed to Aden, where they parted;
Covilham directed his course towards India, and Payva towards Suakem in
Abyssinia, appointing Cairo as the future place of their rendezvous.

"At Aden Covilham embarked in a Moorish ship for Cananor, on the Malabar
coast, and after some stay in that city went to Calicut and Goa, being
the first of his countrymen who had sailed on the Indian Ocean. He then
passed over to Sofala, on the eastern coast of Africa, and examined its
gold-mines, where he procured some intelligence of the island of St.
Lawrence, called by the Moors the Island of the Moon, now known as

"Covilham had now heard of cloves and cinnamon, and seen pepper and
ginger; he therefore resolved to venture no further until the valuable
information he possessed was conveyed to Portugal. With this idea he
returned to Egypt; but found on his arrival at Cairo, where he met with
messengers from King Joao, that Payva had died a short time before. The
names of these messengers were Rabbi Abraham of Beja, and Joseph of
Lamego; the latter immediately returned with letters from Covilham,
containing, among other curious facts, the following remarkable report:

"That the ships which sailed down the coast of Guinea might be sure of
reaching the termination of the continent, by persisting in a course to
the south, and that when they should arrive in the eastern ocean, their
best direction must be to inquire for Sofala, and the Island of the

(*Footnote. The Arabs called Madagascar AL-CAMAR, the Island of the Moon;
but this name got to be corrupted on charts and maps to such an extent
that the island was believed by some to be a fictitious one. The
following are some of the corrupted forms of Al-Camar: Camar, Comor,
Comr, Comar, Comari, Comair, Camrou, Camroun, Comara, etc. For further
particulars on this subject, we refer our readers to J. Codine's Memoire
Geographique sur le mer des Indes. Paris, 1868. George Collingridge.)

"From his letter to King Joao it will be seen that to Covilham is to be
assigned the honour of the theoretical discovery of the Cape of Good
Hope, as that of the practical discovery will presently be shown to
belong to Bartholomeu Dias...

"By sea Joao sent, in August 1486, two vessels of fifty tons
respectively, under the command of Bartholomeu Dias and Joao Infante. A
smaller craft which carried the provisions was commanded by Pedro Dias,
Bartholomeu's brother...It was fitting that a Dias should be the first to
accomplish the great task which it had been the ruling desire of the life
of Prince Henry to see effected. It was a family of daring navigators.
Joao Dias had been one of the first who had doubled Cape Bajador, and
Lorenzo Dias was the first to reach the Bay of Arguin, while Diniz Dias
was the first to reach the land of the Blacks and even Cape Verde, to
which he gave its name. The expedition of Bartholomeu started about the
end of August, and made directly for the south. Passing the Manga das
Areas where Diogo Cam had placed his furthest pillar, they reached a bay
to which they gave the name of Angra dos Ilheos. Here Dias erected a
pillar, which was broken some eighty years ago. The point is now called
Dias Point or Pedestal Point. From seaward is seen what looks like two
conical shaped islands, on the highest of which stood the cross. These
hillocks stand out dark from the surrounding land, and probably gave rise
from their tint to the name of Serra Parda, or the Dark Hills, in which
Barros places this monument. Proceeding southward, Dias reached another
point, where he was delayed five days in struggling against the weather,
and the frequent tacks that he had to make induced him to call it Angra
das Voltas, or Cape of the Turns and Tacks. It is called Cape Voltas, and
forms the south point of Orange River. From this they were driven before
the wind for thirteen days, due south, with half-reefed sails, and of
course out of sight of land, when suddenly they were surprised to find a
striking change in the temperature, the cold increasing greatly as they
advanced. When the wind abated, Dias, not doubting that the coast still
ran north and south, as it had done hitherto, steered in an easterly
direction with the view of striking it, but, finding that no land made
its appearance, he altered his course for the north, and came upon a bay
where were a number of cowherds tending their kine, who were greatly
alarmed at the sight of the Portuguese and drove their cattle inland.
Dias gave the bay the name of Angra dos Vaqueiros, or the Bay of
Cowherds. It is the present Flesh Bay, near Gauritz River. He had rounded
the Cape without knowing it.

"It is a fact specially worthy of notice that in this voyage an entirely
different system was adopted with respect to the natives than had
prevailed hitherto. Instead of capturing the negroes that they chanced to
find on the coast, they had orders to leave on the shore at intervals
negroes and negresses well dressed and well affected towards Portugal, to
gather information respecting Prester John, to speak in praise of the
Portuguese from experience of kindnesses received, and to infuse a desire
to contract alliances with them. In accordance with those instructions,
two negroes had been restored at Angra do Salto (the Bay of the Capture),
so called from Diogo Cam having captured them at this place. They had
left also a negress at Angra dos Ilheos (Angra Pequena), and another at
Angra das Voltas. An unfortunate event however occurred which neutralized
the effect of this well intended plan. In proceeding eastward from Flesh
Bay, Dias reached another bay, to which he gave the name of San Bras,
where he put in to take water. In doing this he met with determined
opposition from the natives, who threw stones at his men. They were thus
compelled to resort to their own weapons in self-defence, and an
unfortunate shot from an arblast struck one of the Caffres dead, and thus
the favourable impressions which had been looked for from a pacific
system of procedure were nullified by an act of violence which they would
gladly have avoided. Continuing east, Dias reached a small island in
Algoa Bay, on which he set up another pillar with its cross, and the name
of Santa Cruz which he gave to the rock still survives; and as they found
two springs in it, many called it the Penedo das Fontes. This was the
first land beyond the Cape which was trodden by European feet, and here
they set on shore another negress.

"The crews now began to complain, for they were worn out with fatigue,
and alarmed at the heavy seas through which they were passing. With one
voice they protested against proceeding farther. Dias however was most
anxious to prosecute the voyage. By way of compromise he proposed that
they should sail on in the same direction for two or three days, and if
they then found no reason for proceeding farther, he promised they should
return. This was acceded to. At the end of that time they reached a river
some twenty-five leagues beyond the island of Santa Cruz, and as Joao
Infante, the captain of the second ship, the S. Pantaleon, was the first
to land, they called the river the Rio do Infante. It was the river now
known as the Great Fish River.

"Here the remonstrances and complaints of the crews compelled Dias to
turn back. When he reached the little island of Santa Cruz, and bade
farewell to the cross which he had there erected, it was with grief as
intense as if he were leaving his child in the wilderness with no hope of
ever seeing him again. The recollection of all the dangers that he and
his men had gone through in that long voyage, and the reflection that
they were to terminate thus fruitlessly, caused him the keenest sorrow.
He was, in fact, unconscious of what he had accomplished. But his eyes
were soon to be opened. As he sailed onwards to the west of Santa Cruz he
at length came in sight of that remarkable cape which had been hidden
from the eyes of man for so many centuries. In remembrance of the perils
they had encountered in passing that tempestuous point, he gave to it the
name of Cabo Tormentoso, or Stormy Cape, but when he reached Portugal,
and made his report to Joao, the King, foreseeing the realization of the
long coveted passage to India, gave it the enduring name of Cape of Good

"The one grand discovery which had been the object of Prince Henry's
unceasing desire was now effected. The joy of the homeward voyage was
however marred by a most painful incident. Dias had, by way of
precaution, left behind him, off the coast of Guinea, the small vessel
containing the supplies of provisions. He now went in search of it, it
being nine months since they had parted company. When they reached it,
they found three men only surviving out of the nine that had been left,
and one of these, named Fernando Colaco, a scrivener from Lumiar, near
Lisbon, was so weakened by illness that he died of joy when he saw his
companions. The cause of the loss had been that, while the Portuguese
were holding friendly communication with the negroes, the latter were
seized with a covetous desire to possess some of the articles which were
being bartered, and, as a short means of obtaining them, killed the
owners. Not to return empty handed, Dias put in at St. George da Mina,
and received from the commander, Joao Fogaza, the gold which he had taken
in barter. He then proceeded to Lisbon, which he reached in December
1487, after an absence of sixteen months and seventeen days.

"In that voyage he had discovered three hundred and fifty leagues of
coast, which was almost as much as Diogo Cam had discovered in his two
voyages. This great and memorable discovery was the last that was made in
the reign of King Joao II."

CHAPTER 13. A.D. 1487 TO 1489.



Once the Cape of Good Hope and the southern extremity of Africa rounded,
the sea-way to India and Australasia lay open to the adventurous sailor
of the day. But now, Portugal and Spain being at war with one another, no
further expeditions were sent out by the Portuguese until Vasco da
Gama--ten years after the successful voyage of Dias--made his way to
Calicut with the first European fleet that ever entered the waters of the
Indian Ocean. Prior to this, Columbus had made a proposition to the King
of Portugal to reach the Land of Spice by the west. Joao however
preferred to carry out the designs inaugurated by Prince Henry. Columbus
then went to Spain, where after many weary years of solicitation his
projects were at last listened to.

The race to the Spice Islands now fairly began, but, like in the fable of
the hare and the tortoise, he who started first won the race. Columbus'
expedition nevertheless resulted in something better than the discovery
of the Land of Spice. The vast continent extending from the north to the
south pole, and now known to us as America, was revealed to the world.
That continent, which was to assume such an immense importance, was
unknown to Columbus, for he believed to the very last that he had reached
India and the Spice Islands.

Let us now examine the maps and charts of the period we have just briefly
considered. Fra Mauro's Mappamundi served pre-eminently as a model for
all cartographers who were then pointing out the regions to be
discovered. Toscanelli used that prototype freely, although he altered
its features considerably. Behaim and others copied him more or less.
Christopher Columbus made a globe which he sent to Toscanelli together
with a letter asking for information. Bartholomew, Christopher Columbus'
younger brother, one of the most efficient cartographers of the day,
demonstrated to Christopher, according to Antonio Gallo, "that by
starting from the south coast of Ethiopia, and steering westward on the
right in the open sea, a continent would certainly be reached;" which is
as strange as it is true. According to the notions of the time however it
was not South America that would have been reached, but a continental
land which occupied in the maps of the world, as then delineated, the
Australasian regions.

According to Mr. H. Harrisse Bartholomew Columbus made a map of the world
in London for Henry VI. This map, which is now lost, contained some
indifferent verses, which have been preserved in two different Latin
versions: Las Casas' and the Historie.

We give here Mr. Harrisse's translation of the Historie version*:
"Whomsoever you may be, who desires to know the earth and the seas, this
picture will give you the detail thereof in full; which has already been
related by Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and Isidor (of Seville). Yet their
information differs. Here is represented the torrid zone recently
navigated by the Spanish (sic)** vessels, until then unknown, and now
well known.

(*Footnote. Mr. Harrisse's note: "This is evidently an allusion to the
discovery of the Cape of Good Hope which Bartholomew Diaz had recently
accomplished (August 1486 to December 1487) after crossing the torrid
zone, then supposed to extend throughout the ocean (Santarem, Hist. de la
Cosmographie au moyen age, volume iii. page 212). But Diaz sailed under
the Portuguese flag, and the Spaniards had nothing whatever to do with
this or any other similar expedition during the fifteenth century.)

(**Footnote. Discovery of North America, page 387.)

"As to the author or painter, Genoa is his native country, his name is
Bartholomew Columbus, of Terra Rubra; he has executed this work at
London, in the year of our Lord 1480, and, besides, the year 8, and the
tenth day, with the 3rd of the month of February."

Mr. Harrisse here remarks: "That is, for those who are compelled to
distort words in order to construct poor verse: "On the 13th day of the
month of February 1488." And again:..."the wording of the Historie
differs somewhat from that of Las Casas, which should not be the case if
both had copied the original document, but Las Casas assigns the date of
February 10th: decimaque die mensis Februarii, instead of February 13th,
decimaque die cum tertia mensis Februarii. Nor are we certain that their
1488 is not 1489, new style.

"Neither Las Casas nor the Historie give any description of the map, and
the above is all that we know concerning it. What is said on the subject,
or relative to the presence of Bartholomew Columbus in London, by
Hakluyt, Bacon, Purchas, and Herrara, was entirely borrowed from the

Now, there is a map--and we don't know why Mr. Harrisse does not mention
it--that answers sufficiently to the above description to make it, at
least, interesting. But, for Australians, the map we refer to has an
intrinsic value and interest as being THE EARLIEST SPECIMEN ON WHICH THE

CHAPTER 14. A.D. 1487 TO 1489.




The map referred to at the close of the preceding chapter is to be found
in the British Museum. It bears no date that we are aware of. A copy of
this map is given in Santarem's collection, and the date 1489 is assigned
to it. We think that date is about correct, for the map shows information
up to 1487; yet is much more primitive than M. Behaim's globe of 1492.
The name of the cartographer who designed it does not transpire; but
there are in it several features that point to its being a copy of
Bartholomew Columbus' lost map. The date assigned to it being one of
these features, this date is corroborated, to a certain extent, by an
inscription in a scroll near the Cape of Good Hope, which inscription
reads thus: Huc usque ad ilha de fonti pe vnit ultima navigatio
portugalensium anno domini 1489. The date in that inscription is no doubt
a bad reading for 1487; for it was, as we have seen, in the year 1487
that Bartholomew Dias doubled the Cape of Good Hope and reached the Rio
do Infante, whence he turned back and arrived at Lisbon in December 1487.

This mappamundi bears the appearance of being connected with the earliest
class of maps belonging to the new departure in map-making. The departure
was made from Fra Mauro's map of the world, in which, as we have seen,
the ancient ocean surrounded the world at the equator in its southerly
limits; and legends spread here and there on the confines of that world
indicated that in the mind of the cartographer transilience was out of
the question. The Portuguese by their navigations towards the south had
broken that spell. This fact would seem to be graphically represented in
this map, where the southern extremity of the African continent bursts
through the marginal postes--a compromise for the circumfluent ocean of
mediaeval and older maps. The fear of openly discarding the traditions of
the past is also amusingly apparent in this early attempt at geographical

This will be at once noticeable if one compares this map with Ptolemy's.
Ptolemy connected the southern extremity of Africa with a fictitious
prolongation of the coast of China. In this map the fictitious coastline
is left out. The cartographer was sufficiently well informed to know that
it did not exist, but he appears to have made a kind of concession by
filling the gap with those two scrolls of paper, the upper line of the
larger scroll actually running over and parallel with Ptolemy's
fictitious coastline.

The whole of the coastline of the Indian Ocean above that large scroll on
which OCEANUS INDICUS MERIDIONAL is inscribed belongs to Ptolemy's
geography. Marco Polo is responsible for the extreme eastern sea-board
dotted with islands which in this map bear no names; but the short line
of coast running almost parallel to the right hand side of the large
paper scroll does not belong to his description.

Unfortunately we cannot treat this map with the importance that it might
have acquired had it been a more faithful representation of its
prototype. It has no degrees of longitude or latitude, although we have
seen that in 1474 Toscanelli had made use of these divisions.

Nevertheless, taking into consideration its general features, we notice
that the portion of coastline referred to above is situated to the south
of the Aureus Chersonesus (the Malay Peninsula) and in the latitude of
the southern parts of Africa. This coastline therefore cannot be any
other but the west coast of Australia.

Here we might ask the question: Who informed this Portuguese, Spanish, or
Italian map-maker that this portion of coast did not run out towards the
west as far as the east coast of Africa, as in Ptolemy's map?

The only navigators in these seas who constructed maps and charts and who
could therefore have charted these coasts with anything like their
approximate correctness, were the Chinese and the Arabs. Of these two
nations the Arabs may be considered the more likely draughtsmen, for they
had long before the period we are dealing with set down on their maps
Madagascar and other islands lying eastward of Madagascar in the
latitudes and neighbourhood of the Australian continent.

On the fictitious peninsula, the westernmost extremity of which is
bounded from north to south by the western coast of Australia, are set
down the following place-names: S. Thome, regnum lac and regnum Cayln.

Those names are of importance because they form the clue that will lead
us to understand how the distortion of these parts was set about. We
shall refer to them by and by.

We must first endeavour to follow the evolution that always obtains in
cartographical representations, and with that object in view we must
compare this map with its predesigned prototype, the Fra Mauro

When constructing the Fra Mauro Mappamundi, the cartographer, not being
constrained by Ptolemy's equatorial line, brought the Indian Peninsula
down in something more like its actual position with regard to Ceylon;
but nevertheless, instead of correcting or obliterating Ptolemy's
duplicate Indian Peninsula which figures to the east of Ceylon, he made
it more prominent and endorsed the mistake by setting down on its western
and eastern shores respectively the double nomenclature originating from
Nicolo de' Conti's descriptions: Questa region dita Mahabar, and Milapur,
Pudipeten, etc.

The author of the new prototype, the various copies of which we shall now
have to consider, may have been Toscanelli, B. Columbus or M. Behaim; but
whosoever he be, he formed his new prototype with the aid of the map of
Ptolemy, Fra Mauro's, and other data, in this way:

1. He used Ptolemy's configuration of coasts from Catigara, away north to
the Sinus Magnus, thence in a westerly direction to the Sinus Persicus,
then in a southerly direction to the extreme limits of Ptolemy's south,
i.e. 16 degrees south of the equator, where the coastline is cut off by
the smaller paper scroll relating to the Portuguese discoveries in 1487.


The above skeleton-map is a much reduced outline facsimile of Fra Mauro's
celebrated Mappamundi.

2. He borrowed from Fra Mauro's map by using his Siamotra (Sumatra) in
the following extraordinary manner: he connected it with Ptolemy's
fictitious coastline at Catigara.

On the northern coast of Fra Mauro's Sumatra there is a region called
lago regno, where a couple of lakes are set down; this region, in the map
we are now dealing with, is called regnum lac, and a lake separates it
from regnum Cayln.

What does regnum Cayln mean? Two hypotheses present themselves. It may be
meant for Ceylon, or it may be meant for Coilum, the modern Quilon on the
coast of Travancore, Indian Peninsula.

Whatever it was meant for however it became subsequently in most maps of
the Behaimean and Schonerean types, a bogus Sumatra, as the regnum lac
above it became the extremity of a bogus Malay Peninsula, that, from that
time till the present day, puzzled many cartographers.

Even in the present map we may notice the initiation of the evolution,
for it will be noticed that regnum Cayln is actually separated from
regnum lac by the two rivers that flow from the lake situated between
these two regions--regnum Cayln is therefore an island, strictly
speaking. We shall find this particularity emphasized in subsequent maps
in which these rivers become arms of the sea, or straits. Regnum Cayln
also suffers some modification in nomenclature; it becomes Caylur and
Seylan insulae in Martin Behaim's globe 1492--Provincia Seilan in the
Lenox Globe 1506 to 1511--Seilan Insulae pars, in Ruysch's Mappamundi
1508--Coilu regnu and Seyla, in the Schonerean Frankfort gores of 1515,

The little town of S. Thome* set down on the western shores of the bogus
Malay Peninsula confirmed subsequent geographers and cartographers in the
belief that this was indeed the real Malay Peninsula; and the
representation of its eastern shores bearing Marco Polo's nomenclature
gave strength to their belief.

(*Footnote. In Yule's Cathay, volume ii. page 374 note 4 we find the
following reference to San Thome: "Mirapolis is a Grecized form of
Mailapur, Meliapur, or, as the Catalan map has it, Mirapor, the place
since called San Thome, near the modern Madras. Mailapuram means or may
mean Peacock Town. A suburb still retains the name of Mailapur. It is
near the shore, about three miles and a half south of Fort St. George, at
the mouth of the Sydrapetta River.")

The evolution of Fra Mauro's lago regno with its lakes and surrounding
hills of a more or less lofty and inaccessible character is equally
interesting, and extends subsequently to the continental regions
surrounding the south pole. The representation of this region on various
maps, now lost no doubt, led to a curious description which has not, to
our knowledge, been attributed, as it ought, to these cartographical
representations. This is the description*: "Thirty leagues from Java the
Less is Gatigara, nineteen degrees the other side of the equinoctial
towards the south. Of the lands beyond this point nothing is known, for
navigation has not been extended further, and it is impossible to proceed
PARTS. It is even said that there is the site of the Terrestrial

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Early Voyages to Australia, pages lxiv and lxv.
Extract from a work entitled El libro de las costumbres de todas las
gentes del mundo y de las Indias, translated and compiled by the Bachelor
Francisco Themara. Antwerp 1556.)

We cannot agree with R.H. Major, who before giving the above quotation
says: "A notion may be found of the knowledge possessed by the Spaniards
in the middle of the sixteenth century, on the part of the world
(Australia) on which we treat, from the following extract"...and
"Although this was not originally written in Spanish, but was translated
from Johannes Bohemus, it would scarce have been given forth to the
Spaniards had better information on such a subject existed among that
people." We cannot agree with R.H. Major, for we might as well quote any
of the hundred and one ignorant remarks made daily at our antipodes
concerning Australia, as a notion to be formed of the knowledge possessed
by Europeans concerning things Australian. The title of the work marks
its level.

Which suggested to the Revd. F.T. Woods the following judicious and witty
remarks*: "I am sure no one even suspected the information which I now
give from Francisco Themara's El Libro de las Costumbres de todas las
Gentes del Mundo y de las Indias--a book on the Customs of all Nations of
the World and of the Indies. It was published at Antwerp in 1556. The
title is quaint, nay, even droll. All the nations of the world, the
Indies besides, reminds one of the book about everything, and a few other
things, with a catalogue of subjects not otherwise mentioned.

(*Footnote. The Australian Monthly Magazine volume 3 1866, Australian
Bibliography page 278 line 2.)

But about Australia. Themara did not profess to speak of Australian
manners and customs, though they might as easily have been described with
the brevity of the Yankee, who said, "manners, none; customs, nasty." He
only spoke of a land of whose inhabitants he knew nothing, for he says:
Thirty leagues from Java the Less is GATIGARA, nineteen degrees on the
other side of the equinoctial, towards the south. Of the lands beyond
this point nothing is known, for navigation has not been extended
further, and it is impossible to proceed by land, in consequence of the
large lakes and lofty mountains in those parts. It is even said that
there is the site of the Terrestrial Paradise.

"I think we are in a position to give a most complete denial to the last
supposition. I dare say even a good many people smile at the first, but
it is worth a moment's thought. A land, nineteen degrees from the
equator, where people could not travel because of the mountains and
lakes. Was this prophecy? Were not the early colonists stopped by the
Blue Mountains, and when they got over them, were not the early explorers
stopped by the lakes. At any rate, here is material for a theory."

When Fra Mauro set down those lakes and mountains on the north coast of
Sumatra he little thought that they would give rise to such

CHAPTER 15. A.D. 1492.



We have now arrived at the important period of reliable geographical data
as embodied in the oldest known globe extant, that of Martin Behaim of
Nuremberg, the celebrated cosmographer of the close of the fifteenth

We cannot do better than reproduce here what Mr. H. Harrisse says
concerning Behaim's globe in his admirable work on The Discovery of North
America, from which we have freely quoted, because it is the most
reliable work of its kind we have yet come across. After which we shall
examine the Australasian regions on this old globe and show how its
nomenclature in those parts was handed down, modified, yet was still
traceable on the maps of New Holland at a time when Flinders, P.P. King
and others surveyed the western shores of our continent.

Mr. H. Harrisse says*: "Its diameter measures 530mm. The globe is pasted
over with vellum, and the configurations exhibit flags, figures of kings,
and inscriptions in gold and colours. It is mounted on an iron stand,
with brass meridian and horizon, on the edge of which is inscribed the
date Anno Domini 1510 die 5 Novembris, which refers to these two metallic

(*Footnote. The Discovery of North America page 391.)

"There are numerous legends, in old German language, which have been
reproduced by De Murr, at a time when they were yet perfectly legible;
although the vellum had already turned nearly black. Parts of these are
omitted or imperfectly rendered in Ghillany's facsimile of the western

"The globe was repaired in 1825, and it is after having been thus put in
order that Jomard obtained in 1847 from Baron Frederic Carl von Behaim
senior familiae, that it should be temporarily removed from that
gentleman's mansion to the School of Arts of Nuremberg, to be facsimiled
entirely at the expense of the French Government, for the Geographical
Department of the Paris National Library. That facsimile is now on
exhibition in the latter place, but very difficult to decipher, on
account of the fading away of the colouring. As to the original globe, it
is still preserved in the archives of the Behaim family, in Nuremberg,
Egydienplatz, Number 15.

"The following legend, which is inscribed in German on the globe, gives
the history of that important geographical monument:

'At the request of the wise and venerable magistrates of the noble
imperial city of Nuremberg, who govern it at present, namely, Gabriel
Nutzel, P. Volkhamer, and Nicholas Groland, this globe was devised and
executed according to the discoveries and indications of the Knight
Martin Behaim, who is well versed in the art of cosmography, and has
navigated around one-third of the earth. The whole was borrowed with
great care from the works of Ptolemy, Pliny, Strabo, and Marco Polo, and
brought together, both lands and seas, according to their configuration
and position, in conformity with the order given by the aforesaid
magistrates to George Holzschuer, who participated in the making of this
globe, in 1492. It was left by the said gentleman, Martin Behaim, to the
city of Nuremberg, as a recollection and homage on his part, before
returning to meet his wife (Johanna de Macedo, daughter of Job de
Huerter, whom he married in 1486) who lives in an island (at Fayal) seven
hundred leagues from this place, and where he has his home, and intends
to end his days.'

"Our interpretation of the above quotation is that Martin Behaim
furnished the geographical data and legends, but that the globe was
constructed, painted, and inscribed by a gentleman* of the name of George

(*Footnote. Author's note: The Holzschuers were Nuremberg patricians; one
of that family, Wolf, lived in Portugal and, having rendered services to
King Manoel, received from that monarch, February 2 1503, an additional
escutcheon. The arms of the Holzschuer family are also painted on
Behaim's globe.)

"For a complete geographical description of the globe, we refer the
reader to the following works:

"De Murr, Diplomatische Geschichte des Portug, beruhmten Ritters Martin
Behaims, Nurnberg, 1779, 8vo.; and in French by Jansen, Paris and
Strasburg, 1802, 8vo.

Humboldt, Examen Critique de l'Histoire de la Geographie du Nouveau
Continent et des progres de l'astronomie nautique dans les XVe et XVIe
siecles, volume 1 pages 257 to 274.

"Breusing, Zur Geschichte der Geographie, Regiomontanus, Martin Behaim
und der Jacobstab, Zeitsch, der Gesellsch. F. Erdk, zu Berlin 1869 8vo.

"Ghillany, Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim; Nurenberg 1853

"Lelewel, Epilogue de la Geographie du Moyen Age, Bruxelles 1857 pages
184 a 191; and

"Kohl, Documentary History of the State of Maine, pages 147 to 150.

"There is a good (but not a facsimile) reduced copy of the configurations
and legends in Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht von den Nurnbergischen
Mathematicis und Kunstlern; Nurnberg 1730 fol.

"Johan Muller, the artist who reproduced the globe for the French
Government in 1847, also made a lithographed facsimile for Ghillany in
1853. In Jomard's Monuments de la Geographie it is incomplete and
otherwise imperfect.

"Our chief reason for inserting Behaim's globe in our list, is that it
exhibits the geographical notions which would have guided him if Joao II
had listened to the Emperor Maximilian's advice to go in search of Cathay
by a maritime route westward, and to Dr. Jerome Munzmeister's suggestion
to secure the services of Martin Behaim for that bold and great

"This fact, which is not generally known, is proved by the following
extremely curious letter, namely:

'A letter which Hieronymus Monetarius (MUNZER or MUNZMEISTER), a German
doctor from the city of Nuremberg in Germany, sent to the Most Serene
King Dom Joao II of Portugal, concerning the discovery in the Oceanic Sea
and province of the Great Khan of Cathay. Translated from Latin in (the
Portuguese) language by Master Alvaro da Torre, a Master of Theology, of
the order of Dominicans, Preacher to our lord the said King.

'To the Most Serene and Invincible King of Portugal, of the Algarves and
of Mauritania, (who is) the first discoverer of the Fortunate Islands,
Canaries, Madeira, and Azores, Hieronymus Monetarius, a learned German,
most humbly recommends himself.

'As you have laudably imitated the Most Serene Infant Dom Henry, your
uncle,* in sparing neither efforts nor expense to demonstrate the
sphericity of the earth, and succeeded in bringing under your sway the
people of the coast of Ethiopia and of the sea of Guinea as far as the
tropic of Capricorn, with the products thereof, namely, gold, grains of
Paradise,** you have won praises, immortality, and glory, together with
very great profits.

(*Footnote. Great uncle. George Collingridge.)

(**Footnote. Amomum Melegueta, also called Guinea Grains and Malaguetta

'It cannot be doubted that within a short time the Ethiopians, who are
animals almost, but with the appearance of men, and entirely ignorant of
Divine worship, will, through your efforts, lose their bestiality, and
embrace the Catholic religion.

'Maximilian, the Most Invincible King of the Romans, noticing all those
things, has requested your Majesty to search for the very rich coast of
Cathay, because Aristotle states at the end of Book ii., De Caelo et
Mundo, and also Seneca, Book v. of Naturalium Quaestionum, and Cardinal
Peter de Alyaco,* a great savant in his day, and many illustrious persons
think that the inhabitable extreme East is very near the West, as is
shown by the numerous elephants found in both, and by the bamboo stalks
which are driven by storms to the shores of the Azore islands.

(*Footnote. Pierre D'Ailly, the "Eagle of the doctors of France," who
died in 1420.)

'Numberless arguments, so to speak, prove that after sailing but a few
days the east coast of Cathay could be reached. No notice must be taken
of Alfragano and other inexperienced individuals who affirm that only
one-fourth of the earth is above the sea, and that the other
three-fourths are under water; as in such matters we should believe
experience and trustworthy accounts rather than fantastical suppositions.

'You know, doubtless, that several astronomers of great repute have
denied the possibility of living under the tropics and in the equinoctial
regions, yet you have effectually proved* that those were erroneous and
groundless affirmations. No attention should be paid to (the statement)
that the greatest part of the earth is submerged, because, on the
contrary, it is the sea which is smaller than the earth. Moreover, there
is the fact that the earth is round.

(*Footnote. By the discoveries accomplished in Africa.)

'You possess ample wealth and very able mariners who are eager to acquire
immortality and fame. How glorious it would be for you to disclose the
East to your West! How trade (with those new regions) would prove
profitable! You should also bear in mind that the eastern islands will
become your tributaries, and that the majority of kings, carried away by
their admiration, will readily place themselves under your protection.

'Already the Germans, Italians, and Rhutenians, and Apollonians of
Scythia, who dwell under the dry star of the Arctic Pole, all sing your
praises, together with those of the Grand Duke of Moscovia,* who, only a
few years since, has found under that star the great island of Greenland,
three hundred leagues long, which, with a numerous population, is (now)
under the sway of the said Duke.

(*Iwan III, who died in 1505, celebrated for his great territorial
accessions as far as Siberia and Laponia, but who never discovered or
conquered Greenland.)

'If you succeed in that undertaking, you will be praised as a god or as
another Hercules. At your bidding you may secure, to accompany the
expedition, the envoy of our King Maximilian (namely:) His Lordship
Martin of Bohemia, who is so well fitted for carrying out the
undertaking, and also several other expert mariners, who will cross the
broad sea, starting from the Azores, and who by their skill and by means
of the quadrant, cylinder, astrolabe, and other instruments, and fearing
neither the cold nor the heat, will sail to the East, with a favourable
wind and smooth sea.

'All those arguments should convince your Majesty. But why spur on the
running courser? And this so much the less as you are yourself able to
fathom all things! To expatiate on the subject is to impede the runner in
his course. Let the Almighty preserve you in this design; and when the
crossing shall have been effected, may your knights (sic) confer on you
immortality. Farewell. From Nuremberg, a city of upper-Germany; July 14
A.D. 1493."

"Maximilian I was the son of Leonora of Portugal, and therefore the
cousin of Joao II. He was Emperor of the Romans from February 16th 1486
until August 17 following, when he became Emperor of Germany. He waged
war in person against France from 1492 until May 23 1493. It is
consequently prior to the spring of 1492, or between the end of May and
the second week in July 1493, that Maximilian wrote on the subject to
Joao II.

"On the other hand, Martin Behaim was at Nuremberg from 1491 until 1493,
and as it was an imperial residence, whilst his birth and position
allowed him to frequent the Court, we may infer that he met Maximilian in
that city; and, after suggesting a transatlantic voyage of discovery,
requested the Emperor to write to his cousin the King of Portugal on the
subject, apparently in 1491 or 1492. This seems to imply unsuccessful
efforts in that respect on the part of Behaim when he was at Lisbon,
previous to 1491.

"Another curious coincidence is the fact that the arguments used by
Munzmeister to convince Joao II are precisely those which were advanced
by Toscanelli, and adduced by Columbus to convince Ferdinand and
Isabella, namely:

"1. 'Aristotle states at the end of Book ii., De Caelo et Mundo...that
the east is very near the west,' alleged Munzmeister.

"Columbus said: 'It is possible to sail from the western coast of Africa
and Spain westward to the easternmost part of India, because there is no
wide sea between the two; as Aristotle states at the end of Book ii. of
The Heaven and Earth.'

"2. 'It is not true that the greatest part of the earth is submerged. On
the contrary it is the sea which is smaller than the earth,' pretended

"Columbus said: 'Six parts of the world are dry land; only the seventh is

"3. 'After sailing but a few days the coast of Cathay can be reached,'
affirmed Munzmeister.

"Columbus said: 'If the intervening space is sea, then it will be easy to
cross it in a few days.'

"4. 'There is also the fact that the earth is round,' remarked

"Columbus said: 'As all the seas and lands of the world form a sphere,
and the earth consequently is round, it is possible to go from east to

"5. 'Bamboo stalks are driven by storms to the shores of the Azore
Islands,' wrote Munzmeister.

"Columbus, referring to a statement of his brother-in-law, said: 'Pedro
Correa told him (i.e. Columbus) that in the island of Porto Santo he had
seen another piece of wood driven by the same (west) wind, and in the
same manner thick canes.'

"Finally, both the Nuremberg doctor and Columbus quote in support of
their assertions the same authorities, namely, Aristotle, Seneca, and the
then celebrated Cardinal Pierre D'Ailly.

"As to the writer of that curious letter, his name was Jerome Munzer or
Munzmeister, in Latin Hieronymus Monetarius, a Nuremberg savant, who is
evidently the Doctor Ieronimus mentioned by Martin Behaim* in the
postscript of his letter of March 11 1494, and consequently one of his
personal friends. He is called Philosophus et medecinae doctor, and is
the author of a work on the discoveries of the Portuguese in Africa. He
also wrote an account of his travels during the years 1494 to 1495 in
Germany, France, Spain, and Portugal. The first of those works has been
published by Kunstmann, who gave only an analysis of the second, and an
excellent introduction."

(*Footnote. In Ghillany, Geschichte des seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim,
Urkunde xi. page 107.)

CHAPTER 16. A.D. 1492.



Martin Behaim's globe is the first document that introduces to us the
REVIVED use of the early earth divisions of the ancients now so
well-known by their names of longitude and latitude. We have seen that
Toscanelli, the Florentine doctor, made use of these divisions on a map
which he sent to C. Columbus, describing them to him, in a letter, in the
following terms: "The longitudinal lines traced on the map show the
distance from east to west; the horizontal ones show the distance from
south to north." (See Toscanelli's letter above).

When--owing to the construction of terrestrial globes--the relative
proportions of land and water began to be seriously discussed, we can
well imagine the various theories and arguments that arose amongst the
learned men of the day. One line of argument was that ONE-FOURTH ONLY OF
THE EARTH WAS ABOVE THE SEA, whereas Toscanelli, Columbus and others
argued that it was the other way about, and that THE SEA WAS SMALLER THAN
THE EARTH. They contended that from Lisbon to Quinsay in Cathay (China)
ONE-THIRD only of the entire globe remained to be explored. These
opposite views are easily accounted for, if we take into consideration
their various sources.

The Arabs, who had from the beginning of the eighth century traded with
China, knew more about those parts than those who followed a theoretical
line of argument based on Ptolemy's views and configurations. The Arabs
maintained that the earth presented more water than land surface.
Toscanelli, Munzmeister, Columbus and others maintained the reverse, and
in support of their arguments pointed to the distorted maps on which the
bogus and duplicate Malay Peninsula invaded the southern hemisphere in
the latitude and longitude of Australia; whereas the eastern shores of
this duplicate peninsula and the shores of China--the Mangi and Cathay of
Marco Polo fame--swelled out to such a phenomenal size as to reach the
longitude of the Sandwich Islands, to the east of which the islands of
Cipango and Antilia (of marvellous wealth) acted as stepping-stones to
invite the timorous navigator to launch out in search of those wonderful

There is a particularity about Toscanelli's description which has not
been generally noticed, and which is of some value as showing that
Behaim's globe was no doubt copied from Toscanelli's map. Toscanelli's
map is lost, but we have his letter in which he says: "From the city of
Lisbon, towards the west, in a direct line, there are twenty-six spaces
(of 250 miles each) marked on the map as far as the famous and very large
city of Quinsay...That space is about one-third of the entire
globe...From the Antilia the famous island of Cipango there
are ten spaces." (See remarks on Toscanelli's letter above.)

Now these distances only give us a vague notion of Toscanelli's
measurements. We have the whole distance between Lisbon and China, 26
spaces; and the distance between Antilia and Cipango, 10 spaces; but,
where were those two islands situated with reference to Lisbon, or, with
reference to China? Toscanelli's letter gives no clue. If however we
refer to Behaim's globe we shall find Cipango and Antilia on one side,
and Quinsay and Lisbon on the other, placed respectively at distances
corresponding to Toscanelli's description, showing that Behaim's globe
was either a copy or had been compiled from Toscanelli's data.

By the above we have established the continuity of the geographical
evolution and brought back the origin of those features of this globe to
the year 1474--the date of Toscanelli's map. We may presume furthermore
that the Florentine doctor compiled his map from Fra Mauro's, for there
was no better model to go by that we are aware of. In doing so he
introduced the features that formed the prototype of the class of maps we
shall have now to deal with.

At that time there must have existed a portolano or sea-chart on which
the western coasts of Australia were set down from the vicinity of
Dampier's Archipelago to Cape Leeuwin, for we find in Behaim's globe the
features of this coastline, roughly charted it is true, but nevertheless
unmistakably intended for the said coasts; and the longitudes and
latitudes correspond approximately. When dealing with Ruysch's mappamundi
of Arabian origin (1507/8) we shall find these coasts set down at the
tropic of Capricorn, in the exact longitude of the western coast of
Australia as shown in Illustration 84; and Cape Leeuwin is not far out
from its proper position, being placed in 39 degrees of south latitude
instead of 35 degrees.


Portion of the west coast of the bogus Sumatra in Ruysch's Mappamundi
compared with modern west coast of Australia. Australia is lined
perpendicularly--Ruysch's map is lined horizontally.

Before proceeding any further in the description of this map and of
others belonging to the same class, we must here state, with reference to
measurements of longitude, that we have not fixed our point of departure
at our antipodes. Our reason for not doing so will be obvious when the
fact is considered that in the maps we are dealing with all measurements
were made from west to east only. The further the cartographers of the
period proceeded eastward with their measurements the more they
exaggerated the proportions of the less known land configurations, lying
in that direction, in order to fill up the vacant space on the globe. It
was only after the return in 1522 of the Vittoria with the remnant of the
first circumnavigators that the real size of the vast Pacific Ocean was
realised and that the regions of Asia and Australasia shrank back to more
correct dimensions.

The only correct way therefore of considering the relative proportions of
the Australasian regions was to make them the centre, as we have done, of
the eastern and western configurations.

With this object in view we have placed our zero, so to speak, at the
extreme limit of Ptolemy's world, the point of departure for the
representation of Marco Polo's descriptions. This central point between
Ptolemy's and Marco Polo's geography was situated at 180 degrees from the
Insulae Fortunatae (Canary Islands) of the ancients. It corresponds with
our modern 120 degrees east of Greenwich. The modern degrees of longitude
will be found at the bottom of each map, and the original degrees (when
expressed) at the top. Having thus given our reasons for adopting this
point of departure for comparing the relative proportions of these old
maps and globes, we may add that, in order to facilitate their
comprehension, we have drawn them to a uniform scale and translated them
to the same projection. This, it will be understood, was necessary for
comparative purposes.

We may now ask, How did it come to pass that indications of our western
coasts came to be confounded with the western shores of Sumatra?

Our explanation is this: When Toscanelli, or the author of the first map
of the type we are considering, compiled his map of the world from Fra
Mauro's, he was no longer compelled to restrict its limits to the
northern hemisphere.

On the contrary, once the regions south of the equator were revealed by
the Portuguese navigations to the Cape of Good Hope, he must have been
impressed with the belief that Fra Mauro's manner of displaying his
various configurations of land and water was an erroneous one.
Furthermore, he had Fra Mauro's authority--so to speak--to outstep his
boundaries. Had not Fra Mauro placed on record that in that Oriental sea
there were many islands large and famous that he had not set down because
he had no room for them? His very words were: In questo mar Oriental sono
molte isole grande e famose che non ho posto per non aver luogo.
Toscanelli must have been actuated by the inclination to fill those
regions of the southern hemisphere which had been ignored and cramped.

He therefore--we argue--placed Fra Mauro's Sumatra to the south of the
equator, thinking no doubt that the tropic of Capricorn, not the equator,
divided Sumatra in two. In confirmation of this belief he may have
observed on some Arabian portulano the outlines of the western coasts of
Australia thus cut in two by the tropic of Capricorn. Availing himself of
these configurations, he must have united them to the eastern shores of
Fra Mauro's Sumatra, and connected both with the coasts of China as in
Ptolemy's map--the straits of Malacca being obliterated at the point
where we find the name Mallaqua set down on the Schonerean Frankfort
gores of 1515, and where the word Lack may be noticed in the map we are

If we examine carefully Fra Mauro's Mappamundi we shall find that there
is little doubt but that this was the method employed by Toscanelli of
reconstructing Fra Mauro's data, for we find in most of the maps of this
type Fra Mauro's eastern prolongation of islands, together with his
nomenclature, to which have been added the islands that he did not set
down per non aver luogo.

Toscanelli was a man of superior intellect in his day, and little
influenced by popular prejudice or error. He was evidently an innovator,
and to him we owe doubtless the representation on maps of those more or
less fantastic islands that were set down according to the interpretation
of Marco Polo's writings. There appears however to have been several of
these interpretations.

Let us compare some of them with the interpretation given on Behaim's

Unfortunately we have not been able to procure as yet any better copy of
this important document than the one given here from Jomard's Monuments
de la Geographie, and we have been to some trouble in procuring this. It
is incomplete, as Mr. H. Harrisse remarks (see above); other charts
however may help to fill the lacunae.


Marco Polo says*: "Upon leaving Champa, and steering a course between
south and south-west** seven hundred miles, you fall in with two islands,
the larger of which is named Sondur, and the other Kondur."

(*Footnote. Marsden's Marco Polo.)

(**Footnote. Allowing for the projection this course will be found to be

Now, west of 165 degrees of east longitude, 20 degrees north latitude,
the reader will notice Ciampo porto, which is probably a little to the
south and a good deal to the west of the point of departure mentioned by
Polo; and to the south, south-west of this point of departure, two
islands may be noticed in 10 degrees of latitude north, which, we may
presume, are meant for Sondur and Kondur, for in map Number 3 Sodur is
placed on the equator and Candur below it. Map Number 4 places Sandio and
Candur in about 11 degrees south of the equator.

Then Marco Polo's description introduces us to Lochac on the mainland,
the name of which province, we may notice, has been corrupted, and
appears in 135 degrees east, 10 degrees south, as Coachs, Lo and Loach
ac, in map Number 3; Loach provin, in map Number 4.

Marco Polo's description then continues thus: "Departing from Lochac and
keeping a southerly course for five hundred miles, you reach an island
named Pentam, the coast of which is wild and uncultivated, but the woods
abound with sweet scented trees."

This island of Pentam will be noticed in 150 degrees east longitude, cut
in two by the tropic of Capricorn. In map Number 3 it is placed just
above Java Minor. In map Number 4 it has the same position as on Behaim's

Marco Polo's description then takes us to Malaiur on the mainland and to
Java Minor, where that portion of his description ends.

Malaiur, although spoken of as an island--which is often the case with
eastern descriptions in which the whole extent of a country is not well
known--has been identified by Marsden, Major, and others as the Malay
Peninsula, and we believe this interpretation to be the correct one. But
the identification certainly presented some little difficulty, which may
account for the fact that the name does not appear on Martin Behaim's
globe; or, at least, on Jomard's copy of it, nor in any of the maps we
are now dealing with. Later on, and in a class of maps in which Marco
Polo's descriptions have been less faithfully interpreted, we shall find
it set down as an island, and also as a province pertaining to a
fantastic representation of Australia.

Java Minor is set down to the south-east of Australia and between the
150th and 165th degree of east longitude, thus, strangely enough,
occupying the position of Tasmania. This is all the more strange when
coupled with the fact that, on our modern maps, to the south of Tasmania,
appear the UNACCOUNTED FOR Spanish or Portuguese words Piedra Blanca or
Pedra branca. In map Number 3 Java Minor is placed in the same longitude
as on the Behaim globe, but to the north of the tropic of Capricorn,
whereas in map Number 4 it resumes the same position as on the Behaim


Pentam, etc. in Behaim's globe, compared with modern eastern coasts of
Australia and Tasmania. The modern charting is shaded
perpendicularly--the old features are shaded horizontally.

The other islands of the Australasian regions on Behaim's globe are: Java
Major, Candyn, Anguana, Neucuram, Seylan, Zanzibar, and Madagascar. There
are other islands besides, but they bear no names. Candyn is altogether
outside the Australasian sphere; it is described under the name Dondin by
Odoric of Pordenone. Java Major is a distorted representation of Fra
Mauro's Siamotra. Anguana occupies the site of New Zealand, and might be
derived from a representation of those islands; it will become the Ysles
de Magna of the Dauphin Chart 1530/36. Its name however is simply a
corruption of the Angaman of Marco Polo, who described the Andaman
Islands under that name. Neucuram and Pentam also belong to his
nomenclature. Under the first name he describes the Nicobar Islands, and
Pentam has been identified as Bintang, near Singapore; but the eastern
coast lines of both these islands--Neucuram and Pentam--have a remarkable
resemblance to the eastern coasts of Australia, both as to shape and
position; Pentam especially, the eastern coast of which actually follows
the greater part of our eastern coastlines, as may be seen in
Illustration 62. The southern coast of Seylan falls in also, to a certain
extent, with our southern shores.

Madagascar and Zanzibar deserve notice. Madagascar, it will be observed,
runs east and west, thus fulfilling the function of a certain portion of
Ptolemy's bogus continent in those parts. Zanzibar is placed away from
its proper position on the coast of Africa owing to a particularity in
Marco Polo's account that might naturally lead the cartographer to place
it where he did.

We shall find the position of Zanzibar maintained in many maps of later
date until the Portuguese reached these parts and made more accurate

With reference to the Dauphin and similar charts wherein the Australian
coasts are so remarkably well delineated, we have now to mention in
connection with the present globe some of its most curious and
extraordinary features--features which will show that the Dauphin and
similar charts were not entirely due to Portuguese and Spanish surveys.
On the portion of coast in 105 degrees west longitude and above the
tropic of Capricorn appears the word Calmia. Calmia bears no resemblance
to lago regno, which occupies the same position in Fra Mauro's
Mappamundi, nor to regnum lac of the British Museum map of 1489, nor to
any other more or less similar name on maps of this class. But it
corresponds with quabe se quiesce of the Dauphin chart, which has been
read erroneously quabesegmesce, and which appears as ap quieta on
Descelier's map of 1550. We should not be so sure about it though, if
another word did not occur, which shows that the nomenclature of this
globe, or better, of its prototype, served in the following instance, at
least, in the Dauphin chart nomenclature.


Egtis Silla in Behaim's globe and Hame de Sylla in Dauphin chart

To the south of the tropic of Capricorn and in the same regions
Egtis-Silla occurs. Egtis-Silla belongs to the following inscription,
which, on our reduced copy, we have not given in full: das land
margenannt Egtis-Silla. Whatever primitive form it may have been
corrupted from, it certainly IS the origin of Hame de Sylla which on the
Dauphin chart occurs in the same locality, as may be seen in Illustration

CHAPTER 17. A.D. 1499.



Rapid strides were being made now in the work of discovery, westwardly
and eastwardly.

In 1497 Vasco da Gama sailed round the Cape of Good Hope and arrived at
Calicut with Paolo da Gama, Nicolas Coelho, Pedro Nunez, Pero de
Alemquer, Joao de Coimbra, and Pero Escobar.

The same year John and Sebastian Cabot left Bristol on the 2nd of May,
sighted the continent of America June 24th, and returned to Bristol on
August the 9th.


Portion of Paris wooden globe circa 1535, showing inscription on Austral
land and Patalis Regio, indicating a discovery made in 1499.

There occurs about this time, which was a most active period, a claim of
Australasian discovery to which we have alluded in the introductory
chapter of this work. We must now inquire into this claim, for although
as yet the evidence in support of it appears to be scanty there is no
telling what further research may reveal. The claim is in the form of an
inscription on a wooden globe, as represented in Illustration 61.

Concerning this claim Mr. H. Harrisse, from whose work* we have borrowed
our sketch, says: "The Austral lands bear an inscription somewhat
surprising: The simply cordiform map of Finaeus inscribes there: Terra
Australis nuper inventa, sed nondum plene examinata. The Austral land,
recently discovered, but not yet entirely explored. The wooden globe
modifies the legend as follows: Terra Australis recenter inventa anno
1499 (sic), sed nondum plene cognita. That is, it gives the date of 1499
for the discovery of the Austral region. We are inclined to think that it
is a reference to the voyage of Magellan, coupled with an erroneous
rendering of the date in the account of Maximilianus Transylvanus: Soluit
itaque Magellanus die decimo Augusti, Anno, M.D. XIX."

(*Footnote. The Discovery of North America page 613 4th paragraph.)

We cannot say that we are of Mr. Harrisse's opinion, because there is no
possibility of mistaking that date M.D. XIX for 1499, which would have
been rendered thus: MCCCCIC.; and because the data of this wooden globe
does not appear to be based on Maximilianus Transylvanus' account.


Map of the World by Orontius Finaeus (1531) Half of Southern Hemisphere.
(Reduced from Nordenskiold's Atlas.)

Mr. Harrisse refers to a cordiform map of Finaeus* later than the one, a
portion of which we reproduce here, and ours bears a somewhat different
legend, as will be observed. Our reason for giving it here however is to
show that, owing to the connection that exists between it and the wooden
globe, the term Terra Australis may have applied originally to Australia
as well as to those regions now known to us as Terra del Fuego.

(*Footnote. Mr. Harrisse, alluding to Finaeus' map of 1531, which is the
one we reproduce here, remarks, same work, page 618: "In regard to the
Austral land, if we sketch its configuration (as given in the mappamundi
of 1531) so as to give it the form which would be imparted by the
projection of the present, it will be found to exhibit precisely the same
elements. The names Regio Patalis and Brasilie regio, together with the
main legend, are to be found in both. The only difference is that in 1531
Finaeus writes: Terra Australis recenter inventa, sed nondum plene
cognita,' while in 1536. he adopts the phrase: "Terra Australis recenter
inventa, sed nondum plene examinata.")

Patalis regio in the wooden globe answers to New Zealand, and the
prolongation of the coastline westwardly indicated no doubt the east
coast of Australia. We have not the eastern hemisphere of this wooden
globe to judge how this coastline runs in its more northerly bearings,
but, judging from globes and maps similar to Finaeus', we may safely
conclude that the above-mentioned coastline was intended for the east
coast of Australia.

Who were the discoverers? It would be difficult to say. Mr. Harrisse,
LICENSES, says: "That, between 1493 and 1500, a number of vessels were,
besides, unlawfully equipped in the ports of Spain, Portugal, and France,
for the purpose of exploiting the New World, and sailed secretly or
without being provided with any license whatever, does not admit of a
doubt. The glowing accounts which Columbus gave of the newly discovered
regions; the hope to find gold in quantity; the Indians kidnapped and
sold as slaves in Andalusia; the cargoes of dyewood, spun cotton, and
novel objects brought from America, were surely of such a character as to
induce the bold mariners of the Peninsula to engage in the venture.

"So far as Portugal is concerned we see, from the start in 1493, a
caravel sail from Madeira to find the countries which Columbus had just
discovered, and King Manoel immediately send three vessels after the
alleged truant ship, apparently to arrest her, but in reality to join in
the expedition: y podria ser que esto se fuiese con otros respetos, o'
que los mismos que fueron en las carabelas, una y otras, querran
descubrir algo en lo que pertenece a' Nos, Navarette, doc. lxxi. Volume
ii. page 109. The fact is that the Azores were the hot-bed, so to speak,
of transatlantic expeditions. And the Portuguese notarial archives, as
well as those of the Torre do Tombo, may yet yield information of that
character, and of a date prior to the letters patent granted in October
1499 to Joam Fernandez of Terceira, authorising a voyage to the New
World, before any such privilege had yet been conceded to Gaspar
Corte-Real, or before anything was known of the latter's maritime

"As to such secret and illegal Portuguese expeditions, we can know only
of those which were the object of protests on the part of the Spanish
Government; as for instance the incursion of four Lusitanian ships which
early in the year 1503 went to the country discovered by Rodrigo de
Bastidas, and returned to Lisbon loaded with dyewood and Indian slaves.
Weare loth to believe that this was a solitary case; and if Portuguese
shipowners sent vessels in the track of Bastidas, we may rest assured
that they acted in the same manner, on a venture, when informed of the
quantities of pearls brought by Cristobal Guerra, if not before.

"The French, who in the beginning of the sixteenth century exhibited such
a great maritime activity, at least in their western seaports, showed
just as little scruple. We have authentic documents on that point. In the
affidavit subscribed at Rouen by Binot Paulmier de Gonneville, June 19
information must have been possessed by Gonneville before June 24 1503
(when he sailed from Honfleur) we have in his deposition evidence that
for years prior to 1503: d' empuis aucunes annees en ca les Dieppois et
les Malouins et autres Normands et Bretons vont querir aux Indes
occidentalles du bois a teindre en rouge, cotons, guenons, et perroquets,
et autres denrees. But who can tell how far those seafaring men (who rank
PORTUGUESE MARINERS) went and what countries they may have explored?

"As regards Spain, the Crown rendered lawful enterprises to the newly
discovered regions extremely difficult. Licenses were granted only to the
subjects of Queen Isabella, that is, inhabitants of Castile, Leon,
Asturias, Galicia, Estramadura, Murcia, and Andalusia; while not only
foreigners, but even her husband's own subjects (Aragonese, Catalans, and
Valencians) were strictly excluded. Nay, Isabella attached so much
importance to such an exclusive right that if in her testament she speaks
only once of the Indies it is to affirm her absolute and personal
prerogative on the subject.

"The royalty to be paid to the Crown, exclusively of Columbus' 10 percent
on the tonnage of every vessel, the obligation to have constantly on
board State officials to watch proceedings and record minutely the
receipts, together with a strict requirement to equip all ships in the
only port of Seville, where the law compelled them also to return and
unload, were likewise impediments which could but result in the fitting
out of numerous clandestine expeditions to the New World, both for the
purpose of barter and maritime discovery.

"The damage occasioned to the Crown from that cause compelled their
Catholic Majesties several times to issue stringent orders to repress
such illegal enterprises. The warning issued September 3 1501 recalls
similar defences already published, and enacts very severe penalties
against all those who should dare in the future to undertake unauthorised
voyages in the Atlantic Ocean.

"It must not be supposed, nevertheless, that those prohibitions ever
prevented adventurers from running the gauntlet. As far back as 1497 we
see two of Columbus' own officers, one of whom, Alonso Medel, had been
the master of the Nina during the second voyage of discovery, elope with
two armed vessels equipped by the Crown, and of which they were in
command. Disregarding the orders of Columbus, and surreptitiously, this
Medel, with Bartolome Colin, set sail for unknown regions. When they
returned to Cadiz Columbus asked their Majesties to instigate legal
proceedings, on the plea that the bold adventurers had been guilty, to
use Navarette's expressions, of Viages arbitrarios. We do not know where
those truant mariners went, but they certainly avoided the transatlantic
ports and coasts visited by licensed Spanish ships and officials.

"Later, February 4 1500, we see another instance of the kind, when
Ferdinand and Isabella charter three vessels for the purpose of
overtaking in the open sea two ships which had sailed unlawfully from
Seville to the New World. It is worthy of notice that they belonged to a
Genoese, Francesco de Rivarolla, the friend and banker of Christopher

"It is plain that under the circumstances unlicensed adventurers
eschewed, as much as possible, the localities where they ran the risk of
meeting with caravels sailing under the royal flag, or the points of the
coast already exploited by duly authorised traders and seafaring men.
This would lead them to unknown parts, the secret of which they kept to
themselves, or marked on maps intended exclusively for the information of
their employers." Mr. Harrisse then remarks, with reference to the
north-east coast of America, that "we can well realise how geographical
information gathered during such secret and dangerous voyages may have
remained unknown to the pilots and cosmographers of the Spanish Crown,
and, as a matter of course, failed to figure on the official charts of
the Sevillan Hydrography," and adds, "Those facts will certainly be
viewed by just critics as indicating several of the various sources
whence may have been derived the cartographical data which appear on the
Lusitano-Germanic maps."

Yes, and Mr. Harrisse's remarks are quite true, but they may and ought to
apply likewise to voyages south of the equator--to voyages in search of a
southern passage to the Spice Islands as well as to voyages in search of
a northern passage. A passage leading to the Spice Islands was one of the
foremost desiderata of mariners of the day, for few believed, as Columbus
appears to have believed, that the eastern regions beyond the Golden
Chersonesus were attained.

There are reasons to believe that this glittering Eldorado was sought for
and reached years before the recorded expeditions to it that we know of.
What we know positively is that Antonio de Abreu in 1511 eastwardly, and
Magellan in 1521 westwardly, attained these regions. We have however
representations on maps of the pathways traversed by Abreu and Magellan,
combined with other data, which go far to show that, since these regions
were charted before the arrival of those hitherto accepted pioneers, they
must have been known.


Nicolai gores.

Since writing the above another mappamundi has come to our notice, in
which the statement with reference to the discovery of the Terra
Australis is repeated.

It is a mappamundi in gores of the date 1603, published at Lyons in
France by Guiliemus Nicolai Belga. We give here a reduced facsimile of
the Australasian regions on this interesting map. The legend--Terra
nondum plene cognita, Inventa Anno 1499--is set down in a more correct
position than on the Paris wooden globe of 1535, and to the west of it,
on the margin of the Australian Continent, may be noticed the inscription
Brasilia regio and Psitacorum terra.

CHAPTER 18. A.D. 1500.



It is strange that, precisely the year following the one in which the
Terra Australis was said to have been discovered, we should find, as it
were, a contrary statement made, by the non-appearance of that recorded
discovery on the first important document on which it should have
appeared--the famous planisphere of Juan de la Cosa, constructed towards
the end of the year 1500, and on which Cabral's discovery of Brazil, the
year preceding, is recorded.

Was the omission intentional? We cannot say; but from that date a special
class of maps was issued, on which the example set by the celebrated
Basque cartographer was followed, although not implicitly, for whereas de
la Cosa's map does not extend eastwardly beyond the Sinus Gangeticus, or
Bay of Bengal, omitting therefore the Malay Peninsula and the regions to
the east of it as far as America, the special class of maps we refer to
give the full extent of the earth's circumference, but omit, in the
Australasian regions heretofore crowded with islands, even the merest
suspicion or indication of land, if we except the real Sumatra, Java, and
its eastern prolongation of islands as far as Gilolo.


CANTINO'S MAP 1501 TO 1502.

The document next in order is the Cantino map of 1501/2. Cantino was
Hercules d'Este's ambassador at the Court of Portugal, and the map that
bears his name was sent by him to his Lordship Hercules d'Este, Duke of

This planisphere sets forth, as Juan de la Cosa's did, Cabral's discovery
on the coast of Brazil. It must be remembered here that the name given
originally to that part of the southern continent of America was not
Brazil, but Terra de Santa Cruz; and if we notice a Rio de brasil on this
map it is there merely on account of the frequent use to which the name
was put at the time, without in any way applying to the mainland, and in
this way we see it applied also to a small island off the coast of
Venezuela in de la Cosa's map.

It would be curious however to find that the term was applied to some
large island or continental land in the Australasian regions before it
came to be adopted as the name of the large South American region to
which it now belongs. We suggest that it may have thus been given by some
learned cosmographer, as it was afterwards by Schoner, with the belief
that the Australasian regions were connected with and formed the western
coasts of the South American Continent, for it was only after the return
of the survivors of Magellan's fleet that the vastness of the Pacific
Ocean was realised.

In the map now before us there is a small island with the following
inscription: Ilha timoua en este ilha ha brasil carata seda; it lies in
about 14 degrees south of the equator, and in not quite the same number
of degrees east of Malacca, which in this map extends towards the tropic
of Capricorn. Judging from the position of this island with reference to
the southern extremity of the Malay Peninsula on the same map, we might
take it for one of the Anamba islands; otherwise it lies sufficiently
south to be some island off the west coast of Australia. We think it is
intended for Timor, as Timor is so situated in Schoner's globe of 1533.
As far as we have been able to ascertain it is the first cartographical
appearance of the term Brasil in the Australasian regions.

Let us see now what reasons we may find in other documents in support of
our suggestion that the term may have been given to some large island or
continental land, south of Asia, before it came to be applied in South

We have first Marco Polo's account of LOCACH: "IN THIS COUNTRY (Locach,
corrupted afterwards to Beach) THE BRAZIL WHICH WE MAKE USE OF GROWS IN

(*Footnote. Marco Polo, 3rd book 7th chapter.)

In Martin Behaim's globe, 1492, Locach, corrupted to Coachs, is situated
in the southern hemisphere, occupying a position midway between New
Guinea and Australia. The prototype from which Behaim, Toscanelli, and
others constructed those early globes and maps of the Behaimean and
Schonerean type was no doubt of Arabian origin, and may have been similar
to the lost map referred to by Albuquerque. This lost map was used by
Francisco Rodriguez, the Portuguese pilot, in making that extract or copy
that was sent to the King of Portugal, before Rodriguez set out with
Abreu in 1511 on his expedition to the Moluccas. Albuquerque's allusion
to the lost map is made in a letter dated April 1st 1512, and which has
been recently published.*

(*Footnote. Cartas de Affonso de Albuquerque seguitas de Documentos que
as elucidam, etc. t. 1 page 64 to 65. Lisboa, Typ. da Acad. Real das
sciencias, 1884, in 4to. The following is Albuquerque's text: Tambem vos
vay hum pedaco de padram que se tirou dua gramde carta dum piloto de
jaoa, aquall tinha ho cabo de booa esperamca, portugall e a terra de
brasyll, ho mar rroxo e ho mar da persia, as ilhas de crauo, a navegacam
dos chins e gores, com suas lynhas e caminhos dercytos por omde as naos
hiam, e ho sertam. quaees reynos comfynauam huns cos outros; parece me,
senhor, que foy a milhor cousa que eu nunca vy, e voss alteza ounera de
folgar muyto de ha ver; tinha os nomes por letra jaoa, e eu trazio jao
que sabia ler e espreuer; mamdou esse pedaco a voss alteza, QUE FRANCISCO
RRODRIQUEZ EM PRAMTOU SOBRE A OUTRA, domde vos alteza podera ver
verdadeiramente os chins domde ven e os gores, e as vossas naos ho
caminho que am de fazer pera as ilhas de crauo e as minas do ouro omde
sam, e a ilha de jaoa e de bamdam, de nos nozcada e macas e a terra del
rrey de Syam e asy o cabo da terra de nauegacam dos chins, e asy para
omde volve e como daly a diamte nam nauegam: A CARTA PRIMCIPALL SE PERDEO
EM FROLL DE LA MAR; co piloto e com pero dalpoem pratiquey ho symtir
desta carta, pera la saberem, dar rezam a voss alteza; temde este pedaco
de padram por cousa muyto certa e muyto sabida, porque he a mesma
nauegcam por omde eles vam o vem mingua lhe o arcepedego das ilhas que se
chamam CELATE, que jazem amtre jaoa e malaca.)

Commenting on this letter in his L'Oeuvre geographique des Reinel et la
decouverte des Moluques, Dr. E.T. Hamy says:

Il parait resulter de cette lettre d'Albuquerque que Rodriguez avait fait
une sorte d'adaptation d'une grande carte javanaise, on plutot arabe,
detruite depuis lors, et sur laquelle on ne s'explique pas aisement, il
faut bien le reconnaitre, les indications relatives au Portugal et
surtout au Bresil. Il est assez probable que, suivant les habitudes des
cartographes de son temps, Rodriguez avait introduit dans un cadre de sa
fabrication les dessins fournis par la composition indigene et que c'est
a l'ensemble ainsi obtenu que s'adressent les eloges d'Albuquerque.

The Javanese map (or Arabian, as Dr. E.T. Hamy suggests) referred to by
Albuquerque represented then the land of Brazil. Now, what land could
this be? The Arabs, at the time, could hardly have any knowledge of the
continent of America, and it is still less probable that they knew
anything about Cabral's discovery. Their navigations were confined to the
Indian Ocean, and we must look within their sphere for an explanation.
Albuquerque's letter, which has puzzled learned critics, if viewed in the
light of the term Brazil being applied to Australia, is easily
understood. Then again another perplexing subject of controversy will be
solved if we consider Brazil to apply to Australia. It relates to the
Straits of Magellan, Brazil, and the alleged proximity of Brazil to

On Schoner's globe of 1515, that is five years before Magellan passed
through the straits that bear his name, a passage from the South Atlantic
ocean to the South Pacific Ocean is marked. The charting of this strait
is certainly mysterious, and led to the following remarks in F.H.H.
Guillemard's Life of Ferdinand Magellan*:

(*Footnote. Ferdinand Magellan, F.H.H. Guillemard, page 192 third

"What had Schoner in his mind when he gave this strait a place upon his
globes? What were his sources of information? Was it fact or conjecture
that guided his pencil? These are the questions we have to answer. Some
light is thrown upon them by a work of the cosmographer which was
published at the same time as his early globe, and intended to be in
great measure illustrative of it.*

(*Footnote. Luculentissima quaeda terrae totius descriptio, Schoner,
Nuremberg 1515 4to.)

"In it he speaks of his Brasilae regio--that the country was not far from
the Cape of Good Hope; that the Portuguese had explored it, and had
discovered a strait going from east to west; that this strait resembled
the Strait of Gibraltar; and that Mallaqua was not far distant
therefrom.* All this information was, nevertheless, not gathered at first
hand by Schoner. Shortly before he wrote--but how long we do not know,
for the title-page bears no date--was published a certain pamphlet in bad
German, anonymous and apparently a confused translation of a Portuguese
original--the Copia der Newen, Zeytung aus Presillg Landt. From this he
apparently took his description almost word for word, and the question
thus shifts itself a point further back into the examination of the
provenance and authorities of the Copia."

(*Footnote. Schoner op. cit. Tract ii. cap. ii. fol. 60v. A capite bonae
spei (quod Itali Capo de bona speranza vocitant) parum distat.
Circumnavigaverunt itaque Portugalienses eam regionem, et comperierunt
illum transitum fere conformem nostrae Europae (quam nos incolimus) et
lateraliter infra orientum et occidentum situm. Ex altero insuper latera
etiam terra visa est, et penes caput hujus regionis circa miliaria 60, eo
videlicet modo; ac si quis navigaret orientum versus et transitum sive
strictum Gibel terrae aut Sibiliae navigaret, et Barbarium, hoc est
Mauretaniam in Aphrica intueretur; ut ostendet Globus noster versus Polum
antarcticum. Insuper modica est distantia ab hoc Brasiliae regione ad

Now the Copia speaks of the strait as being in 40 degrees south, but
Schoner's globe shows two straits, one to the south of America in 45
degrees and one between the Australian regions and an antarctic continent
which bears the name of Brasilie Regio. This strait runs from east to
west and is in 40 degrees south as the Copia states; moreover, as it is
nearer Malacca than the former strait, it is only fair to presume that
the Land of Brazil alluded to in the Copia was not the land in South
America, especially when we take into consideration the fact that the
South American region which now bears the name of Brazil had not, in
Schoner's map, been christened otherwise than with its first name Sacte
Crucis, which is the name given to the cape forming the Brazilian elbow.

Andrea Corsali,* speaking of a continental land to the south-east of the
Spice Islands, that is, in the vicinity of New Guinea, says:

Et nauigado verso le parti d' Oriente, dicono esserui terra de
piccinacoli, & e di molti openione che questa terra vada a tenere, &
congiungersi per la Banda di Leuante & mezogiorno, con la costa del
Brezil o' Verzino perche per la grandezza di detta terra del Verzino, non
si e per anchora da tutta le parti discoperta. And navigating towards the
east, they say there lies the land of Piccinacoli,** and many believe
that this land is connected towards the east in the south with the coast
of Bresil or Verzino,*** because, on account of the size of this land of
Verzino, it is not as yet on all sides discovered.

(*Footnote. Ramusio, Lettera di Andrea Corsali Fiorentino allo
illustrissimo Signor Duca Giuliano de Medici, Lettera scritta in
Cochinterra del' India nell l' anno MDXV alli VI di Gennaio, Fol. 280
(sic for 180) C.)

(**Footnote. Piccinacoli is the name given to New Guinea in G. Mercator's
map of 1569.)

(***Footnote. Verzino is the Italian for Brazil-wood.)

As New Guinea was supposed to be connected with Australia, it follows
that we have in the above statement of Andrea Corsali the reason, at
least, for the presence on subsequent maps of the Shonerean term
Brasielie Regio, as applied to the Austral Continent.

CHAPTER 19. A.D. 1503 TO 1508.



The claim set forth on behalf of the French sailor De Gonneville, who is
stated to have landed on the western coast of Australia in 1503, is
somewhat similar to the claim of discovery made in the same locality by
the Portuguese Manoel Godinho de Eredia in 1601. As these claims cannot
be considered as having been substantiated, we have not allowed them to
interfere with the chronological sequence of historical facts and
documents. But, as both these claims of discovery present sufficient
interest to the Australasian student, and are indirectly connected with
our subject, we have not dismissed them entirely. They will be found
discussed in the appendix at the end of this volume.


We must now give an account of a traveller whose descriptions have had
some influence on Australian geography.

About this time also, 1502/1503, the influence of Marco Polo and Nicolo
de' Conti on the cartography of the Eastern regions was at its apogy, for
their voyages had just been published in the Portuguese language at

(*Footnote. See above.)

Ludovico Barthema's account of his travels ranges over a period of five
years, from 1503 to 1508.

He visited those regions that were soon to fall under the sway of the
Portuguese, and on his way back to Europe met the latter at Calicut, and
stayed for some time there imparting to them knowledge of the countries
he had visited.

Barthema visited Java, and from this furthest point south he retraced his
steps back to India and Europe.

We give here verbatim the portions of his voyages that describe the
regions visited by him south of the equator and in proximity to

Dr. E.T. Hamy and other critics believe that Barthema never visited the
Spice Islands, but described them in the same manner that Java was
described by Marco Polo, from the accounts of his fellow travellers.

Ludovico Barthema's account of his travels appears to have been very
little known, even by his own countrymen. George Percy Badger, in the
introduction to The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema, etc.,* says: "One
would have thought that Ramusio might have picked up some information
respecting the early life and subsequent career of our author; but his
Discorso Breve to Varthema's book is briefer than many of the notices
prefixed to other far less important voyages and travels contained in his
valuable collection.

(*Footnote. Hakluyt Society Edition.)

"Moreover, it is clear that the first authorised edition of the
Itinerary, printed at Rome in 1510, was either unknown to him or beyond
his reach; since he tells us that his revised exemplar was prepared from
a Spanish version made from the Latin translation--a third-hand process,
which accounts for the many variations existing between his copy and the
original Italian edition. The following is all that he says: 'This
ITINERARY of Lodovico Barthema, a Bolognese, wherein the things
concerning India and the Spice Islands are so fully and so correctly
narrated as to transcend all that has been written either by ancient or
modern authors, has hitherto been read replete with errors and
inaccuracies, and might have been so read in future, had not God caused
to be put into our hands the book of Christofero di Arco, a clerk of
Seville, who, being in possession of the Latin exemplar of that voyage,
made from the original itself, and dedicated to the Most Reverend
Monsignor Bernardino, Cardinal Carvaial of the Santa Croce, translated it
with great care into the Spanish language, by the aid of which we have
been enabled to correct in many places the present book, which was
originally written by the author himself in our own vulgar tongue and
dedicated to the Most Illustrious Madonna Agnesina, one of the
pre-eminent and excellent women of Italy at that period. She was the
daughter of the Most Illustrious Signor Federico, Duke of Urbino, and
sister of the Most Excellent Guidobaldo, wife of the Most Illustrious
Signor Fabricio Colonna, and mother of the Most Excellent Signor Ascanio
Colonna and of the Lady Vittoria Marchioness Dal Guasto, the ornament and
light of the present age. And the aforesaid Lodovico divided this volume
into seven Books, in the First of which he narrates his journey to Egypt,
Syria, and Arabia Deserta. In the Second, he treats of Arabia Felix. In
the Third, of Persia. In the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth, he comprises all
India and the Molucca Islands, where the spices grow. In the Seventh and
last, he recounts his return to Portugal, passing along the coast of
Ethiopia, the Cape of Good Hope and several islands of the western

In the course of his travels, having arrived at Shiraz, "accident threw
him in the way of a Persian merchant called Cazazionor, by whom he was
recognised as a fellow pilgrim at Meccah, and whose friendly overtures on
the occasion were destined to exert a powerful influence in shaping his
subsequent course."*

(*Footnote. The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema, etc. page iii.
Translated by J. Winter Jones, Esquire, F.S.A., and edited, with Notes
and an Introduction, by the Rev. George Percy Badger 1863.)

He then, in company with the Persian merchant, started for Samarcand;
owing however to some warfaring then going on in the locality, they were
unable to reach their destination and returned to Shiraz. "The Persian
merchant became so much attached to our traveller during the abortive
attempt to reach Samarcand that, on their return to Shiraz, he intimated
to the latter his intention of giving him the hand of his niece, who was
called Samis, that is, the Sun, and so far transgressed Musulman
etiquette in his favour as to present him personally to the damsel, with
whom Varthema 'pretended to be much pleased, although his mind was intent
on other things.' He tells us however that his destined bride was
'extremely beautiful, and had a name which suited her;' and lest the
designation should be considered a misnomer, it must be remembered that
the sun takes the feminine gender in most of the Oriental languages."*

(*Footnote. Ludovico di Varthema, Hakluyt Edition page lvii.)

Starting afresh from Shiraz, the two travellers reached Hormuz, where
they embarked for India. Having reached India, at Cannanore, Barthema or
Varthema avoided coming into contact with the Portuguese, fearing that
his assumed profession of Islam might be detected by his companion
traveller, for he could not have been friendly with the Portuguese
without revealing to them his true character, and, had he done so, his
future travelling prospects with his friend, the Persian merchant, would
have been frustrated. Pursuing therefore their peregrinations they
reached Benghalla, where they met two Nestorian Christians who had come
there from a place called Sarnau in China. These two Christians from
Sarnau, noticing some branches of coral which Cazazionor or Cogiazanor,
the Persian merchant, had for sale, advised him and his friend to
accompany them to Pegu, where they were going, and where he would find,
they said, a ready market for such kind of wares. They travelled together
and reached Pegu, where, after a short stay, they set off again for Pider
in Sumatra. "A desire on the part of Cogiazanor to see the place where
the nutmegs and cloves were produced induced him and Varthema to put
themselves under the guidance of these two Christian companions, who were
now anxious to return to their own country, but who eventually consented
to accompany them, on hearing that Varthema had been a Christian and had
seen Jerusalem, where he had been purchased as a slave, and brought up as
a Musulman. This fabricated story so delighted the simple Sarnau couple
that they endeavoured to persuade Varthema to go with them to China,
promising that he should be made very rich there, and be allowed the free
exercise of his adopted faith. Cogiazanor objected to the latter
arrangement, informing them that his companion was the destined husband
of his bright-eyed niece Samis, which finally settled the matter. Smaller
boats being required for the projected trip, wherein there were no
dangers to be apprehended from pirates, though the Christians would not
promise them immunity from the chances of the sea, two Sampans, ready
manned, were bought by the Persian for 400 pardai (about 280 pounds) and,
after taking on board a stock of provisions, including the best fruits
which Varthema had ever tasted, the party sailed from the island of

(*Footnote. Ludovico di Varthema, Hakluyt Edition page xc.)

As we arrive now at the part of Ludovico Barthema's travels which affects
more particularly our subject, and as certain learned critics* are of
opinion, after a careful study of the question, that Barthema never
visited the Spice Islands, we shall give verbatim the account of the part
of his travels which refers to Australasia as found in Ramusio, with the
English of the Hakluyt Society's edition, in order that our readers may
judge for themselves. We know of many Australians whose practical
knowledge of the Spice Islands will lead them to believe, like Tiele,
Schefer, and Hamy, that Barthema never did visit the islands in question.

(*Footnote. In his L'oeuvre geographique des Reinel et la decouverte des
MOLUQUES Dr. E.T. Hamy says: L'etude du recit de Varthema m'a conduit a
admettre avec Tiele (De Europeers in der Maleischen Archipel Bijdragen
tot de Taal--Land--en Volken-Kunde van Nederlandsch Indie, IV v. 1 D page
322 1878) et avec M. Schefer, que jamais le Voyageur n'avait reellement
fait le voyage aux iles des Epices, qu'il a raconte a la suite de celui
de Sumatra et de la cite de Pedir," page 20 N 1.)

Be this however as it may, the fact remains, and it is an interesting one
for us, that at the early period of Barthema's travels, Chinese merchants
were accustomed to visit and trade with the Spice islanders.


(*Footnote. Primo Volume, et Terza editione Delle Navigationi et Viaggi
raccolta gia da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio, etc., In Venetia nella
stamperia de Giunti, 1563 folio 168 E.)

Infra il detto cammino trouammo cerca venti isole parte habitate & parte
no, & in spatio di quindici giorni arriuammo alla detta isola, laqual e
molta bruta & trista, e di circuito cerca cento miglia, & e terra molto
bassa & piana, qui non v'e, ne Re, ne gouernatore, ma vi sono alcuni
villani quasi come bestie senza alcuno ingegno, le case di questa isola
sono di legname molto triste & basse, l' habito di costoro e che vanno in
camicia, scalzi, senza alcuna cosa in testa, portano li capelli lunghi,
il viso loro e largo & tondo, il suo colore e bianco, & sono picoli di
statura, la sua fede e getile, ma sono di questa sorte che sono li piu
triste di Calicut, chiamati Poliar & Hirava, sono molto debili d' ingegno
& di forza, non hanno alcuna virtu, ma viuono come bestie, qui non nasce
altre cose che noci moscate, il piede della noce moscata, e fatto a modo
di vno arboro persico & fa la foglia in quel modo, ma sono piu strette, &
avanti che la noce e matura, il macis l' abbracia, & cosi la colgono del
mese di settembre, perche in questa isola va la stagione come a noi, &
ciascun huomo raccoglie piu che puo, pche tutte sono comuni et a detti
arbori: non si dura fatica alcuna, ma lasciano fare alla natura, queste
noci si vendono a misura, laqual pesa ventisei libbre, per prezzo di
mezzo carlino, la moneta corre qui ad vsanza di Calicut, qui no bisogna
far ragione, per che la gente e tanto grossa, che volendo, non saperiano
far male, & in termine di duoi giorni disse il mio compagno alli
christiani, li garofani doue nascono? risposero che nasceuano lontano da
qui sei giornate in vna isola chiamata Maluch, & che le genti di quella
sono piu bestiali, et piu vili & dappoche, che no sono queste de Bandan,
alla fine deliberammo di andar a quell' isola fussero le genti come si
volessero, & cosi facemo vela, & in dodici giorni arriuammo alla detta


(*Footnote. Ludovico di Varthema, Hakluyt Society's Edition page 243.)

In the course of the said journey we found about twenty islands, part
inhabited and part not, and in the space of fifteen days we arrived at
the said island, which is very ugly and gloomy, and is about one hundred
miles in circumference, and is a very low and flat country. There is no
king here, nor even a governor, but there are some peasants, like beasts,
without understanding. The houses of this island are of timber, very
gloomy, and low. Their dress consists of a shirt; they go barefooted,
with nothing on their heads; their hair long, the face broad and round,
their colour is white, and they are small of stature. Their faith is
Pagan, but they are of that most gloomy class of Calicut called Poliar
and Hirava; they are very weak of understanding, and in strength they
have no vigour, but live like beasts. Nothing grows here but nutmegs and
some fruits. The trunk of the nutmeg is formed like a peach-tree, and
produces its leaves in like manner; but the branches are more close, and
before the nut arrives at perfection the mace stands round it like an
open rose, and when the nut is ripe the mace clasps it, and so they
gather it in the month of September; for in this island the seasons go as
with us, and every man gathers as much as he can, for all are common, and
no labour is bestowed upon the said trees, but nature is left to do her
own work. These knots are sold by a measure, which weighs twenty-six
pounds, for the price of half a carlino. Money circulates here as in
Calicut. It is not necessary to administer justice here, for the people
are so stupid that if they wished to do evil they would not know how to
accomplish it. At the end of two days my companion said to the
Christians: "Where do the cloves grow?" They answered: "That they grew
six days' journey hence, in an island called Monoch, and that the people
of that island are beastly, and more vile and worthless than those of
Bandan." At last we determined to go to that island be the people what
they might, and so we set sail, and in twelve days arrived at the said


Smontammo in questa isola di Maluch, laqual e molto piu piccola di
Bandan, ma la gente e peggiore, & viuono pur a quel modo, & sono piu
bianchi, & l' aere e vn poco piu freddo, qui nascono li garofani & in
molte altre isole circouicine, ma sono piccole & dishabitate, l' arboro
delli garofani e proprio come l' arboro del busso, cioe cosi folto, & la
sua foglia e quasi come quella della canella, ma vn poco piu tonda, & e
di quel colore come gia vi dissi in Zeilan laqual e quasi come la foglia
del lauro. Quado sono maturi, li detti huomini sbattono li garofani con
le canne, & mettono sotto al detto arbore alcune stuore p raccoglierli,
la terra doue sono questi arbori e come arena, cioe di quel medesimo
colore, no pero che sia arena, il paese e volto verso mezzodi, & di qui
non si vede la stella tramontana. Veduto che hauemmo questa isola, &
questa gente, dimandammo alli christiani, se altro v' era da vedere, ci
risposero, vediamo vn poco in che modo vendono questi garofani, trouammo
che si vendeuano il doppio piu che le noci moscate, pure a misura, perche
quelle persone non intendono pesi.


We disembarked in this island of Monoch, which is much smaller than
Bandan; but the people are worse than those of Bandan, but live in the
same manner, and are a little more white, and the air is a little more
cold. Here the cloves grow, and in many other neighbouring islands, but
they are small and uninhabited. The tree of the clove is exactly like the
box tree--that is, thick, and the leaf is like that of the cinnamon, but
it is a little more round, and is of that colour which I have already
mentioned to you in Zeilan (Ceylon), which is almost like the leaf of the
laurel. When these cloves are ripe, the said men beat them down with
canes, and place some mats under the said tree to catch them. The place
where these trees are is like sand--that is, it is of the same colour,
not that it is sand. The country is very low* (meaning perhaps as to
latitude), and the north star is not seen from it. When we had seen this
island and these people, we asked the Christians if there was anything
else to see. They replied: "Let us see a little how they sell these
cloves." We found that they were sold for twice as much as the nutmegs,
but by measure, because these people do not understand weights.

(*Footnote. Those critics who think that Barthema never visited the Spice
Islands have no doubt given good reasons for believing so. We do not know
their reasons; but, if the passage which has been translated--The country
is very low--has in any way given strength to their arguments, it ought
not to have done so, for it is not to be found with that meaning in the
Italian text. It is in fact, we believe, a wrong translation, Volto verso
having been read Molto basso.)

Our travellers then agree to visit Java, "the largest island in the
world." They proceed by way of Borneo, in order to "take a large ship,
for the sea is more rough."


Fornita che fu la noleggiata naue di vettouaglia, pigliammo il nostro
cammino verso la bella isola chiamata Giaua, allaquale arriuammo in
cinque giorni, nauigando pure verso mezzo giorno, il padrone di detta
naue portaua la bussola con la calamita ad vsanza nostra, & haueua vna
charta, laquel era tutta rigata per lungo & per trauerso: dimando il mio
compagno alli christiani, poi che noi abbiamo perso la tramontana, come
si gouerna costui, euui altra stella tramotana che questa, con laqual noi
nauighiamo? li christiani ricercorono il padron della naue questa
medesima cosa, & egli ci mostro quattro o cinque stelle bellissime, infra
lequalli ve n' era vna, qual disse ch' era all' incontro della nostra
tramontana, &; ch' egli nauigando seguiva quella, pche la calamita era
acconcia & tiraua alla tramontana nostra, ci disse anchora che dell'
altra banda di detta isola verso mezzo giorno vi sono alcune genti,
lequali nauigano con le dette quattro o cinque stelle che sono per mezza
la nostra tramontana, & piu ci disse, che di la dalla detta isola si
nauiga tanto che trouano che il giorno non dura piu che quattro hore, &
che iui era maggior freddo, che in luogo del mondo. Vdendo questo noi
restammo molto contenti & satisfatti.


When the chartered vessel was supplied with provisions we took our way
towards the beautiful island called Giava, at which we arrived in five
days, sailing towards the south. The captain of the said ship carried the
compass with the magnet after our manner, and had a chart which was all
marked with lines, perpendicular and across. My companion asked the
Christians: "Now that we have lost the north star, how does he steer us?
Is there any other north star than this by which we steer?" The
Christians asked the captain of the ship the same thing, and he showed us
four or five stars, among which there was one which he said was contrario
della (opposite to) our north star, and that he sailed by the north
because the magnet was adjusted and subjected to our north. He also told
us that on the other side of the said island, towards the south, there
are some other races, who navigate by the said four or five stars
opposite to ours; and moreover they gave us to understand that beyond the
said island the day does not last more than four hours, and that there it
was colder than in any other part of the world. Hearing this we were much
pleased and satisfied.

The information furnished above is valuable and interesting; it requires
however careful examination and a more accurate translation if we are to
judge of its true meaning.

The last short chapter suggests four leading questions, as follows:

1. Was the padron of the ship they had chartered a Moorish or a Malay

2. What sort of compass did he use?

3. What kind of chart did he use?

4. What country to the south of Java did he refer to?

In answer to the first question, we may notice that the Persian merchant
seeking information from the captain asks the Christians to address him.
Now the Christians had been acting as guides to the Persian and his
friend Barthema, they had been in these regions before, and could no
doubt speak the Malay language. We may conclude therefore that the padron
was a Malay, for had he been an Arab or Moor the Persian merchant could
have asked the captain himself.

In answer to the second question, we should say that the compass with the
magnet after OUR manner was one of European workmanship, a compass in
which the magnet or needle pointed to the north. We have seen* that in
Asiatic compasses generally, the needle pointed to the south; the mention
therefore of the fact that the captain's compass was ad usanza
nostra--i.e. with the needle pointing to the north, as in European
compasses--shows plainly that the case was an extraordinary one. Moreover
this is corroborated by the captain's answer, in which he refers to the
star which is (all' incontro della nostra tramontana) opposite to OUR
north star. This south star was the one he navigated by, because the
magnet of his compass pointed to OUR north: perche la calamita era
acconcia & tirava alla tramontana nostra.

(*Footnote. Chapter 3.)

This sentence has been translated wrong in the Hakluyt Society's edition.
The Italian text does not say that he sailed by the north; on the
contrary it clearly says, & ch' egli navigando seguiva quella: and that
he navigating followed it, i.e. that particular star of the Southern

The third question suggested refers to the charts used. It was no doubt
an Arabian chart, unless the Javanese and Malays had charts of their own,
which is a difficult point to settle, and which involves also the
possibility of Chinese charts having been used.

One thing however is almost certain, and that is that the chart used had
the south at the top. It may have resembled therefore the 1542 chart of
the Sea of Orient. It was also like this chart and other charts of the
period in being all marked with lines perpendicular and across.*

(*Footnote. Shakespeare in Twelfth Night alludes to a chart of this
description when he makes Maria say to Malvolio--"He does smile his face
into more lines than are in the new map with the augmentation of the

The fourth question: "What country to the south of Java did the Javanese
captain allude to?" is easily answered, since no country except Australia
could be meant. The notes given in the Hakluyt Society's edition of
Barthema's travels concerning this particular question are of great
interest; we shall therefore give them here in full. These notes were the
result of a communication of G.P. Badger to Markham and Major for

Says C.R. Markham, the Honorary Secretary of the Hakluyt Society:

"This sentence is very important if it should point to latitudes on a
line with or south of Australia. The point where the shortest day would
only last four hours would be 15 degrees south of the southern point of
Van Diemen's Land. It is most improbable that the Malay skipper should
have been so far south; yet his statements indicate a knowledge of
countries as far south at least as Australia."

R.H. Major's answer to the editor's query is as follows:

"Vague as this sentence is, it either means nothing, or it contains
information of very great importance. It is difficult to suppose that the
Malay skipper should have been so far south as the Great Southern
Continent; yet it is more difficult to believe him capable of describing
a phenomenon natural to these high latitudes, except from his own
observation, or that of other navigators of that early period. But even
should we feel disposed to withhold our belief in the probability of an
event so astonishing as this would be, there yet remains the almost
unavoidable conclusion that Australians are alluded to in the description
of people to the south of Java who navigate by the four or five stars,
doubtless the constellation of the Southern Cross. This reference to
Australia is the more remarkable that it precedes in time even those
early indications of the discovery of that country which I have shown to
exist on manuscript maps of the first half of the sixteenth century,
although the discoverers' names, most probably Portuguese, and the date
of the discovery as yet remain a mystery." 1863.


Seguendo adunque il camin nostro, in cinque giorni arriuammo a questa
isola Giaua, nella quale sono molti reami, li Re delli quali sono
gentili, la fede loro e questa, alcuni adorano gl' idoli come fanno in
Calicut, & alcuni sono che adorano il Sole, altri la Luna, molti adorano
il Bue, gran parte la prima cosa che scontrano la mattina, & altri
adorano il Diauolo al modo che gia vi dissi, questa isola produce
grandissima quantita di seta, parte al modo nostro, & parte ne i boschi
sopra gli arbori saluatichi, qui si truouano li migliori & piu fini
smeraldi del mondo, et oro & rame in gran quantita grano assaissimo al
modo nostro, & frutti bonissimi, ad vsanza di Calicut, si truouano in
questa paese carni di tutte le sorti ad vsanza nostra, credo che questi
habitanti siano i piu fedeli huomini del mondo, sono bianchi, & di
altezza come noi, ma hanno il viso assai piu largo di noi, gli occhi
grandi & verdi, il naso molto ammaccato, & li capelli lunghi, qui sono
vccelli in grandissima moltitudine, & tutti differenti dalli nostri, &
eccetto li pauoni, tortore & cornacchie negre, le quali tre sorti sono
come le nostre. Fra queste genti si fa grandissima giustitia, & vanno
vestiti all' apostolica, di panni di seta, ciambellotto, & di bombagio, &
non vsano troppe armatura, perche non combattono, saluo quelli che vanno
por mare, iquali portano alcuni archi, & la maggior pte freccie di canna,
accostumano anchora alcune cerbottane, cole quali tirano freccie
attossiccate, & le tirano con la bocca, & ogni poco che faccino di
sangue, muore la persona, qui non vi usa artiglieria di sorte alcuna, &
manco le sanno fare, questi mangiano pane di grano, alcuni altri anchora
mangiano came di castrati, o di ceruo, o vera di porco salnaticho, &
altri mangiana pesci & frutti.


Following then our route, in five days we arrived at this island of
Giava, in which there are many kingdoms, the kings of which are Pagans,
Their faith is this: some adore idols as they do in Calicut, and there
are some who worship the sun, others the moon; many worship the ox; a
great many the first thing they meet in the morning; and others worship
the devil in the manner I have already told you. The island produces an
immense quantity of silk, part in our manner and part wild, and the best
emeralds in the world are found here, and gold and copper in great
quantity; very much grain like ours, and excellent fruits like those of
Calicut. Animal food of all kinds like ours is found in this country. I
believe that these inhabitants are the most trustworthy men in the world;
they are white and of about our stature, but they have the face much
broader than ours, their eyes large and green, the nose much depressed,
and the hair long. The birds here are in great multitudes, and all
different from ours, excepting the peacocks, turtle-doves, and black
crows, which three kinds are like ours. The strictest justice is
administered among these people, and they go clothed all' apostolica in
stuffs of silk, camelot, and cotton, and they do not use many arms,
because those only fight who go to sea. These carry bows, and the greater
part darts of cane. Some also use zarabottane (blow pipes), with which
they throw poisoned darts; and they throw them with the mouth, and
however little they draw blood the (wounded) person dies. No artillery of
any kind is used here, nor do they know at all how to make it. These
people eat bread made of corn, some also eat the flesh of sheep, or of
stags, or indeed of wild hogs, and some others eat fish and fruits.


Vi sono huomini in questa isola che mangiano carne humana, hanno questa
costume, che essendo il padre vecchio, di modo che non possi far piu
essercitio alcuno, li figliuoli, ouer li parenti, lo mettono in piazza a
vendere, & quelli che lo comprano, l' ammazzano, & poi se lo mangia no
cotto, et se alcun giouane venisse in gran de infirmita, che paresse alli
suoi che 'l fusse per morire di quella, il padre ouero fratello del
infermo, l' amazzano, & no aspettano che 'l muora, & poi che l' hanno
morto, lo vendono ad altre persone per mangiare, stupefatti noi di simil
cose, ci fu detto da alcuni mercatanti del paese. O poueri Persiani,
perche tanto bella carne lasciate mangiar alli vermi? inteso questo
subito il mio compagno disse, presto presto andiamo alla nostra naue, che
costoro piu non mi giungeranno in terra.


The people in this island who eat flesh, when their fathers become so old
that they can no longer do any work, their children or relations set them
up in the marketplace for sale, and those who purchase them kill them and
eat them, cooked. And if any young man should be attacked by any great
sickness, and that it should appear to the skilful that he might die of
it, the father or the brother of the sick man kills him, and they do not
wait for him to die. And when they have killed him they sell him to
others to be eaten. We being astonished at such a thing some merchants of
the country said to us: "O you poor Persians, why do you leave such
charming flesh to be eaten by the worms?" My companion hearing this
immediately exclaimed: "Quick, quick, let us go to our ship, for these
people shall never more come near me on land!"

Before leaving Java, where our travellers evidently landed at some
out-of-the-way and comparatively uncivilized place, the Christians, who
accompanied them, said to Barthema: "O, my friend, take this news (the
news of the cruelty of the people) to your country, and take this other
also which we will show you. Look there, now that it is midday, turn your
eyes towards where the sun sets." To which Barthema remarks for himself
and his companion (the Persian merchant): "And raising our eyes we saw
that the sun cast a shadow to the left more than a palmo. And by this we
understood that we were far distant from our country, at which we
remained exceedingly astonished. And, according to what my companion
said, I think that this was the month of June; for I had lost our months,
and sometimes the name of the day...Having remained in this Island of
Giava altogether fourteen days, we determined to return back, because,
partly through the fear of their cruelty in eating men, partly also
through the extreme cold, we did not dare to proceed further, and also
because there was hardly any other place known to them (the Christians).

"Wherefore we chartered a large vessel, that is, a giunco, and took our
way outside the islands towards the east, because on this side there is
no archipelago, and the navigation is more safe..."

They arrived at Malacha, and Barthema proceeding homeward after leaving
Calicut, met at Cannanore Don Lorenzo, the son of Don Francisco de
Almeyda, the Portuguese Viceroy, who questioned him on the state of
affairs at Calicut. Barthema was then escorted to the Viceroy, then in
Cochin...On the 12th of March 1506 the Indian fleet, of 209 sails, set
out from Pannani, Calicut, Capogat, Pandarani and Tormapatan to meet the
Portuguese. Barthema says: "When we saw this fleet, which was on the 16th
of the month above mentioned (March), truly, seeing so many ships
together, it appeared as though one saw a very large wood. We Christians
always hoped that God would aid us to confound the Pagan faith. And the
most valiant knight, the captain of the (Portuguese) fleet, son of Don
Francisco dal Meda, Viceroy of India, was here with eleven ships, amongst
which there were two galleys and one brigantine."...They fought, and the
Moors were defeated with great slaughter. Barthema afterwards, for a
period of eighteen months, acted as factor to the Portuguese at Cochin,
and then returned to Europe by the Cape of Good Hope and Portugal,
arriving in Rome after an absence from his country of about five years.

CHAPTER 20. A.D. 1506 TO 1511.




We shall now describe, as being the next in chronological order, the
Lenox globe, recently found. Mr. C.H. Coote, of the British Museum, in
his historical introduction to Henry Stevens' Johann Schoner,* (page xii.
line 8) remarks: "As there are several misleading narratives of this
globe, we will here insert Mr. Stevens' own account of it. He writes as

(*Footnote. Johann Schoner, Professor of Mathematics at Nuremberg etc.
London 1888.)

"In 1870, while residing at the Clarendon in New York, I dined one
evening with Mr. R.M. Hunt, the architect of the Lenox Library, a son of
my father's old friend, Jonathan Hunt, who represented the State of
Vermont in Congress from 1827 to 1832. While talking on library
conveniences and plans I chanced to notice a small copper globe, a
child's plaything, rolling about the floor. On inquiry I was told that he
picked it up in some town in France for a song, and now, as it opened at
the equator and was hollow, the children had appropriated it for their
amusement. I saw at once by its outlines that it was probably older than
any other globe known, except Martin Behaim's at Nuremberg, and perhaps
the Laon globe, and told Mr. Hunt my opinion of its geography, requesting
him to take great care of it, for it would some day make a noise in the
geographical world. Subsequently I borrowed it for two or three months,
studied it, took it to Washington, exhibited it to Dr. Hilgard and others
at the Coast Survey Office, and employed one of the draughtsmen there to
project it in a two-hemisphere map, with a diameter of the original,
about four and a half inches, at a cost to me of 20 dollars. On returning
to New York I delivered it into the hands of Mr. Hunt, telling him that
it was unquestionably as early as 1510, and perhaps 1505; and was, in
historical and geographical interest, second to hardly any other globe,
small as it was, and concluded by recommending him, when he and his
children had done playing with it, to present it to the Lenox Library,
the plans of which he was then engaged upon. I also told Mr. Lenox of it
and its value, and recommended him to keep his eye upon it, and secure it
if possible for preservation in his library. My pains and powder were not
thrown away. Not long after Mr. Hunt presented it to the library, and
from that time, it has been known and styled as the Hunt-Lenox Globe. On
my return to London I showed my drawing of it to my friend Mr. C.H. Coote
of the map department of the British Museum, and lent it to him for the
reduced facsimile in his article on GLOBES in the new edition of the
Encyclopaedia Britannica. Thus the Hunt-Lenox Globe won its (first)
geographical niche in literature."*

(*Footnote. Recollections of Mr. James Lenox of New York, 1886 pages 140
to 143.)

Mr. Henry Stevens assigns the date 1506/1507 to this globe,* whereas Mr.
Harrisse brings it under the date of ABOUT 1511.

(*Footnote. See Johann Schoner etc. by Henry Stevens; edited with an
introduction and bibliography by C.H. Coote, page xii.)

It certainly bears signs of an early date in that portion of it that
claims more especially our attention. The protuberant part of the
south-east coast of Africa which in the earlier Behaim globe extends in
such an extraordinary way eastward is, in this globe, cut off, and forms
an island which may have been intended for Madagascar. In the engraving
of this part of the east coast of Africa due notice had evidently been
taken of the Portuguese navigations through the Mozambique channel, and
along the eastern coasts of Africa to Calicut.*

(*Footnote. This coast was already set down correctly in Juan de la
Cosa's map of 1500.)

Madagascar, discovered in 1506, if known to have been discovered at the
time the globe was engraved, and intended to be represented by this
severed portion of Behaim's Africa, bears no name. This nameless island
nevertheless, lying as it does in a more northerly situation than
Behaim's protuberant part of Africa, would lead one to believe that it
was meant for Madagascar. To the east, in the same longitude as in
Behaim's globe, we find Marco Polo's Madagascar; but its length, contrary
to the direction that it assumes in Behaim's representation, runs north
and south, as it should. Between Madagascar and the western coast of
Australia, which bears the name of Loac Provincia, there is a curious
continental land that has been taken by some critics as a representation
of Australia. It lies too far to the west to warrant this conclusion,
unless we consider the dotted line as an erroneous addition; but even
then, if we suppose the eastern coastline of the nameless continental
land to have been intended for the western coastline of Australia, the
position of this coastline would be too far to the south. The western
coasts of Australia bear an inscription which appears for the first time
in the southern hemisphere. Loac Provincia is the inscription we refer
to. What is the origin of this name as applied to these regions? Is it a
corruption of Fra Mauro's Lago Regnum, or is it derived from Marco Polo's
Loach? It is evidently intended for one of the two; but it is difficult
to say which the cartographer intended it for. It gave rise, we believe,
to the use of the term Lucach and Beach (a corruption of Lucach) as
applied by G. Mercator and his school to the Australian continent, for we
shall find it set down on G. Mercator's epochal mappamundi of 1569, and
copied by many subsequent cartographers until the Dutch altered the name
of the Australian continent to New Holland. Seilan is represented to the
east of Loac Provincia, corresponding with Behaim's Seylan Insula. In the
three nameless islands, above the 20th degree of latitude and between
Madagascar and Loac Provincia, we may see an embodiment of those three
islands which have been called the three Arabian Islands,* and which, on
maps that allow a more detailed nomenclature, bear the names of Dina
Morare, or Moraze; Dimo baz, or Margabim; and Dina Aroby, or Arobi-
corruptions of the Arabian names Diva Moraze, Diva Margabim, and Diva
Arobi; and which, in our opinion, correspond with Bourbon, Mauritius and

(*Footnote. Memoire Geographique sur la Mer des Indes, par J. Codine;
Paris 1868 chap. v. In a lengthy and remarkably clever dissertation on
the origin of the charting and naming of these islands Mr. J. Codine
comes to the conclusion (see page 155) that Dina Morare corresponds with
the Banc de Nazareth, Dimo baz with Bourbon, and Dina Aroby with

The small size of this copper globe, only 127 mm. diameter, is the reason
for the scarcity of names on it. It will be observed, nevertheless, by
comparing it with Behaim's configurations, that many of the names may be
restored. The two nameless large islands, par exemple, in 165 and 180
longitude, correspond with Behaim's Java Major. In about twenty or thirty
degrees east of these two islands, and therefore at a distance answering
approximately to New Guinea, and on the parallel of New Guinea, appears
the legend Terra de Brazil. This Terra de Brazil is however set down on a
fictitious westerly prolongation of the South American continent, whereas
the real Brazil occurs more than eighty degrees away to the east, bearing
its early name of Terra Sanctae Crucis.* The probabilities are in favour
of this Land of Brazil being intended for New Guinea.

(*Footnote. See chap. 18. Andrea Corsali's Description of Terra de



There has been various opinions expressed as to the origin of Ruysch's
Mappamundi. C.H. Coote of the British Museum says: "The Ruysch map of
Rome, 1507/1508, is of the Spanish school."*

("Footnote. Johann Schoner, by H. Stevens, page xxi. l. 11.)

Harrisse on the contrary says*: "The basis of THE ENTIRE MAP was a purely
Lusitanian planisphere," and further adds however, "Now, was the model
followed by Ruysch a purely Lusitanian chart, or one made in Germany with
Portuguese elements? Our opinion is that Ruysch has copied merely a
Lusitano-Germanic map. Our reasons are based upon the fact that Ruysch
inscribed an erroneous name, which was certainly taken from the Latin
account of the cosmographiae introductio, first printed at St. Diey, in
Lorraine, in May 1507, namely: Omnium Sanctorum abbatiam. As we have
frequently proved, none of the Lusitanian charts known commit that
extraordinary mistake, which may be considered as the touchstone of
Lusitano-Germanic maps. The Portuguese charts all inscribe A BAIA de
todos sanctos, and even A BAIA de tutti santi, or BAIE de tutti li santi,
when copied by an Italian cartographer. That is, the Bay and not the
Abbey of All Saints."

(*Footnote. The Discovery of North America by Henry Harrisse, page 449
paragraph 6 and page 452 line 2.)

Ruysch's Mappamundi is unique in many respects. It presents many
improvements on the maps of an earlier date, although certain distortions
are very remarkable for their magnitude. In the regions which are
connected with our inquiries, for instance, the Sinus Magnus is brought
down below the equator. This extraordinary misplacement of the China Sea
can be accounted for in the following way. The cartographer, recognising
no doubt the error of previous charts on which TWO MALAY PENINSULAS were
represented (see preceding maps), rejected one of these representations;
but in doing so he preserved the wrong one, extending to the tropic of
Capricorn, the logical sequence being to represent the Sinus Magnus to
the east of it.

Sumatra, which had been grafted on the West Australian coasts and
connected with the duplicate Malay Peninsula on earlier charts, is now
separated from the continental bogus prolongation and assumes a greater
likeness to the real Sumatra, although retaining its erroneous position,
its southern parts being traversed by the tropic of Capricorn.*

(*Footnote. Galvano informs us (Discoveries of the World, page 106 line
3) that in the year 1506, "Tristan de Acuna and Alfonso de Albuquerque
went vnto Mossambique, and Aluaro Telez ran so far that he came to the
Island of Sumatra, and so back againe vnto the Cape of Guardafu; hauing
discouered many islands, sea, and land neuer seene before that time of
any Portugall." This discovery of Sumatra is recorded in a legend set
down to the west of Sumatra, and the date of 1507 is given as the date of
the discovery. Was it the western coast of Australia on which Alvaro
Telez was driven?)

It bears the name of Taprobana alias Zoilon, thus suggesting Ceylon as
another name for Taprobana, whereas the true Ceylon under the name of
Ceilam is set down in its correct position and size to the south-east of
the Indian Peninsula.

The Seylan Insula of Behaim and Seilan of the Hunt-Lenox globe still
retains its position corresponding to the western parts of Australia; it
is called Seylan insule pars twice, and that part of the Indian Ocean
that laves its western shores is set down as the Seylan Oceanus.

The South Pacific Ocean of modern charts is studded with Marco Polo's
islands, Iava maior, Iava minor, Sodur, Candur, pevtan, Nevca, agama, and

On the continent of Asia eastwardly we notice LO* and LOACH AC, already
placed in the southern hemisphere in the Hunt-Lenox globe, and which, in
later maps, will appear on a southern continent altered to Lucach and

(*Footnote. With reference to LO and LOACH AC, R.H. Major in his Prince
Henry the Navigator, page 307 line 26, makes the following remark:
"Colonel Yule has shown that the country meant by Locach was Lo-kok, or
the kingdom of Lo, which, previous to the middle of the fourteenth
century, formed the lower part of what is now Siam.")

An important feature of this map--which we believe to be of Portuguese,
not Spanish origin--is that it shows signs of having been compiled, in
parts, of Moorish or Arabian charts or descriptions.

This is observable in the names given to various islands to the west of
Australia; Madagascar, for instance, is called Camaeocada, an evident
corruption from Camar diva, Island of the Moon; Dinanorca, Dinarobin and
Maroabyn are corruptions of Diva Moraze, Diva Arobi, and Diva Margabym.

On the subject of these and other islands of the Indian Ocean visited by
the Malays and charted by the Arabs, Mr. J. Codine, in his valuable
Memoire Geographique sur la Mer des Indes, page 153, 2nd paragraph, says:

L'existence, au milieu de la Mer des Indes, d'iles connues des Maures,
est tout a coup revelee par leur figuration sur des mappemondes du
commencement du seizieme siecle, les indications ont ete recueillies des
recits oraux de quelques marins marchands de la Mer des Indes, et surtout
des cartes de ces marins, trouvees dans les navires Maures dont
s'emparerent les Portugais qui furent maitres de cette mer aussitot
qu'ils y parurent. The existence, in the middle of the Indian Ocean, of
islands known to the Moors, is suddenly revealed by their appearance on
maps of the world of the beginning of the sixteenth century. Those
indications have been gathered from the verbal recitals of some trading
seamen of the Indian Ocean, and especially from the charts of those
seamen, found in Moorish vessels seized by the Portuguese, who were
masters of these seas as soon as they appeared upon them.

CHAPTER 21. A.D. 1511.



From 1505 to 1507 the Court of Spain was earnestly engaged in the project
of finding a direct route to the Spice Islands by the west, and according
to Navarrette, on the 29th of June 1508, Vicente Yanez Pinzon and Juan
Diaz de Solis sailed from San Lucar and explored the coasts of South
America from C. St. Augustine to the 40th degree of south latitude.

The Portuguese, on their side, were making rapid progress eastwardly, and
Diogo Lopez de Sequeira was commissioned in 1508 to discover Malacca.
R.H. Major says*: "On the 11th of September 1509 Sequeira anchored at
Malacca, the great emporium of the east, to which were brought cloves
from the Moluccas, nutmegs from Banda, sandalwood from Timor, camphor
from Borneo, gold from Sumatra and Loo Choo, and gums, spices and other
precious commodities from China, Japan, Siam, Pegu, etc. There he
established a factory. Fernam de Magalhaens was in this expedition."

(*Footnote. Prince Henry the Navigator page 267.)

After this expedition, which opened the gates to the extreme east, and
before the conquest of Malacca in 1511, the Portuguese appear to have
penetrated as far as the Spice Islands, but to have kept the matter

(*Footnote. Pinkerton page 292.)

In 1511 Albuquerque lost no time in sending out an expedition to Sumatra,
Java and the Spice Islands. The journals of this important voyage have
not been preserved, but Antonio Galvano, the conqueror and apostle of the
Moluccas, has left us a detailed description, which we give here:


(*Footnote. The Discoveries of the World by Antonio Galvano, Hakluyt
Society's Edition page 115.)

In the end of this yeere 1511, Alfonso de Albuquerque sent three ships to
the Islands of Banda and Maluco. And there went as generall of them one
Antonio de Breu, and with him also went one Francis Serrano; and in these
ships there were 120 persons.* [Not more vessels nor men went to discouer
New Spain with C. Columbus, nor with Vasco de Gama to India; nor in
comparison with these is Maluco less wealthy, nor ought it to be held in
less esteem.]

(*Footnote. Dr. E.T. Hamy in his L'Oeuvre Geographique des Reinel et la
Decouverte des Molugues says (page 21 note 1): Il y avait, en outre, huit
esclaves sur chaque bord pour le service des pompes. For further
particulars concerning this important expedition we refer the critic to
Dr. Hamy's interesting paper.)

They passed through the Streight of Saban, and along the Island of
Samatra, and [in sight of] many others, leauing them on the left hand,
towards the east; and they called them the Salites. They went also to the
Islands of Palimbam* and Lusuparam, from whence they sailed by the noble
Island of Iaua, and they ran their course east, sailing betweene it and
the Island of Madura. The people of this island are very warlike and
strong, and doe little regard their liues [as any known in the world].
The women also are there hired for the warres; and they fall out often
together, and kill one another, as the Mocos doe (and they contrive that
cocks should fight with spurs, as their principal diversion is
blood-shedding), delighting onely in shedding of blood.

(*Footnote. The district of Palembang and other southern parts of Sumatra
were long believed to be separate islands. We find the southern parts of
Sumatra split up into islands in Fra Mauro's Mappamundi 1547 (see Chapter
9), and as late as 1784, in Marsden's Sumatra, "the district of Palembang
is still believed to form an island. In Pedro Reinel's chart of 1517, a
southern section of Sumatra bears the name Ilha de Jaavaa, and Dr. E.T.
Hamy, describing Reinel's chart, and recognising that cartographer's
error, says: C'est pour nous, sans le moindre doute, le pays de Palembang
avec le district des Lampongs, considere par le geographe Portugais,
comme une terre distincte du reste de Sumatra, erreur qui s'explique
aisement par la nature meme des atterrages formes de vastes plaines,
basses et marecageuses, s'etendant au de la du large estuaire de Banjou

Beyond the Island of Iaua they sailed along by another called Bali; and
then came also vnto others called Aujaue,* Cambaba, Solor, Galav or
Guliam, Mallua, Vitara, Rosalanquin, and Arus, from whence are brought
delicate birds, which are of great estimation because of their feathers.

(*Footnote. The island called here Aujaue is named Anjano in the
Portuguese text of Galvano. It corresponds with Lomboc. Dr. E.T. Hamy
suggests Rindjani (L'Oeuvre Geographique des Reinel et la Decouverte des
Moluques, page 23 note 2), the name of the volcanic peak in Lomboc, as
the origin of Aujaue or Anjano. We fear the similarity of names in this
instance is only coincidental. It is probable that Galvano in his
invaluable work--Tratado que compos o nobre & notauel capitao Antonio
Galuao, dos diuersos & desuayrados caminhos, por onde nos tempos passados
a pimenta & especearia veyo da India as nossas partes, & assi de todos os
descobrimentos antigos & modernos, que sao feitos ate a era de mil &
quinhentos & cincoenta, com os nomes particulares das pessoas que os
fizeram: & em que tempos & as suas alturas, obra certo muy notauel &
copiosa--which was finished towards 1553, consulted contemporaneous
charts for his nomenclature. On some of the earliest charts the original
nomenclature of the islands visited by D'Abreu and Serrano had already
suffered mutilation and corruption, due no doubt to bad reading. On a
chart of the early assigned date of 1517, only six years therefore after
the event we write of, the district of Palembang, mistaken for an island,
as in Galvano's description, bears the name of Ilha de Jaavaa, whereas
Java proper receives the name of Simbabau. On later maps bearing dates
that would still show that they may have been consulted by Galvano, we
find the Island of Lomboc bearing the name of Autane (Pierres Desceliers'
map of 1550); Aintama (Henry II's map of 1546); an tane (Jean Roze's map
of 1542). On these maps the Island of Bali, situated to the west of
Lomboc, bears a name that is difficult to reconcile with Bali; in the
1550 and 1546 maps it is bamcha; in the 1542 map it is bacha. This word
in the three instances is written with a small b. Now, there is an
earlier map called the Dauphin Chart drawn by Pierres Desceliers, and of
the assigned date of 1530/1536, which has been copied from a prototype
now lost, and on which the apparent names of the two islands in question
is Anda ne Barcha. That nautical phrase--no boats go here--has no other
reference to the Islands of Bali and Lomboc than that which its meaning
implies, i.e., that the navigation in those parts was either dangerous or
impossible. The difficult nature of the navigation between Bali and
Lomboc is a known fact. A few days ago Captain Carpenter, of the Costa
Rica Packet, who is now in Sydney, referring to the navigation in those
parts, in the presence of Mr. J. Mann, honorary secretary to our Royal
Geographical Society, said that many a time he had been compelled to take
another and roundabout route owing to the extraordinary rapidity of the
tide that flows between Bali and Lomboc. We might give many other proofs
on this point were it necessary. At the present stage however, although
it is in our opinion almost certain that Galvano's Anjano is a bad
reading for Anda ne, we are not so certain about the original location of
this phrase Anda ne barcha. Owing to the peculiar distortion of all the
maps we have mentioned it may apply to the Gulf of Carpentaria, which
offers a different impediment to navigation, that of shallowness. This
peculiarity of distortion we allude to may be observed in all the maps in
which the Cape York of Australia is connected with the southern shores of
Sumbawa, the next island in an easterly direction after leaving Bali and
Lomboc. For further information on this subject see our concluding

They came also to other islands lying in the same parallel on the south
side in 7 or 8 degrees of latitude.*

(*Footnote. Probably the Timor Laut group of Islands.)

And they be so nere the one to the other that they seeme at the first to
be one entire and maine land. The course by these islands is above fiue
hundred leagues. The ancient cosmographers call all these islands by the
name Iauos; but late experience hath found their names to be very diuers,
as you see. Beyonde these (it is said) there are other islands, which are
inhabited with whiter people going arraied in shirts, doublets and slops,
like vnto the Portugals, hauing also money of silver. The gouernours
among them doe carrie in their hands red staues, whereby they seeme to
have some affinitie with the people of China; and not only these, but
there are other islands and people about this place which are redde*; and
it is reported that they are of the people of China.**

(*Footnote. Gentes pintadas, says the Portuguese text--i.e. painted

(**Footnote. This part of Galvano's description referring to a whiter and
more civilized race of people, and also to a tattooed race, is evidently
a digression borrowed from the accounts of travellers that visited the
Spice Islands shortly after his arrival there as governor. Saavedra in
1528, on his way back to America from the Spice Islands, sailed along the
north-east coasts of Papuasia or New Guinea, and again in 1529 he
followed the same route. Herrera, in his Decada iv. lib. 111 cap. vi.,
thus describes the portion of their two voyages that refer to our
subject: Anduvieron 250 leguas hasta la isla del Oro, grande y de gente
negra, con los cabellos crespos...Corrieron 250 leguas hasta dar en otras
islas, en altura de 7 [degrees] pobladas de gente blanca, barbuda, que
salieron a la nao, amenazando de tirar piedras con las hondas; y fue cosa
maravillosa ver en tan poca distancia hombres tan diferentes de color.
Hallaron, otras islas pequenes...pobladas de gente morena, con barbas,
desnudos...estan en 7 [degrees], mil leguas de Tidore y otras tantas de
Nueva Espana. Corrieron al NE, anduvieron 80 leguas, hallaron otras islas
bajas y en una de ellas surgieron...Esta gente es blanca, pintados los
brazos y cuerpos; las mujeros parecian hermosas, con cabellos negros y
largos...Estan estas islas en 8 [degrees] de la banda del N de la linea."

Antonio de Breu and those that went with him tooke their course toward
the north, where is a small island called Gumnape* (or Ternate), from the
highest place whereof there fall continually into the sea flakes or
streams like vnto fire, which is a wonderfull thing to behold.

(*Footnote. Gumnape is meant for Gunong Api, the native name for volcano
or mountain of fire. There are several in these seas. The one referred to
is not the one near Ternate, but in the Banda Sea.)

From thence they went to the Islands of Burro and Amboino (and coasted
along what is called Muar d' Amboina), and came to an anker in an hauen
of it called Guliguli, where they went on land and tooke a village
standing by the river, where they found dead men hanging in the houses;
for the people there are eaters of man's flesh. Here the Portugals burnt
the ship wherein Francis Serrano was, for she was old and rotten. They
went to a place on the other side standing in 8 degrees* towards the
south, where they laded cloues, nutmegs, and mace, in a junco or barke,
which Francis Serrano bought here.

(*Footnote. The Banda Islands are situated in 4 and 5 degrees latitude
south. The Portuguese text reads: banda q'estaa em oito graos da parte do
Sul. Dr. Hamy supposes that in composing Galvano's text, 5 may have been
taken for 8, and that the composer substituted the word oito for the
mistaken cipher.)

They say that not far from the Islands of Banda there is an island where
there breedeth nothing else but snakes, and the most are in one caue in
the middest of the land (some great and others small go always rolled
together). This is a thing not much to be wondered at; for as much as in
the Levant Sea, hard by the Isles of Maiorca and Minorca, there is
another island of old named Ophinsa, and now Formentera, wherein there is
great abundance of these vermine; and in the rest of the islands lying by
it there are none.

In the yeere 1512 they departed from Banda toward Malacca, and on the
baxos or flats of Lucapinho Francis Serrano perished (was wrecked with
his junk) in his junke or barke, from whence escaped (had returned) vnto
the Isle of Mindanao (with) nine or ten Portugals which were (went) with
him, and the Kings of Maluco sent for them.*

(*Footnote. This sentence has not been understood by Galvano's
translator, owing no doubt to the wrong construction given to se perdeo
Francisco Serram co o seu junco. The Portuguese text runs thus: No ano de
1512 partiram de Banda pera Malaca, & nos baixos de Lusupino, se perdeo
Francisco Serram co o seu junco, donde se tornou ailha de Midanao co 9 ou
10 portugueses q' co ele hia, & os reis d' Maluco madara por eles. We
correct the phrase, which should read thus: In the year 1512 they
departed from Banda toward Malacca, and on the baxos or flats of
Lucapinho Francis Serrano was wrecked with his junk, from whence he
escaped unto the Isle of Amboina with nine or ten Portugals which were
with him, and the Kings of Maluco sent for them.)

These were the first Portugals that came to the Islands of Cloues, which
stand from the equinoctiall line towards the north in one degree, where
they lived seuen or eight yeeres. (A. Dabreu made his way to Malacca
having discovered all the sea and land above named.)

CHAPTER 22. A.D. 1512 TO 1521.



There is much mystery concerning Magalhaens' and Serrano's doings in the
Molucca regions.

With regard to Magalhaens, it has often been asked: Did he or did he not
command one of the ships in D' Abreu's expedition to the Moluccas in

It is said there were three ships in that expedition--D' Abreu's,
Serrano's, and, according to De Goes and Correa, the third ship was
commanded by Simao Afonso Bisagudo. (Chronica de D. Manoel, 3 3a parte,
cap. xxv. fol. 51.)

Neither De Barros, Castanheda, Correa, De Goes nor Galvano mention
Magalhaens as having sailed with D' Abreu; but Argensola says that
Magalhaens went as captain of the third ship.

D' Abreu, capitao mor, commanded the Santa Caterina; Francisco Serrao,
his second captain, commanded a ship, the name of which is not mentioned;
Simao Afonso Bisagudo commanded a lateen caravel, constructed specially
for the voyage. The pilots were: Goncalo d'Oliveira, piloto mor, Luys
Botim, Francisco Rodriguez. A rich merchant of Malacca was allowed to
send a junk loaded with merchandise, and an agent to teach the Portuguese
the spice trade accompanied the expedition.

The confusion that arose as to the third ship, commanded by Magalhaens,
was no doubt due to the fact that the lateen caravel was, by some
authors, counted as the third ship, while others either reckoned it as a
fourth, or failed to count it at all, setting it down merely as a convoy.

Whatever may have been the origin of the confusion, Magalhaens evidently
commanded a ship, and sailed either with the expedition or shortly after,
entrusted with some special and secret mission for Albuquerque.

As to his starting Argensola is very explicit, and his evidence is
corroborated by other writers. Argensola says:

En este mismo tepo (at this same time), aviendo Magalhaens passado seys
cientas leguas adelante hazia Malaca, se hallaua en vnas Islas, desde
donde se correspondia co Serrano. El qual, como le auia sucedido ta bien
en Ternate co Boleyse, escriuio a su amigo los fauores y riquezas, que
del anio recibido, y que per se boluiesse a su compania. Magallanes
dexando persuadir, propuso la yda al Maluco: pero en caso que en Portugal
no premiassen sus servidos como pretedia, desde donde luego tomaria la
derrota de Ternate, co cuyo Reye en nueue anos enriquecio Serrano tanto.*

(*Footnote. Argensola, conquista de las islas Malucas, page 15.

According to the above, Magalhaens may have sailed about the same time
(en este mismo tepo) as D' Abreu, and indeed he could not have retarded
much, nor spent much time in the vicinity of the Spice Islands, since he
was back in Lisbon in 1512, where we find him signing a receipt for a
monthly pension on the 12th of June of that year.*

(*Footnote. Book vi. of Moradias da Casa Real, fol. 47 v.)

What were the islands 600 leagues to the east of Malacca, and from which
he held communication with Serrano? Six hundred leagues from Malacca
would bring him in close proximity to the Spice Islands, and, if
allowance is made for strong currents and other matters rendering the
computation of distances difficult, Magalhaens may have reached even more
distant lands.

There are reasons to believe that, about this time, the Portuguese were
in hopes of falling in with the western shores of the Terra Sanctae
Crucis (South America), for as we have seen it was represented on the
charts of the period as lying at no great distance from the Spice
Islands, and known since 1503 from Giovanni da Empoli's account as the
Terra Della Vera Croce, ouer del Bresil cosi nominata...nellaqual si fa
buona soma di Cassia, & di Verzino.*

(*Footnote. Ramusio, fol. 145 C. Compare with Andrea Corsali's letter
concerning the location of the Costa del Brezil, o Verzino. See above.)

Dr. Hamy thinks that the islands mentioned as having been reached by
Magalhaens may correspond with some point of the north coast of New
Guinea, the discovery of which island was attributed, many years later,
to Magalhaens by Texeira.*

(*Footnote. On ignore quelles sont ces iles; il pourrait bien se faire
qu'elles correspondent a quelque point de la cote nord de la Nouvelle
Guinee, dont Texeira, beaucoup plus tard, attribuait a Magellan la
decouverte. L'Oeuvre des Reinel et la decouverte des Moluques, page 27.)

Serrano's long sojourn of nine years in the Moluccas enabled him to make
many voyages and discoveries. At the present time it would be difficult
to ascertain what he may or may not have accomplished in this way, for
the data to hand are meagre, and the secrecy observed at the time by the
Lusitano-Indian Government renders the chances of information turning up
very small.*

(*Footnote. With reference to the secrecy observed and enforced Ramusio
says in his prefatory Discorso sopra il libro di Odoardo Barbosa,
etc.:...fu sforzato di leuarne via tutta quella parte che nel fine dell'
opera trattana delle isole Molucche. Ramusio, folio 287 F.)

We have copies of passages from letters written by Magalhaens to Serrano,
and by the latter to Magalhaens, that throw a little light on the

Referring to Serrano's letters, F.H.H. Guillemard, in his Life of
Magellan (page 71), says:

"From Ternate he (Serrano) wrote many letters to his friends, and
especially to Magellan, 'giving him to understand that he had discovered
yet another new world, larger and richer than that found by Vasco da
Gama.' These letters," says Guillemard, "joined possibly with a personal
knowledge of those regions, formed, it may safely be conjectured, no
slight inducement to the undertaking of the voyage which ended our hero's
life and made his name immortal...The letters written by Magellan to
Serrao were found among the papers left at the latter's death. In them he
promises 'that he will be with him soon, if not by way of Portugal, by
way of Spain,' for to that issue his affairs seemed to be leading."
(Navarette, volume iv. note v. page lxxiv.; Barros, Dec. iii. lib. v.
cap. viii.)

Alas! a few years later, Magalhaens, the first of mortals who made the
circuit of the world, reaching by the west the regions wherein he had
left his friend Serrano, died without meeting him; and Serrano, it is
said, perished in the same manner, at the hands of Indians, the very same
day as Magalhaens--21st April 1521.*

(*Footnote. Argensola, page 17.)




F. Rodriguez' portolanos of East Indian Archipelago.

We have seen that Francisco Rodriguez was one of the pilots of D' Abreu's
expedition. He is the author of a set of sailing charts, drafted no doubt
during that memorable voyage. These portolanos or sailing charts are of
great interest to the Australasian student, not only because they depict
for the first time the Molucca Islands, but also because Java, Bali,
Lomboc and Sumbawa are set down on them as distinct and separate islands,
whereas on a class of maps a little later in date, on which the
Australian Continent is represented, some of those islands are indicated
as forming part of the northern shores of Australia.

This at first may seem of little importance; it is of great importance
however for it shows that, as an accurate knowledge had been obtained of
the south coasts of the above-named islands, it was owing to deliberate
distortion that they were made to form part and parcel of the southern
continent; nor can it be argued that the later charts were not purposely
distorted, or that Rodriguez' charting was not known at the time, since,
as we can prove, the portolanos in question served as models in the
compilation of a prototype from which all the distorted charts of
Australia, to which we refer, were copied.

When dealing with the distorted charts, we hope to be able to show
satisfactorily, with all the data we have collected on the subject, how
and why those old maps were altered.

But let us first examine some of F. Rodriguez' portolanos. There are six
in the atlas preserved at Lisbon; they have been reproduced in OUTLINE in
Santarem's collection, and our facsimiles of four of them are taken from
that valuable work, a copy of which may be seen in the Sydney Free Public
Library. The collection of six sailing charts bears the title Portulan
dresse entre les annees 1524 a 1530 par Francisco Rodriguez, pilote
portugais qui a fait le voyage aux Moluques. The dates assigned to this
atlas, remarks our friend Dr. E.T. Hamy,* were given by Santarem, who
ignored that Rodriguez was already at Malacca in 1511.

(*Footnote. L'Oeuvre Geographique des Reinel et la Decouverte des
Moluques page 32 note 3.)

Our belief is that Rodriguez' charts of the Moluccas, the earliest ever
made by Europeans, are the result of D' Abreu's surveys during his
expedition in 1511, or of Joam Lopez Alvrin's voyage in 1513, and that
they are, on this account, quite independent from Pedro Reinel's charts,
to which the date of 1517 has been assigned.*

(*Footnote. We appear to agree in this respect with Dr. E.T. Hamy, who
says in his memoire already quoted: RODRIGUEZ CONNAIT AUSSI, BIEN MIEUX
demander dans quelle mesure les contours relativement precis des cartes
de Rodriguez n'ont pas ete empruntes par ce pilote a une piece indigene
dont Albuquerque lui avait fait faire un extrait pour le roi de Portugal
avant son depart avec Abreu.--L'Oeuvre Geographique des Reinel et la
Decouverte des Moluques, page 33 note 4. It will be noticed that in the
first sentence, which we have [caps], Dr. Barny seems to admit that
Rodriguez' charts were not the earliest, since he speaks of his
DEVANCIERS. In the next sentence however he expresses a somewhat
different opinion, which we endorse. G.C.)

There are three maps, in the set of six, which are of special interest as
connected with our subject. A map of Java, with part of Sumatra; a map of
part of Java, with Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc.; a map of the Spice
Islands and Papoia.

The map of Java, with part of Sumatra, bears an inscription* in 7 degrees
of latitude south, and in the longitude approximately of Cheribon in
modern maps, thus:

Agoada Joham Lopez D'ollunn
elle descobrio d'aqui afi Japara.

Which we have rendered:

Watering-place of John Lopez Alvrin, from which place you can discover
(see) as far as Japara.

(*Footnote. We had not sufficient space to set down this inscription in
our much reduced copy.)

On a clear day the magnificent coast scenery from Cheribon to Japara is
one of the well-known sights of Java, so that it is not astonishing to
find this hydrographical note on the portolano that we are considering.

Who was this Joham Lopez or Lopiz? We do not know; there is no mention of
any such name among the officers of D' Abreu's expedition. Was he a
pioneer sent out to these regions to prepare the way for D' Abreu? Was he
a pilot on Magalhaens' ship? Who shall say?

Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, F.R.S., formerly Lieutenant-Governor of Java
and its dependencies, and President of the Society of Arts and Sciences
at Batavia, in the introduction of his valuable History of Java (page
xiv.), gives us, from Barros' Decadas, I expect, the following
information, in which Joam Lopez Alvrin's name occurs: "Nakoda Ismael
returning from the Moluccas with a cargo of nutmegs, his vessel was
wrecked on the coast of Java, near Tuban. The cargo of the Nakoda's
vessel having been saved, JOAM LOPEZ ALVRIN was sent (A.D. 1513) by the
Governor of Malacca with four vessels to receive it. Alvrin was well
received in all the ports of Java where he touched, but particularly at
Sidayu belonging to PATEH UNRUG, a Prince, who had been defeated by
Fernan Peres at Malacca."

We have noticed particularly the above inscription--in itself not very
clear, it must be allowed--because we shall find it repeated on later
charts of a distorted type, on which the Australian continent is set
down, whereby their connection with Francisco Rodriguez' chart is proved.

The map with part of Java, Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc. bears the
following nomenclature: Ilha de Madura (Madura Island); Agaci (Gresic);
Ssurabaia (Surabaia); and the inscription, A fin da Ilha de Jaoa (end of
the Island of Java). In later maps this inscription is altered thus:
Dauphin Chart, Fin de Iaoa; Jean Roze's Chart, Fin de Iana. Curiously
enough, in later maps, this hydrographical notice is corrupted to
Fideoia; and on G. Mercator's celebrated large map of the world of 1569 a
castellated township is depicted on this eastern extremity of Java, with
the name Fideida. Bali is called Ballaram, Lomboc Lomboquo, and Sumbawa
is represented as two islands--Ssimbana and Aramaram. The deep gulf which
almost cuts Sumbawa in two, is accountable for this segregation.

The map of the Spice Islands offers this striking feature--that a
north-western portion of New Guinea, or perhaps Gilolo, is marked on it
under the name of Papoia, which might lead one to conclude that this map
is of a much later date, or that--which is much more probable--New Guinea
was discovered by D' Abreu and his party.

The hitherto accepted version is that New Guinea was first discovered by
Don Jorge de Menezes, who gave it the name of Papua. The account of his
voyage, which is to be found in Couto,* is not very precise, the date is
given as being either 1528 or 1533; Major fixes the date as 1526.**

(*Footnote. Asia of de Barros, continued by do Couto, 3rd book 3rd
chapter 4th decada.)

(**Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia page lxiv.)

CHAPTER 23. A.D. 1515 TO 1517.




The Spanish still continued their attempts to reach the Spice Islands by
the west; and on the 8th of October 1515* Juan Diaz de Solis sailed with
that intention. He reached the Rio de la Plata, where "he was killed and
eaten up by the natives of the Charruas tribe, before September 1516,
when the expedition returned to Spain under the command of Francisco de
Torres, his brother-in-law."**

(*Footnote. Herrera, Decada II. ii.)

(**Footnote. Harrisse, The Discovery of North America page 738.)



We arrive now at one of the important geographical monuments of the
beginning of the 16th century--The Frankfort-on-the-Main Schonerean globe
of 1515. This globe is believed by Dr. Wieser* to be the work of Schoner,
hence its name. Our sketch is taken from the reproduction in form of
gores in Jomard's collection.** Schoner is the first cartographer to give
a more decided form and a different name to the Austral continent already
represented in 1506/1511 on the Hunt-Lenox globe, but without a name.

(*Footnote. Wieser, Magalhaes-Strasse page 22.)

(**Footnote. E.F. Jomard, Les Monuments de la Geographie; Paris 1854 fol.
plates xv. and xvi., entitled: Globe terrestre de la premiere moitie du
seizieme siecle.)

The Austral continent, supposed by Andrea Corsali and others to extend
from the region of New Guinea (Terra de Piccinnacoli) to the land of
Sanctae Crucis, then known as the coast of Bresil or Verzino,* was also
known as the Papagalli terra--i.e., land of parrots. The origin of this
denomination has been supposed to have been given first to Brazil,
because either Gaspar de Lemos in 1500, or Pedralvarez Cabral in 1501,**
it is not known which, or when, brought some parrots to Europe from

(*Footnote. Ramusio, fol. 280 (sic. for 180) c. ANDREA CORSALI HAVING
DESCRIBED THE SPICE ISLANDS SAYS: Et nauigado verso le parti d' Oriente,
dicono esserui terra de Piccinnacoli, & e di molti openione che questa
terra vada a tenere, & congiungersi per la banda di leuante & mezo
giorno, con la costa del Bresil, o verzino, perche per la grandezza di
detta terra del verzino, non si e per anchora da tutte la parti

(**Footnote. See Harrisse, The Discovery of North America, page 491.)

On the other hand, Nicolo de' Conti may also have brought back to Europe
in 1444 parrots from Australasia, for he describes them in his
narrative*; and in those regions, on the famous Fra Mauro Mappamundi of
1457, we find the following legend**: Item li se trova papaga tutti rossi
salvo i piedi et el becco che son zali: also, you find there parrots all
red except their feet and beak, which are yellow.

(*Footnote. See above.)

(**Footnote. See chap. ix. page 44, and chap. 18, Australia the Baptismal
Font of Brazil.)

The denomination Papagalli terra may have been applied therefore to
Australia, and the term Patalis Regio, which is found on later maps in
connection with Brasilie Regio, and, later still, Psittacorum regio, may
be a corruption of (Pa)Pagalli Regio, the first syllable being dropped,
or as we have suggested elsewhere, its origin may be traced to the
nomenclature that obtained after Magalhaens' voyage, when Patalis Regio,
the Latin for Tierra Patagonia, may have been given, not only to
Patagonia, but also to Tierra del Fuego and its supposed circumpolar
prolongation; unless indeed Schoner borrowed the term from Behaim's
globe, on which we find, to the north of the equator it is true, Patalis
regio or Potutis regio.

On the Frankfort map, which we shall now describe, the western coasts of
Australia are set down in much the same way as in the preceding maps of
this type, the nomenclature being Lac regnum and Coilu regnu.

The island to the east of Coilu regnu bears the following Latin legend:
Seyla idolatre sut ambulant nude nullum habent bladum Rixo excepto.
Eastward may be noticed Marco Polo's islands. Java minor in ea sunt octo
regna et sunt idolatre, Pentan idolatre sut, Necuram idolatre bestialiter
vivunt, Iavva maior variaz Spetierum dives sunt idolatre, with the
addition of nutmegs and pepper nuces muscata pipe. The other islands are
Candin, and the two Pulo Condor Islands, Sandio & Candur.

On the Asiatic continent may be observed Loach provin, just below the
equator and between the 135 and 150 degrees of longitude. Mallaqua is set
down where it is suggested by its termination Lack on Behaim's globe.
Above Mallaqua may be seen Egrisillani, which is a curious corruption of
Christiani, and refers to Nicolo de' Conti's description of the Nestorian
Christians, as does the inscription below the Island of Socotra, Scoyra
Christiana babet! (habet) Archiepiscopu. We find also another curious bad
reading referring to San Thome, ibionidisu S. Thomas. To the east of this
legend will be noticed Varre regio, undoubtedly corrupted from barr in M'
barr, the b and v being interchangeable. In Behaim's globe may be seen
War ein Konigreich in the same locality, and Varr Varr regnum in the
British Museum map of 1489.

To the west of the Australasian regions there are fourteen islands, five
of which bear no names. The first of those that are named is Callezuan,
which will be found nameless in earlier maps, and which in later maps is
altered to Callenzuaz, etc. We have not yet found a meaning for this
name, although we suspect it is a variation of Ptolemy's Caladadrua. The
next island bears the legend: Tona ibi bombex & porcellana, and is
apparently nameless, unless Tona be the remnant of some prototypic name.

The insufficiency of data renders the task of hunting down the origin of
names like these not only difficult but risky, as owing to an apparent
parity one is liable sometimes to make mistakes. Noticing however the
number of words which have suffered mutilation on this otherwise
exceedingly instructive globe, we have been led to suspect that this word
Tona is nothing else but the corruption of the first word that occurs in
a legend in this locality on M. Behaim's globe, the word being Thomas. To
the west of the large island just described we notice the three Arabian
islands, which in Ruysch's map, 1507/1508, occur in closer proximity to
Madagascar; they are called here: Dinamora, Dino baz and Dina Aroby.
Marco Polo's Madagascar bears the legend: Madagascar insula no hz rege
sunt Sarraceni & Mahumenste. An eastern prolongation bears the
inscription Sandalos silve. To the south-west of Madagascar there is an
island named Circobena; it is nameless on Behaim's globe, and corresponds
with Cirtena on the Hunt-Lenox globe. It is probably a corruption of
Comor diva, an alternative Arabian name for Madagascar.

The real Madagascar, discovered by the Portuguese the 10th of August 1506
is set down to the west of Marco Polo's Madagascar, and bears the name of

In connection with this globe and the name Dauxety a strange mistake was
made some years ago by a very clever French geographer, who, commenting
on its origin and on the various names of Madagascar, said* that the
general information that this globe presented was derived from two
sources, neither of them Portuguese, since no Portuguese name was to be
found on this globe. In the next sentence he said: At some distance from
Africa is situated a Dauxety Island, etc. Now, had he known the origin of
Dauxety, he would not have said that there was no Portuguese name on this
globe, for Dauxety is a corruption of Laurentij, the Latin for San
Lourenco, the name given by the Portuguese to Madagascar, discovered by
them in the year 1506 on the 10th of August, the feast of St. Laurence.

(*Footnote. Ce globe n'est pas, dans l'ordre chronologique, le premier
document utile a consulter, mais il presente un ensemble de
renseignements tires de deux sources, toutes deux etrangeres aux
Portugais, car aucun nom Portugais n'y figure. A quelque distance de
l'Afrique est placee une ile Dauxety dont la forme allongee, les
dimensions propres et relatives, et la distance du continent Africain,
conviennent parfaitement a Madagascar; c'est bien reellement Madagascar,
puisque au nord-ouest de cette ile Dauxety, et dans, la position qui leur
convient, sont representees les iles que nous nommons aujourd'hui Comores
et qui ont nom: Comoro.)

To the south of the regions we have described lies the Polar Continent,
which in outline corresponds in a most striking manner with what we know
of those regions. It extends north however in several places, to the 40th
degree of latitude.

On the portion of this continent that lies to the south of America occurs
the legend Brasiliae Regio, and on the same continent, to the south of
Australia, a vast lake is depicted surrounded by mountains, with the
inscription Laco int Montaras, which seems to be a repetition of the Lac
regnum, situated under the tropic of Capricorn in the Australian regions.




The Sunda and Molucca Islands as traced in Pedro Reinel's chart of the
assigned date 1517.

Dr. E.T. Hamy, in his interesting memoire L'Oeuvre Geographique des
Reinel, read at the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres on the
26th of June 1891, describes exhaustively the geographical work of the
two Reinels, father and son, with reference especially to the discovery
of the Moluccas or Spice Islands. We have borrowed freely in the
preceding chapter from that careful and clever memoire, and now we give
here a sketch of the map which accompanies it, together with a few
remarks on that precious document.

Reinel's map shows to perfection how that constant feature of cartography
which we have called the geographical evolution obtained.

Referring to the special deformation of certain islands on this map, Dr.
Hamy says* that it is remarkable that Java, Sumbawa, Flores and another
island of the eastern prolongation extend considerably, all four, in a
Portuguese and French maps.

(*Footnote. Il est remarquable que Java (Simbabau), Sumbawa (Frroresta),
Flores et une autre ile encore de la chaine se prolongent
considerablement, toutes quatres, dans la direction du sud, fournissant,
ainsi le premier modele de ces deformations speciales que reproduirent en
les amplifiant taut de cartes Portugaises et Francaises.)

Strictly speaking, Dr. Hamy is quite right; but we think he will agree
with us when we say that it is not exactly the first model supplied. In
our opinion the FIRST MODEL of those peculiar distortions is to be found
on Martin Behaim's globe of 1492.

When Behaim, or Toscanelli, corrected the direction of Fra Mauro's
pseudo-equatorial line, or regions, which ran parallel with the Archaic
Ocean, and neglecting to perform the same office for Java and its
neighbouring isles--left them as they were on the Venetian Mappamundi,
instead of giving them the new position that the alteration of the
equatorial line required--then was the first model supplied. Thus,
subsequently, Java and the other islands assume in most maps a
longitudinal, instead of a latitudinal, position. This was a natural
consequence of the slow evolutional process. Another reason for the
maintenance and amplification of the deformation was the account of the
large size of Java given by Marco Polo.

Fra Mauro's Giava mazor however seems to have been set down from actual
knowledge of its coastlines, so superior are its proportions and the
delineation of its shores to the general design of the Javas of later
maps, which were merely rough representations jotted down, errant a
l'aventure, in an ocean unknown to Europeans, and placed according to
Marco Polo's descriptions.

Albeit certain outlines of shores, roughly drafted by Arabian, or even
perhaps Phoenician, pilots, may have served as a maquette for the
construction of some of those islands.

Dr. Hamy assigns the date of 1517 to Reinel's map--puisqu'elle renferme
dans ses portions orientales des traces inconnus des cartographes avant
le retour d' Abreu de son voyage des Moluques (1512), et la vulgarisation
tres imparfaite de ses decouvertes dans les Indes, puis en Europe (1516)
[page 14]--but if D' Abreu was back in 1512, he brought back his maps
with him, and may they not have been copied there and then by Reinel?
That this one was copied is evident; no sea captain, pilot, or
cartographer who had seen the localities charted on this map would make
the mistake that Reinel makes in misnaming nearly all the islands

In naming that peculiarly deformed quartette of islands situated midway
between Papua and Sumatra, how did he proceed? Was it from east to west,
or vice-versa? The largest is Java. Then, to the east, we notice two
small islands--they are Bali and Lomboc, and have escaped the distortion
that their neighbours have suffered. The next island is Sumbawa, then
comes Flores. The last of the group of four is made up no doubt of Solor,
Adenara and Lomblen.

Now, evidently--and here we agree with Dr. Hamy--our cartographer began
too far to the west and set down the name of Jaavaa (Java) on that
detached section of Sumatra, the Palembang and Lampong territory, and
continued his error in an easterly direction by giving to Java the name
belonging to Sumbawa, and to Sumbawa that which belonged to Flores,
leaving the two last islands nameless. Timor is not represented. The
whole representation seems to correspond so exclusively with Galvano's
description of D' Abreu's expedition that we are inclined to believe that
it is a copy either of D' Abreu's or some of his officers' portolanos.

CHAPTER 24. A.D. 1516 TO 1519.





After seven* years' service in India, Magalhaens returned to Europe,
where, having distinguished himself on the battlefield, he applied to the
King for promotion. His application however was not favourably
considered. Events of little importance have sometimes great

(*Footnote. Gomara gives the length of his Indian service as seven years:
Gomara, Histoire General de las Indias cap. xci.)

Faria y Souza remarks* that the refusal of one King to raise the pay of
an old and faithful servant thirteen shillings per annum led to endless
disagreements with another, to a great loss of profit to the first power
of Europe, and to a still greater loss of glory.

(*Footnote. Asia Portugueza, volume I. part iii. chap. v.)

This referred to a refusal on the part of Dom Manoel of Portugal to
recognise Magalhaens' long services in the east. In his Life of Magellan
F.H.H. Guillemard says*: "It was the custom in those days that all who
belonged to the King's household--the criacao de El Rey--should receive a
stipend which, though merely nominal in value, corresponded to their

("Footnote. Life of Magellan, page 72 line 9; and page 77 bottom of

(**Footnote. Osorio, De Rebus Emmanuelis, lib. xi. page 327 (Ed. Col.
Agrip MDLXXVI.), tells us the origin of this stipend: Olim erat apud
Lusitanos in more positum, ut in Regia, qui Regi serviebant ipsius Regis
sumptibus alerentur. Cum vero multitudo domesticorum tanta fuisset,
difficillimum videbatur cibos tantae multitudini praeparare. Quocirca
fuit a Portugallix Regibus statutum, ut sumptum, quem quilibet erat in
Regia facturus, ipse sibi ex regia pecunia faceret. Sic autem factum est,
ut cuilibet certa pecuniae summa, singulis mensibus assignaretur.)

"This stipend was known as the moradia. Magellan, borne on the books as
moco hidalgo, received a monthly pension of a milreis, and an alqueire of
barley daily. The milreis or dollar, although at that period of
considerably greater value, is now worth about 4 shillings 5 pence of our
English money. The alqueire is as nearly as possible 28 pounds..." And
further on: "Doubtless he looked forward with certainty to the coveted
rise in the moradia--that minute increase which, paltry though it was in
actual value, meant so much to those who were of the King's household.
Foremost in his mind however must have been the hope of a command--of a
return to India. He was doomed to disappointment: Sempre lhe El Rey teve
hum entejo--the King always loathed him, Barros tells us (Decadas, Dec.
iii. liv. v. cap. viii.) His reception was not more gracious than it had
been on the occasion of their last meeting. Dom Manoel turned a deaf ear
to his entreaties, and Magellan, cruelly hurt at the ingratitude shown
him after his years of honourable service, was left to realise that, so
far as his King and country were concerned, his career was over." It is
not astonishing therefore to find him a few years later denaturalising
himself and making his way to the Court of Spain, for shortly after his
interview with the King of Portugal he wrote to Serrano in the Moluccas
to tell him that he would be with him soon--"if not by Portugal, then by
way of Spain"; which meant if not by the east then by the west. As we
have said, events of little importance have sometimes great consequences.
After Magalhaens' arrival in Spain in 1517 we find that country disputing
with Portugal the possession of the Moluccas. R.H. Major on this subject

(*Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia, page xxxvii.)

"Now, after 1516 or 1517, Spain began to dispute with Portugal the
possession of the Moluccas, as being situated within the hemisphere which
had been allotted to them by the bull of Pope Alexander VI, dated the 4th
of July 1493. This Pope, in consequence of the disputes which had arisen
between the Courts of Lisbon and Toledo, had arranged that all the
discoveries which might be made on the globe to the east of a meridian
one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands (which he
seemed to think lay under the same meridian), for the space of a hundred
and eighty degrees of longitude, should belong to the Portuguese; and
that those to the westward of the same meridian, for the same space,
should belong to the Spaniards. This division has been since called the
line of demarcation of Pope Alexander VI. Don John II however, who was
then King of Portugal, being dissatisfied with this bull, which seemed to
deprive him of considerable possessions in the west, made another
arrangement in the following year with Isabella and Ferdinand of Spain,
by which this line was pushed further west, and definitely fixed at three
hundred and seventy leagues to the westward of the Cape Verde Islands.
This agreement was signed the 4th of June 1494; and it was arranged that
in the space of ten months persons should be sent out who were well
informed in geography to fix exactly the places through which this line
should pass. This engagement once entered upon, no more consideration was
given to the sending out competent persons to the places indicated, and
the two governments continued their discoveries, each on its own behalf.
Under the guidance of Cabral the Portuguese, on the 9th of March 1500,
discovered Brazil, which lay in their own hemisphere. Under the guidance
of Vincent Yanez Pinzon the Spaniards had in this same or preceding year
sailed along the whole of this coast as far as the embouchure of the
Oronoco. After this time the line, without further examination, was
reckoned to pass by the mouth of the Maranon, or river of the Amazons,
which had been already explored, and it is in this part that it is found
traced on the Spanish maps of Herrera. The Portuguese, while they took
possession of Brazil, continued their discoveries towards the east, and
reached the Moluccas, where they established themselves, as we have said,
in 1512. The proprietorship of the Spices, which the possession of these
islands gave them, produced such considerable profits that it soon
excited the jealousy of the Spaniards. The latter pretended that the
Moluccas were in the hemisphere which had been allotted to them. This
idea was particularly suggested to them by Magellan, who, being
discontented with the treatment of King Emanuel, in having refused him an
increase of allowance, took refuge about the year 1516 in Spain, and
offered his services to the Government of Charles V. Not only did he
assert that the hemisphere belonging to the Spaniards comprised the
Moluccas, but also the Islands of Java and Sumatra, and a part of the
Malay Peninsula. In fact, from the difficulty which then existed in
determining longitudes, the discoveries of the Portuguese appeared to
appropriate more than one hundred and eighty degrees in this direction,
so great was the amount of space given to them in their maps;
nevertheless, if we examine modern maps we shall see that, measuring from
the mouth of the Maranon, the Moluccas still came within the hemisphere
of the Portuguese.

"Cardinal Ximenes, who at that time governed Spain in the absence of
Charles V, at the outset received Magellan very well, and Charles V
himself afterwards entrusted him with the command of a squadron of five
vessels, which, as we know, sailed from San Lucar on the 20th of
September 1519, on a western passage in search of the Spice Islands or

CHAPTER 25. A.D. 1520 TO 1522.



For all those who cared to investigate the subject, the extent of the
South Sea, afterwards to be called the Pacific Ocean, dawned gradually.
Vasco Nunez de Balboa, who had been placed in command of a small colony
on the Gulf of Darien, had sighted this Mar del Sur in 1513 from the
heights of the Sierra de Quarequa, and, having reached its shores, not
without difficulty, had taken formal possession "for Castille and for
Leon" by entering knee-deep into the water, with his uplifted sword in
one hand and the standard of Castille in the other.

Meanwhile, Rafael Perestello and Andrade, after their return from China,*
had shown that an extensive sea, probably not the Atlantic Ocean,** laved
the shores visited by them.

(*Footnote. According to Dr. Hamy, Perestello was in China in 1514, and
was followed a few years after by Andrade and Pires; L'Oeuvre Geog. des
Reinel, etc. pages 29 and 32. According to R.H. Major, Fernam Peres de
Andrade sailed to China in 1517 and returned to India in 1519. Thome
Pires was cast into prison in China, and died there after a captivity of
many years---Prince Henry the Navigator, page 268.)

(**Footnote. Certain maps of the period represent North America split up
into comparatively small islands, and with therefore an uninterrupted
Atlantic Ocean extending to the shores of China. See the Boulengier Gores
of 1514/1517.)

The vastness however of that sea was not yet fully realised; it required
the practical experience of the first circumnavigators to bring forth
such exclamations as uttered by Maximilian in his letter*--the first
document which made known Magalhaens' great achievement. Maximilian
writes**: "A sea so vast that the human mind can scarcely grasp it."

(*Footnote. Printed at Cologne in January 1523. See below.)

(**Footnote. Our quotation is from F.H.H. Guillemard's Life of Magellan
page 223.)




Our sketch of Apianus' map is taken from the one given in Nordenskiold's
collection. The original is a cordiform mappamundi engraved on wood, and
first published in 1520 at Vienna by Camers to accompany his Solinus'
Polyhistor. It was also inserted in the Pomponius Mela, printed at Basles
in 1522. It is rather rough in execution, but nevertheless, its
geographical configurations are carefully depicted, and closely resemble
the 1515 Frankfort gores of Schonerean origin. The artist who designed it
on the woodblock was evidently a novice in his profession, as may be
observed by the N's in Bone fortune, Iona, Callensuaz, and India, which
he failed to reverse as is the custom when drawing on the block for the
wood engraver.

The western coast of Australia is represented as in the previous maps,
the bogus Sumatra or continental promontory on which this coast is
grafted bearing the usual legend Lac regnum; a large island to the
south-east bears the inscription in large letters--SEYLA. To the east we
notice Marco Polo's Islands Java maior, Java minor, Angiana, Penta.
Penta, half demolished by the slips of the engraver's burin, reads PLVIA;
the E, the N, and the T have been half cut away. The other islands
bearing names are Sondur and Canduz. On the Asiatic continent, Ioach*
answers to Loach, and Ciambo to Ciamba. Ma'Bar is indicated by Regnum
Var. Eastward we notice Callensuaz, Iona, which we have suggested may be
altered from Tona in the 1515 map. Zanzibar, Madagastar and Circobena
resemble those islands on the 1515 Frankfort map. The three Arabian
Islands (Maurice, Bourbon and Rodriguez) are also represented, but
without any nomenclature.

(*Footnote. Rendered Ioca by mistake on our map.)

In the latitudes in which the Antarctic continent is represented on the
Schonerean globe of 1515 there is no such representation here.

With reference to Zanzibar, it will be well to note here that about this
time--i.e. in 1521--Zanzibar (Marco Polo's Zanzibar) was said to be
inhabited by giants, hence no doubt the appellation on the Dauphin and
other charts: Zanzibar iles des Geants.*

(*Footnote. See Memoire Geographique sur la mer des Indes by J. Codine,
Paris 1868 page 154: Cette double representation de Madagascar peut etre
remarquee aussi dans la mappemonde de Bernardi Sylvani de 1511, sous les
noms Comortina et Madax. Elle existe aussi sur la mappemonde de Benedetto
Bordone de 1521; dans l'Isolario de ce geographe, Madagascar est
reconnaissable a sa forme allongee placee parallelement a la cote
d'Afrique; elle n'y a pas de nom; elle s'etend jusqu'a une latitude plus
meridionale que le cap de Bonne-Esperance; a l'est sont trois iles dont
la latitude correspond a celle du cap de Bonne-Esperance; elles ne
portent pas de noms; en pleine mer des Indes (voir au verso de la page
lxx.) sont deux grandes iles; l'une nommee Maidegascar; au nord ouest de
Maidegascar est l'ile Zanzibar dont les habitants, dit l'auteur tant
hommes que femmes, sont des geants; opinion qui se transforme dans la
Cosmographie de Sebastien Munster disant seulement que si les naturels
etaient grands en proportion de leur grosseur ce seraient des geants;
opinion egalement reprouvee par Thevet, qui certifie que les naturels
sont de petite taille.)




The reproduction we give here of the La Salle map, which was published
with a work on geography by La Salle, is taken from the copy given in
Santarem's Atlas. Mr. Delmar Morgan says: "There are two versions of the
La Salle map, the one reproduced in the Vicomte de Santarem's Atlas, and
that in the Royal Library, Stockholm, facsimiled in the English edition
of Baron Nordenskiold's Atlas." Mr. D. Morgan further remarks* that this
map "as originally drawn, probably dated from the 15th century, the
Australian part being added subsequently. The name given to this roughly
delineated Terra Australis is Patalie Regio, meaning, according to the
Vicomte de Santarem, who derives it from the Sanskrit, the nether region,
i.e. hell. Wieser derives Patalis from the Latin Pateo, meaning that it
was the open region masking the hidden interior of the continent. Mr.
Petherick, a well-known writer on Australian discovery, has suggested
that Patalis should be Pratalis, a name given by the Spaniards to a part
of South America--the Rio de la Plata; the letters l and r being
interchangeable. His argument is based on the occurrence of another
American name, Brazil, on the Austral continent."

(*Footnote. Remarks on the Early Discovery of Australia by E. Delmar
Morgan, F.R.G.S., London 1891 page 7.)

We have suggested elsewhere that Patalie Regio or Patalis Regio may be a
corruption of (Pa)pagali regio, The Land of Parrots, or Psittacorum Regio
of later charts. (See above.)




We must now say a few words about Juan Vespuccius' Mappamundi, an
important geographical document which closes the data of the
pre-Magellanic period. It shows for the Australasian regions totally
different configurations. Juan Vespuccius' Mappamundi is on an
equidistant polar projection, which renders the original design rather
difficult to understand. A glance at the translation we give here will
show that the cartographer himself must have been somewhat puzzled by his
own scheme, for, as may be observed, the continental land to the south of
the equator bearing the name Gataio fails, when translated to our more
reasonable projection, to join the continent of Asia at Catigara as it
ought to do. The same disconnection may be noticed with regard to
Sumatra; but, notwithstanding the disjunction at the equator to which
this mappamundi is subjected in the original, the southern extremity of
the Malay Peninsula, Puta di Metala, falls in its position with
remarkable accuracy as shown in our sketch. To the south of Puta di
Melata Point of Malacca, a large island bearing the name Sava answers to
Java, and a smaller one to the east of it is intended no doubt for
Sumbawa, although that island is duplicated to the south-east under the
name of Sindoba. To the south-west of Sumatra an island called Calensuan,
bisected by the tropic of Capricorn, is the last remnant of the Behaimean
and Schonerean bogus Sumatra which had been grafted on the western coast
of Australia, and it may prove of some interest to note that this
original survey is maintained on this map in conjunction with and
notwithstanding the presence of the real Sumatra above it.

By far the most interesting feature however on this extremely curious
mappamundi is the representation of the huge continental land in the
southern hemisphere. It bears a name which at first sight appears
ridiculous, for Gataio is meant for Cataio, China. China is certainly a
strange name for Australia, but in a cartographical sense not altogether
impossible at the period we are dealing with, for we must remember that
this mappamundi was constructed before the return of the first
circumnavigators, when the Pacific Ocean to the east of the Spice Islands
was not yet known.

If we imagine a flying survey with the Solomon Islands for point of
departure, and Tasmania for the goal, we might expect to find that survey
charted somewhat after the style of Juan Vespuccius' southern continent,
and that continent might reasonably be supposed to form part of China. We
have said with Tasmania for the goal because, strangely enough, the
southern extremity of this continental Cathay reaches in longitude and
latitude the exact position of an old Spanish survey to the south of
Tasmania that bears to the present day a name which proves its Spanish
Origin; we refer to Piedra blanca.'*

(*Footnote. Piedra blanca, or Pedra Branca, are words of Portuguese or
Spanish origin, but it is only probable that they refer to an old Spanish
or Portuguese survey made in the southern parts of Tasmania. George



Reverting to the first circumnavigators, Magalhaens' squadron of five
vessels was now sorely reduced. Major thus describes the return of this
glorious but disastrous expedition and its results*:

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Early Voyages to Terra Australis page xxxix. et

"Two of the vessels of this fleet arrived on the 8th of November 1521, at
the Island of Tidore, after having passed through the straits, since
called the Straits of Magellan. That navigator was now no more; he had
been killed in one of the islands of the Archipelago of St. Lazaro, since
called the Philippines, and, nearly all his squadron having been
destroyed, one vessel only, named the Victoria, returned to Europe with
eighteen persons, all very sick, under the guidance of Sebastian del
Cano, who landed on the 6th of September 1522, at the same port of San
Lucar de Barrameda from which the fleet had set sail three years before.

"Whether it was from policy, or because the currents which exist in the
Great Pacific Ocean had carried Magellan's fleet rapidly down to the
Philippines and Moluccas, those who returned from this expedition always
maintained that these latter islands were in the hemisphere of the
Spaniards, who consequently laid claim to traffic there. They were even
on the point of sending out a new expedition thither, when King John III
begged Charles V to have the question examined by competent persons, and
promised to acquiesce in their decision. The two governments appointed
twenty-four, or even a greater number, both Spaniards and Portuguese,
well skilled in geography and navigation, who from the commencement of
March 1524 met alternately in the two cities of Badajos and Elvas, on the
frontiers of the two States. Three months were allowed them to decide
definitely to whom these islands belonged.

"These commissioners, among whom was Sebastian del Cano, who had brought
back the Victoria, consumed at the outset a considerable time in
consulting globes and charts, and in comparing the journals of pilots.
They examined the distance between the Moluccas and the line of
demarcation. They disputed much, and came to no conclusion. More than two
months passed away in this manner; and they reached the latter part of
May, which had been fixed as the term of the conferences.

"The Spanish commissioners then settled the line of demarcation at three
hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, as it had
been fixed in 1494; and, as on the basis of the charts which they had
then before them, they made the opposite line, which was to be at the
distance of a hundred and eighty degrees, pass through the Malay
Peninsula, they included in their own hemisphere not only the Moluccas,
but also the Islands of Java and Borneo, part of Sumatra, the coast of
China, and part of the Malay Peninsula itself. The Portuguese did not
agree to this limitation, which was too disadvantageous for themselves;
on the contrary they went away very discontented, storming, and
threatening war, which gave occasion to the jocose observation of Peter
Martyr of Anghiera, a talented man, at that time the historiographer of
the Court of Spain, that the commissioners, after having well syllogized,
concluded by being unable to decide the question except by cannonballs.

"In spite of the unsuccessful issue of this negotiation, the two Courts
did not come to a quarrel; they were on the point of forming alliances.
The question of the marriage of the Infanta Catherine, the Emperor's
sister, with King John, which was celebrated in 1525, was being then
entertained. In the following year, 1526, the Emperor espoused, with
great pomp, Isabella, King John's sister. Charles V however, believing
himself in the right, continued to permit his subjects to carry on
commerce with the Spice Islands; and he himself fitted out fleets to
dispute the possession of them with the Portuguese. Some of these vessels
landed at the Moluccas in 1527 and 1528; but, as these expeditions were
generally unsuccessful, and as moreover he was in need of money for his
coronation in Italy, he listened to the proposals of King John to
purchase his right to these islands. He parted with them by a secret
treaty, which was signed at Saragossa the 22nd of April 1529 for the sum,
it is said, of 350,000 golden ducats, against the express wish of his
subjects, who often but in vain besought him to retract it. By his
refusal it was thought that he had received much more. Thenceforth the
Spaniards were not permitted to traffic with the Moluccas.

"This termination of the quarrel on the part of Portugal was a
justification of the claims of the Spaniards, and an acknowledgment in
some sort that the Moluccas were in their hemisphere. After such an
arrangement the Portuguese could not show any discoveries made to the
eastward, or even under the meridian of these islands. The greatest part
of New Holland is more to the east than the Moluccas; hence it is to be
believed that for this reason the Portuguese have kept silence respecting
their discovery of it."

There is in Galvano's account of the return of the Victoria a curious
reference to the discovery of "certain islands" which could not have been
far distant from the west coast of Australia. As the mention of this
discovery is not found elsewhere, we give here Galvano's description of
it, as follows:

"In the yeere 1521 there went from Maluco one of Magellan's ships with
cloues (Captain and pilot--John Sebastian del Cano); they victualled
themselves in the Island of Burro (which is in 24 degrees* south
latitude, and passed between Vitara and Malua,** which are in 8 degrees),
and from thence went to Timor, which standeth in 11 degrees of southerly
latitude. Beyond this island one hundred leagues they discouered certain
islands under the tropic of Capricorn [and further on others. All are
peopled thenceforward; nor did they see land (without inhabitants) except
it might be some islet, up to the Cape of Good Hope, where it is said
they took in wood and water] (one named Ende finding the places from
thenceforward peopled. Afterward passing without Samatra they met with no
land till they fell with the Cape of Bona Speranca, where they tooke in
fresh water and wood). So they came by the Islands of Cape Verde, and
from thence to Siuill, where they were notably receiued as well for the
cloues that they brought as that they had compassed about the world: No
anno de 1521 partio de Maluco hua das naos pera Castella, em q' o
Magalhaes fora carregada de crauo, capita & piloto della Joam Sebastiam
del cano. Foram tomar mantimento aa ilha de Burro q' estaa em vinte
quatro graos daltura da parte do Sul, passaram por antre Vitara & Malua,
que estam em oyto graos: & dahi foram a Thimor q' estaa em onze, ate
delle cem legoas, descobriram huas ylhas diante outras debaxo do tropico
de Capricornio. Todas sam pouoadas daqui por diate; nam sey terra que
vissem ate o Cabo de boa esperanca senam algua ylheta sem gente: onde diz
que tomaram agoa & lenha, E ao logo daquella costa vieram aas ylhas do
Cabo verde, & dahi aa cidade de Seuilha, onde foram com grande aluoroco
recebidos, assi pello crauo que traziam, como por darem hua volta ao

(*Footnote. Burro or Booro is in 4 degrees. 24 is no doubt a misprint, as
the context shows.)

(**Footnote. Wetter and Ombai, modern.)

CHAPTER 26. A.D. 1523.



Magellan's Ship, The Victoria.


After the return of the survivors of Magalhaens' expedition the whole
crew and officers went up to Valladolid to report to the Emperor and show
themselves. C.H. Coote in his Introduction to Stevens' Johann Schoner,
page xxi., says: "A young man (Maximilianus Transylvanus), the natural
son of Matthaes Lang, Archbishop of Saltzburg, was at Court, under the
care of Peter Martyr, as one of his pupils, and sometimes acting with the
young superior of his own age, as private secretary. Peter sent him these
returned men, and gave him the task of writing out an account of the
expedition to his father, then in Germany, as good practice in writing
Latin. Maximilian having (with Ferdinand Columbus) accompanied the
Emperor in his recent swing round Germany and Flanders, and having only
recently returned to Spain with the travelling Court, very naturally sent
his Latin Exercise to Cologne to be printed, where the first Edition
appeared in a very neat sm. 8vo. in January 1523 (at Cologne the new year
began 1st January, so that this was not really January 1524, as has been
claimed, and therefore a reprint of the Rome edition of November 1523)."

The translation of Maximilianus Transylvanus' letter given here is from
H. Stevens' Johann Schoner.*

(*Footnote. Johann Schoner by Henry Stevens of Vermont; London, H.
Stevens & Son 1888.)



Prima ego velivolis ambivi cursibus orbem
Magellane novo te duce ducta freto
Ambivi, meritoq vocor Victoria: sunt mi
Vela alae, precium gloria; pugna, mare.

I was the first with flying sails
To course the world around;
Under thy guidance, Magellan,
Have we the new strait found:
Victoria is my rightful name,
Sails are my wings, my guerdon fame,
The sea my battlefield I claim.


A letter from Maximilianus Transylvanus to the Most Reverend Cardinal of
Saltzburg, very delightful to read, concerning the Molucca Islands, and
also many other wonders which the latest voyage of the Spaniards has just
discovered, made under the auspices of the Most Serene Emperor Charles V:

MOST REVEREND AND ILLUSTRIOUS LORD: My only Lord, to you I most humbly
commend myself. Not long ago one of those five ships returned which the
Emperor, while he was at Saragossa some years ago, had sent into a
strange and hitherto unknown part of the world, to search for the islands
in which Spices grow. For although the Portuguese bring us a great
quantity of them from the Golden Chersonesus, which we now call Malacca,
nevertheless their own Indian possessions produce none but pepper. For it
is well-known that the other spices, as cinnamon, cloves, and the nutmeg,
which we call muscat, and its covering (mace), which we call
muscat-flower, are brought to their Indian possessions from distant
islands, hitherto only known by name, in ships held together not by iron
fastenings, but merely by palm-leaves, and having round sails also woven
out of palm-fibres. Ships of this sort they call junks, and they are
impelled by the wind only when it blows directly fore or aft.

Nor is it wonderful that these islands have not been known to any mortal
almost up to our time. For whatever statements of ancient authors we have
hitherto read with respect to the native soil of these spices, are partly
entirely fabulous, and partly so far from truth that the very regions in
which they asserted that these spices were produced are scarcely less
distant from the countries in which it is now ascertained that they grow
than we are ourselves.

For, not to mention others, Herodotus, in other respects a very good
authority, states that cinnamon was found in bird's nests, into which the
birds had brought it from very distant regions, among which birds he
mentions especially the Phoenix--and I know not who has ever seen the
nest of a Phoenix. But Pliny, who might have been thought to have had
better means of knowing the facts, since long before his time many
discoveries had been made by the fleets of Alexander the Great, and by
other expeditions, states the cinnamon was produced in Ethiopia, on the
borders of the land of the Troglodytes. Whereas we know now that cinnamon
is produced at a very great distance from any part of Ethiopia, and
especially from the country of the Troglodytes--i.e. dwellers in
subterraneous caves.

Now it was necessary for our sailors, who have recently returned, who
knew more about Ethiopia than about other countries, to sail round the
whole world, and that in a very wide circuit, before they discovered
these islands and returned to Europe; and, since this voyage was a very
remarkable one, and neither in our own time nor in any former age has
such a voyage been accomplished, or even attempted, I have determined to
send your Lordship a full and accurate account of the expedition.

I have taken much care in obtaining an account of the facts from the
commanding officer of the squadron,* and from the individual sailors who
have returned with him. They also made a statement to the Emperor, and to
several other persons, with such good faith and sincerity that they
appeared in their narrative not merely to have abstained from fabulous
statements, but also to contradict and refute the fabulous statements
made by ancient authors.

(*Footnote. Juan Sebastian del Cano.)

For who ever believed that the Monosceli, or Sciapodes (one-legged men),
the Scirites, the Spithamaei (persons a span--7 1/2 inches--high), the
Pigmies (height 13 1/2 inches), and such like were rather monsters than
men? Yet, although the Castilians in their voyages westwards, and the
Portuguese sailing eastwards, have sought out, discovered and surveyed so
many places even beyond the tropic of Capricorn, and now these countrymen
of ours have sailed completely round the world, none of them have found
any trustworthy evidence in favour of the existence of such monsters, and
therefore all such accounts ought to be regarded as fabulous and as old
wives' tales, handed down from one writer to another without any basis of
truth; but, as I have to make a voyage round the world, I will not extend
my prefatory remarks but will come at once to the point.

Some thirty years ago, when the Castilians in the West, and the
Portuguese in the East, had begun to search after new and unknown lands,
in order to avoid any interference of one with the other the kings of
these countries divided the whole world between them, by the authority
probably of Pope Alexander VI, on this plan, that a line should be drawn
from the North to the South Pole through a point three hundred and sixty
leagues west of the Hesperides, which they now call Cape Verde Islands,
which would divide the earth's surface into two equal portions. All
unknown lands hereafter discovered to the east of this line were assigned
to the Portuguese, all on the west to the Castilians. Hence it came to
pass that the Castilians always sailed south-west, and there discovered a
very extensive continent, besides numerous large islands, abounding in
gold, pearls and other valuable commodities; and have quite recently
discovered a large inland city named Tenoxtica (Mexico), situated in a
lake like Venice. Peter Martyr, an author who is more careful as to the
accuracy of his statements than of the elegance of his style, has given a
full but truthful description of this city. But the Portuguese, sailing
southward past the Hesperides (Cape Verde Islands), and the Fish-eating
Ethiopians (West Coast of Africa), crossed the Equator and the tropic of
Capricorn, and sailing eastward discovered several very large islands
heretofore unknown, and also the sources of the Nile and the Troglodytes.
Thence, by way of the Arabian and Persian Gulfs, they arrived at the
shores of India, within the Ganges, where now there is the very great
trading station and the Kingdom of Calicut. Hence they sailed to
Taprobane, which is now called Zamatara (Sumatra). For where Ptolemy,
Pliny, and other geographers placed Taprobane, there is now no island
which can possibly be identified with it. Thence they came to the Golden
Chersonesus, where now stands the well-peopled city of Malacca, the
principal place of business of the East. After this they penetrated into
a great gulf, as far as the nation of the Sinae, who are now called
Schinae (Chinese), where they found a fair-complexioned and
tolerably-civilised people, like our folks in Germany. They believe that
the Seres and Asiatic Scythians extend as far as these parts.

And although there was a somewhat doubtful rumour afloat that the
Portuguese had advanced so far to the east that they had come to the end
of their own limits, and had passed over into the territory appointed for
the Castilians, and that Malacca and the Great Gulf were within our
limits, all this was more said than believed, until four years ago
Ferdinand Magellan, a distinguished Portuguese, who had for many years
sailed about the Eastern Seas as admiral of the Portuguese fleet, having
quarrelled with his king, who, he considered, had acted ungratefully
towards him, and Christopher Haro, brother of my father-in-law, of
Lisbon, who had, through his agents, for many years carried on trade with
those Eastern countries, and more recently with the Chinese, so that he
was well acquainted with these matters (he also having been ill-used by
the King of Portugal, had returned to his native country, Castille),
pointed out to the Emperor that it was not yet clearly ascertained
whether Malacca was within the boundaries of the Portuguese or of the
Castilians, because hitherto its longitude had not been definitely known;
but that it was an undoubted fact that the Great Gulf and the Chinese
nations were within the Castilian limits. They asserted also that it was
absolutely certain that the islands called the Moluccas, in which all
sorts of spices grow, and from which they were brought to Malacca, were
contained in the Western or Castilian division, and that it would be
possible to sail to them, and to bring the spices at less trouble and
expense from their native soil to Castille.

The plan of the voyage was to sail to the west, and then coasting the
Southern hemisphere round the south of America to the east. Yet it
appeared to be a difficult undertaking, and one of which the
practicability was doubtful. Not that it was impossible, prima facie, to
sail from the west round the Southern hemisphere to the east; but that it
was uncertain, whether ingenious Nature, all whose works are wisely
conceived, had so arranged the sea and the land that it might be possible
to arrive by this course at the Eastern Seas. For it had not been
ascertained whether that extensive region, which is called Terra Firma,
separated the Western Ocean (the Atlantic) from the eastern (the
Pacific); but it was plain that that continent extended in a southerly
direction, and afterwards inclined to the west. Moreover two regions had
been discovered in the north, one called Baccalearum, from a new kind of
fish, the other called Florida; and if these were connected with Terra
Firma it would not be possible to pass from the Western Ocean to the
Eastern; since although much trouble had been taken to discover any
strait which might exist connecting the two oceans, none had yet been
found. At the same time it was considered that to attempt to sail through
the Portuguese concessions and the Eastern seas would be a hazardous
enterprise, and dangerous in the highest degree.

The Emperor and his council considered that the plan proposed by Magellan
and Haro, though holding out considerable advantages, was one of very
considerable difficulty as to execution. After some delay Magellan
offered to go out himself, but Haro undertook to fit out a squadron at
the expense of himself and his friends, provided that they were allowed
to sail under the authority and patronage of his Majesty. As each
resolutely upheld his own scheme, the Emperor himself fitted out a
squadron of five ships, and appointed Magellan to the command. It was
ordered that they should sail southwards by the coast of Terra Firma
until they found either the end of that country or some strait by which
they might arrive at the spice-bearing Moluccas.

Accordingly on the 10th of August 1519 Ferdinand Magellan, with his five
ships, sailed from Seville. In a few days they arrived at the Fortunate
Islands, now called the Canaries. Thence they sailed to the islands of
the Hesperides (Cape Verde); and thence sailed in a south-westerly
direction towards that continent which I have already mentioned (Terra
Firma or South America), and after a favourable voyage of a few days
discovered a promontory, which they called St. Mary's. Here Admiral John
Ruy Dias Solis, while exploring the shores of this continent by command
of King Ferdinand the Catholic, was, with some of his companions, eaten
by the Anthropophagi, whom the Indians call cannibals. Hence they coasted
along this continent, which extends far on southwards, and which I now
think should be called the Southern Polar Land, then gradually slopes off
in a westerly direction, and so sailed several degrees south of the
tropic of Capricorn. But it was not so easy for them to do it as for me
to relate it. For not till the end of March in the following year (1520)
did they arrive at a bay, which they called St. Julian's Bay. Here the
Antarctic Pole Star was 49 1/3 degrees above the horizon, this result
being deduced from the sun's declination and altitude, and this star is
principally used by our navigators for observations. They stated that the
longitude was 56 degrees west of the Canaries. For since the ancient
geographers, and especially Ptolemy, reckoned the distance easterly from
the Fortunate Islands (Canaries) as far as Cattigara to be 180 degrees,
and our sailors have sailed as far as possible in a westerly direction,
they reckoned the distance from the Canaries westward to Cattigara to be
also 180 degrees. Yet even though our sailors in so long a voyage, and in
one so distant from the land, lay down and mark out certain signs and
limits of their longitude, they appear to me rather to have made some
error in their method of reckoning of the longitude than to have attained
any trustworthy result.

Meanwhile, however this may be, until more certain results are arrived at
I do not think that their statements should be absolutely rejected, but
merely accepted provisionally. This bay appeared to be of great extent,
and had rather the appearance of a strait. Therefore Admiral Magellan
directed two ships to survey the bay; and remained with the rest at
anchor. After two days they returned, and reported that the bay was
shallow, and did not extend far inland. Our men on their return saw some
Indians gathering shell-fish on the sea-shore, for the natives of all
unknown countries are commonly called Indians. These Indians were very
tall, ten spans high (7 feet 6 inches), clad in skins of wild beasts,
darker-complexioned than would have been expected in that part of the
world; and when some of our men went on shore and showed them bells and
pictures, they began to dance round our men with a hoarse noise and
unintelligible chant, and to excite our admiration they took arrows, a
cubit and a half long, and put them down their own throats to the bottom
of their stomachs without seeming any the worse for it. Then they drew
them up again, and seemed much pleased at having shown their bravery. At
length three men came up as a deputation, and by means of signs requested
our men to come with them further inland, as though they would receive
them hospitably. Magellan sent with them seven men well equipped, to find
out as much as possible about the country and its inhabitants. These
seven went with the Indians some seven miles up the country, and came to
a desolate and pathless wood. Here was a very low-built cottage, roofed
with skins of beasts. In it were two rooms, in one of which dwelt the
women and children, and in the other the men. The women and children were
thirteen in number, and the men five. These received their guests with a
barbarous entertainment, but which they considered to be quite a royal
one. For they slaughtered an animal much resembling a wild ass, and set
before our men half-roasted steaks of it, but no other food or drink. Our
men had to cover themselves at night with skins, on account of the
severity of the wind and snow.

Before they went to sleep they arranged for a watch to be kept; the
Indians did the same, and lay near our men by the fire, snoring horribly.
When day dawned our men requested them to return with them, accompanied
by their families, to our ships. When the Indians persisted in refusing
to do so, and our men had also persisted somewhat imperiously in their
demands, the men went into the women's room. The Spaniards supposed that
they had gone to consult their wives about this expedition. But they came
out again as if to battle, wrapt up from head to foot in hideous skins,
with their faces painted in various colours, and with bows and arrows,
all ready for fighting, and appearing taller than ever. The Spaniards,
thinking a skirmish was likely to take place, fired a gun. Although
nobody was hit yet these enormous giants, who just before seemed as
though they were ready to fight and conquer Jove himself, were so alarmed
at the sound that they began to sue for peace. It was arranged that three
men, leaving the rest behind, should return with our men to the ships;
and so they started. But as our men not only could not run as fast as the
giants, but could not even run as fast as the giants could walk, two of
the three, seeing a wild ass grazing on a mountain at some distance, as
they were going along, ran off after it, and so escaped. The third was
brought to the ships, but in a few days he died, having starved himself
after the Indian fashion through homesickness. And although the Admiral
returned to that cottage, in order to make another of the giants prisoner
and bring him to the Emperor as a novelty, no one was found there, as all
of them had removed elsewhere and the cottage had disappeared. Hence it
is plain that this nation is a nomad race, and although our men remained
some time in that bay, as we shall presently mention, they never again
saw an Indian on that coast; nor did they think that there was anything
in that country that would make it worth while to explore the inland
districts any further. And though Magellen was convinced that a longer
stay there would be of no use, yet, since for some days the sea was very
rough and the weather tempestuous, and the land extended still further
southward, so that the further they advanced the colder they would find
the country, their departure was unavoidably put off from day to day till
the month of May arrived, at which time the winter sets in with great
severity in those parts, so much so that, though it was our summertime,
they had to make preparations for wintering there. Magellan, perceiving
that the voyage would be a long one, in order that the provisions might
last longer ordered the rations to be diminished. The Spaniards endured
this with patience for some days, but, alarmed at the length of the
winter and the barrenness of the land, at last petitioned their Admiral,
Magellan, saying that it was evident that this continent extended an
indefinite distance southwards, and that there was no hope of discovering
the end of it, or of discovering a strait; that a hard winter was setting
in, and that several men had already died through scanty food and the
hardships of the voyage; that they would not long be able to endure that
restriction of provisions which he had enacted; that the emperor never
intended that they should obstinately persevere in attempting to do what
the natural circumstances of the case rendered it impossible to
accomplish; that the toils they had already endured would be acknowledged
and approved, since they had already advanced further than the boldest
and most adventurous navigators had dared to do; that, if a south wind
should spring up in a few days, they might easily sail to the north, and
arrive at a milder climate. In reply Magellan, who had already made up
his mind either to carry out his design or to die in the attempt, said
that the Emperor had ordered him to sail according to a certain plan,
from which he could not and would not depart on any consideration
whatever; and that therefore he should continue this voyage till he found
either the end of this continent or a strait; that, though he could not
do this at present, as the winter prevented him, yet it would be easy
enough in the summer of this region; that if they would only sail along
the coast to the south the summer would be all one perpetual day; that
they had means of providing against want of food and the inclemency of
the weather, inasmuch as there was a great quantity of wood, that the sea
produced shell-fish and numerous sorts of excellent fish; that there were
springs of good water, and they could also help their stores by hunting
and by shooting wild fowl; that bread and wine had not yet run short, and
would not run short in future, provided that they used them for necessity
and for the preservation of health, and not for pleasure and luxury; that
nothing had yet been done worthy of much admiration, nor such as could
give them reasonable grounds for returning; that the Portuguese, not only
yearly, but almost daily, in their voyages to the east, made no
difficulty about sailing twelve degrees south of the tropic of Capricorn.
What had they then to boast of when they had only advanced some four
degrees south of it? that he for his part had made up his mind to suffer
anything that might happen rather than return to Spain with disgrace;
that he believed that his companions, or at any rate those in whom the
generous spirit of Spaniards was not totally extinct, were of the same
way of thinking; that he had only to exhort them fearlessly to face the
remainder of winter; that the greater their dangers and hardships were
the richer their reward would be for having opened up for the Emperor a
new world rich in spices and gold.

Magellan thought that by this address he had soothed and encouraged the
minds of his men, but within a few days he was troubled by a wicked and
disgraceful mutiny. For the sailors began to talk to one another of the
long-standing ill-feeling existing between the Portuguese and the
Castillians, and of Magellan being a Portuguese; that there was nothing
that he could do more to the credit of his own country than to lose this
fleet with so many men on board; that it was not to be believed that he
wished to find the Moluccas, even if he could, but that he would think it
enough if he could delude the Emperor for some years by holding out vain
hopes, and that in the meanwhile something new would turn up whereby the
Castillians might be completely put out of the way of looking for spices;
nor indeed was the direction of the voyage really towards the fertile
Molucca Islands, but towards snow and ice and everlasting bad weather.
Magellan was exceedingly irritated by these conversations, and punished
some of the men, but with somewhat more severity than was becoming to a
foreigner, especially to one holding command in a distant part of the
world. So they mutinied, and took possession of one of the ships, and
began to make preparations to return to Spain; but Magellan, with the
rest of his men who had remained faithful to him, boarded that ship and
executed the ringleader* and other leading mutineers, even some who could
not legally be so treated, for they were royal officials, who were only
liable to capital punishment by the Emperor and his council. However
under the circumstances no one ventured to resist. Yet there were some
who whispered to one another that Magellan would go on exercising the
same severity amongst the Castillians as long as one was left, until
having got rid of every one of them he could sail home to his own country
again with the few Portuguese he had with him. The Castillians therefore
remained still more hostile to the Admiral. As soon as Magellan observed
that the weather was less stormy and that winter began to break up he
sailed out of St Julian's Bay on 24th August 1520, as before.

(*Footnote. Gaspar de Quesada.)

For some days he coasted along to the southward and at last sighted a
cape, which they called Cape Santa Cruz. Here a storm from the east
caught them and one of the five ships was driven on shore and wrecked,
but the crew and all goods on board were saved, except an African slave,
who was drowned. After this the coast seemed to stretch a little
south-eastwards, and as they continued to explore it, on the 26th
November (1520), an opening was observed having the appearance of a
strait; Magellan at once sailed in with his whole fleet, and, seeing
several bays in various directions, directed three of the ships to cruise
about to ascertain whether there was any way through, undertaking to wait
for them five days at the entrance of the strait, so that they might
report what success they had. One of these ships* was commanded by Alvaro
de Mezquita, son of Magellan's brother, and this by the windings of the
channel came out again into the ocean whence it had set out. When the
Spaniards** saw that they were at a considerable distance from the other
ships they plotted among themselves to return home, and, having put
Alvaro, their captain, in irons, they sailed northwards, and at last
reached the coast of Africa, and there took in provisions, and eight
months after leaving the other ships they arrived in Spain, where they
brought Alvaro to trial on the charge that it had chiefly been through
his advice and persuasion that his uncle Magellan had adopted such severe
measures against the Castillians.

(*Footnote. The San Antonio.)

(**Footnote. Among them was Esteven Gomez.)

Magellan waited some days over the appointed time for this ship, and
meanwhile one ship had returned and reported that they had found nothing
but a shallow bay, and the shores stoney, and with high cliffs; but the
other reported that the greatest bay had the appearance of a strait, as
they had sailed on for three days and had found no way out, but that the
further they went the narrower the passage became, and it was so deep
that in many places they sounded without finding the bottom; they also
noticed from the tide of the sea that the flow was somewhat stronger than
the ebb, and thence they concluded that there was a passage that way into
some other sea. On hearing this Magellan determined to sail along this
channel. This strait, though not then known to be such, was of the
breadth in some places of three, in others of two, in others of five or
ten Italian miles, and inclined slightly to the west. The latitude south
was found to be 52 degrees, the longitude they estimated as the same as
that of St. Julian's Bay. It being now hard upon the month of November,
the length of the night was not much more than five hours; they saw no
one on the shore. One night however a great number of fires were seen,
especially on the left side, whence they conjectured that they had been
seen by the inhabitants of those regions. But Magellan, seeing that the
land was craggy, and bleak with perpetual winter, did not think it worth
while to spend his time in exploring it, and so with his three ships
continued his voyage along the channel, until on the twenty-second day
after he had set sail, he came out into another vast and open sea; the
length of the strait they reckoned at about one hundred Spanish miles.
The land which they had to the right was no doubt the continent we have
before mentioned (South America). On the left hand they thought that
there was no continent, but only islands, as they occasionally heard on
that side the reverberation and roar of the sea at a more distant part of
the coast. Magellan saw that the mainland extended due north, and
therefore gave orders to turn away from that great continent, leaving it
on the right hand, and to sail over that vast and extensive ocean, which
had probably never been traversed by our ships or by those of any other
nation, in a north-westerly direction, so that they might arrive at last
at the Eastern Ocean, coming at it from the west, and again enter the
torrid zone, for he was satisfied that the Moluccas were in the extreme
east, and could not be far off the equator. They continued in this
course, never deviating from it, except when compelled to do so now and
then by the force of the wind; and when they had sailed on this course
for forty days across the ocean with a strong wind, mostly favourable,
and had seen nothing all around them but sea, and had now almost reached
again the tropic of Capricorn, they came in sight of two islands, small
and barren, and on directing their course to them found that they were
uninhabited; but they stayed there two days for repose and refreshment,
as plenty of fish was to be caught there. However they unanimously agreed
to call these islands the Unfortunate Islands. Then they set sail again,
and continued on the same course as before. After sailing for three
months and twenty days with good fortune over this ocean, and having
traversed a distance almost too long to estimate, having had a strong
wind aft almost the whole of the time, and having again crossed the
equator, they saw an island, which they afterwards learnt from the
neighbouring people was called Inuagana. When they came nearer to it they
found the latitude to be 11 degrees north; the longitude they reckoned to
be 158 degrees west of Cadiz. From this point they saw more and more
islands, so that they found themselves in an extensive archipelago, but
on arriving at Inuagana they found that it was uninhabited. Then they
sailed towards another small island, where they saw two Indian canoes,
for such is the Indian name of these strange boats; these canoes are
scooped out of the single trunk of a tree, and hold one or at most two
persons; and they are used to talk with each other by signs, like dumb
people. They asked the Indians what the names of the islands were, and
whence provisions could be procured, of which they were very deficient;
they were given to understand that the first island they had seen was
called Inuagana; that near which they then were Acacan, but that both
were uninhabited; but that there was another island almost in sight, in
the direction of which they pointed, called Selani, and that abundance of
provisions of all sorts was to be had there. Our men took in water at
Acacan, and then sailed towards Selani. But a storm caught them so that
they could not land there, but they were driven to another island called
Massana, where the king of three islands resides. From this island they
sailed to Subuth, a very large island and well supplied, where, having
come to a friendly arrangement with the chief, they immediately landed to
celebrate divine worship according to Christian usage--for the festival
for the Resurrection of Him who has saved us was at hand. Accordingly,
with some of the sails of the ships and branches of trees they erected a
chapel, and in it constructed an altar in the Christian fashion, and
divine service was duly performed. The chief and a large crowd of Indians
came up, and seemed much pleased with these religious rites. They brought
the Admiral and some of the officers into the chief's cabin, and set
before them what food they had. The bread was made of sago, which is
obtained from the trunk of a tree not much unlike the palm. This is
chopped up small, and fried in oil, and used as bread, a specimen of
which I send to your lordship. Their drink was a liquor which flows from
the branches of palm-trees when cut. Some birds also were served up at
this meal, and also some of the fruit of the country. Magellan, having
noticed in the chief's house a sick person in a very wasted condition,
asked who he was and from what disease he was suffering. He was told that
it was the chief's grandson, and that he had been suffering for two years
from a violent fever. Magellan exhorted him to be of good courage, that
if he would devote himself to Christ he would immediately recover his
former health and strength. The Indian consented, and adored the Cross,
and received baptism, and the next day declared that he was well again,
rose from his bed and walked about, and took his meals like the others.
What visions he may have told to his friends I cannot say; but the chief
and over 2,200 Indians were baptized and professed the name and faith of
Christ. Magellan, seeing that this island was rich in gold and ginger,
and that it was so conveniently situated with respect to the neighbouring
islands that it would be easy, making this his head-quarters, to explore
their resources and natural productions. He therefore went to the chief
of Subuth and suggested to him that since he had turned away from the
foolish and impious worship of false gods to the Christian religion it
would be proper that the chiefs of the neighbouring islands should obey
his rule; that he had determined to send envoys for this purpose, and, if
any of the chiefs should refuse to obey this summons, to compel them to
do so by force of arms. The proposal pleased the savage, and the envoys
were sent; the chiefs came in one by one and did homage to the chief of
Subuth in the manner adopted in those countries. But the nearest island
to Subuth is called Mauthan, and its king was superior in military force
to the other chiefs; and he declined to do homage to one whom he had been
accustomed to command for so long. Magellan, anxious to carry out his
plan, ordered forty of his men, whom he could rely on for valour and
military skill, to arm themselves, and passed over to the island Mauthan
in boats, for it was very near. The chief of Subuth furnished him with
some of his own people to guide him as to the topography of the island
and the character of the country, and if it should be necessary to help
him in the battle. The King of Mauthan, seeing the arrival of our men,
led into the field some 3,000 of his people. Magellan drew up his own men
and what artillery he had, though his force was somewhat small, on the
shore, and, although he saw that his own force was much inferior in
numbers, and that his opponents were a warlike race and were equipped
with lances and other weapons, nevertheless thought it more advisable to
face the enemy with them than to retreat or to avail himself of the aid
of the Subuth islanders. Accordingly he exhorted his men to take courage
and not to be alarmed at the superior force of the enemy; since it had
often been the case, as had recently happened in the island [peninsula]
of Yucatan, that two hundred Spaniards had routed two or even three
hundred thousand Indians. He said to the Subuth islanders that he had not
brought them with him to fight, but to see the valour and military
prowess of his men. Then he attacked the Mauthan islanders, and both
sides fought boldly; but as the enemy surpassed our men in number and
used longer lances, to the great damage of our men, at last Magellan
himself was thrust through and slain. Although the survivors did not
consider themselves fairly beaten, yet, as they had lost their leader,
they retreated; but as they retreated in good order the enemy did not
venture to pursue them. The Spaniards then, having lost their Admiral
(Magellan) and seven of their comrades, returned to Subuth, where they
chose as their new admiral John Serrano, a man of no contemptible
ability. He renewed the alliance with the chief of Subuth by making him
additional presents, and undertook to conquer the King of Mauthan.
Magellan had been the owner of a slave, a native of the Moluccas, whom he
had formerly bought in Malacca; and by means of this slave, who was able
to speak Spanish fluently, and of an interpreter of Subuth, who could
speak the Moluccan language, our men carried on their negotiations. This
slave had taken part in the fight with the Mauthan islanders, and had
been slightly wounded, for which reason he lay by all day intending to
nurse himself. Serrano, who could do no business without his help, rated
him soundly, and told him that though his master (Magellan) was dead, he
was still a slave, and that he would find that such was the case, and
would get a good flogging into the bargain, if he did not exert himself
and do what was required of him more zealously. This speech much incensed
the slave against our people; but he concealed his anger, and in a few
days he went to the chief of Subuth and told him that the avarice of the
Spaniards was insatiable; that they had determined, as soon as they
should have defeated the king of Mauthan, to turn round upon him and take
him away as a prisoner; and that the only course for him (the chief of
Subuth) to adopt was to anticipate treachery by treachery. The savage
believed this, and secretly came to an understanding with the king of
Mauthan, and made arrangements with him for common action against our
people. Admiral Serrano and twenty-seven of the principal officers and
men were invited to a solemn banquet. These, quite unsuspectingly, for
the natives had carefully dissembled their intentions, went on shore
without any precautions to take their dinner with the chief. While they
were at table some armed men, who had been concealed close by, ran in and
slew them. A great outcry was made. It was reported in our ships that our
men were killed, and that the whole island was hostile to us. Our men
saw, from on board the ships, that the handsome cross, which they had set
up in a tree, was torn down by the natives and cut up into fragments.
When the Spaniards, who had remained on board, heard of the slaughter of
our men they feared further treachery; so they weighed anchor and began
to set sail without delay. Soon afterward Serrano was brought to the
coast a prisoner; he entreated them to deliver him from so miserable a
captivity, saying that he had got leave to be ransomed if his men would
agree to it. Although our men thought it was disgraceful to leave their
commander behind in this way, their fear of the treachery of the
islanders was so great that they put out to sea, leaving Serrano on the
shore in vain lamenting and beseeching his comrades to rescue him. The
Spaniards, having lost their commander and several of their comrades,
sailed on sad and anxious, not merely on account of the loss they had
suffered, but also because their numbers had been so diminished that it
was no longer possible to work the three remaining ships.

On this question they consulted together and unanimously came to the
conclusion that the best plan would be to burn one of the ships, and to
sail home in the two remaining. They therefore sailed to a neighbouring
island, called Cohol,* and, having put the rigging and stores of one of
the ships on board the two others, set it on fire. Hence they proceeded
to the island of Gibeth. Although they found that this island was well
supplied with gold and ginger and many other things, they did not think
it desirable to stay there any length of time, as they could not
establish friendly relations with the natives; and they were too few in
number to venture to use force. From Gibeth they proceeded to the island
of Porne.**

(*Footnote. A misprint for Bohol.)

(**Footnote. Borneo.)

In this archipelago there are two large islands, one of which is called
Siloli, whose king has six hundred children. Siloli is larger than Porne,
for Siloli can hardly be circumnavigated in six months, but Porne in
three months. Although Siloli is larger than Porne, yet the latter is
more fertile, and distinguished as containing a large city of the same
name as the island. And since Porne must be considered to be more
important than the other islands which they had hitherto visited, and it
was from it that the other islanders had learnt the arts of civilised
life, I have determined to describe briefly the manners and customs of
these nations. All these islanders are Caphrae or Kafirs, i.e. heathens,
they worship the sun and moon as gods; they assign the government of the
day to the sun, and that of the night to the moon; the sun they consider
to be male, and the moon female, and that they are the parents of the
other stars, all of which they consider to be gods, though little ones.
They salute rather than adore the rising sun with certain hymns. Also
they salute the bright moon at night, from whom they ask for children,
for the increase of their flocks and herds, for an abundant supply of the
fruits of the earth, and for other things of that sort. But they practise
piety and justice; and especially love peace and quiet, and have great
aversion to war. As long as their king maintains peace they show him
divine honours; but if he is anxious for war they never rest till he is
slain by the enemy in battle. When the king has determined on war, which
very seldom happens, his men set him in the first rank, where he has to
stand the whole brunt of the combat: and they do not exert themselves
vigorously against the enemy till they know that the king has fallen;
then they begin to fight for liberty and for their new king; nor has any
king of theirs entered on a war without being slain in battle. For this
reason they seldom engage in war, and they think it unjust to extend
their frontiers. Their chief care is to avoid giving offence to the
neighbouring nations or to strangers. But if at any time they are
attacked they retaliate; and yet, lest further ill should arise, they at
once endeavour to come to terms. They think that party acts most
creditably which is the first to propose terms of peace; that it is
disgraceful to be anticipated in so doing, and that it is scandalous and
detestable to refuse peace to those who ask for it, even though the
latter should have been the aggressors. All the neighbouring people unite
in destroying such refusers of peace as impious and abominable. Hence
they mostly pass their lives in peace and leisure. Robberies and murders
are quite unknown among them. No one may speak to the king but his wives
and children, except at a distance by hollow canes, which they apply to
his ear, and through which they whisper what they have to say. They think
that at death men have no perception as they had none before they were
born. Their houses are small, built of wood and earth, covered partly
with rubble and partly with palm leaves. It is ascertained that there are
20,000 houses in the city of Porne. They marry as many wives as they can
afford to keep; they eat birds and fish, make bread of rice, and drink a
liquor drawn from the palm-tree--of which we have spoken before. Some
carry on trade with the neighbouring islands, to which they sail in
junks, some are employed in hunting and shooting, some in fishing, some
in agriculture. Their clothes are made of cotton. Their animals are
nearly the same as ours, excepting sheep, oxen, and asses; their horses
are very slight and small. They have a great supply of camphor, ginger,
and cinnamon. On leaving this island our men, having paid their respects
to the king and propitiated him by presents, sailed to the Moluccas,
their way to which had been pointed out to them by the king. Then they
came to the coast of the island of Solo, where they heard that pearls
were to be found as large as doves' eggs, or even hen's eggs, but that
they were only to be had in very deep water. Our men did not bring home
any single large pearl, as they were not there at the season of the year
for pearl-fishing. They said however that they found an oyster there the
flesh of which weighed 47 pounds. Hence I should be disposed to believe
that pearls of the size mentioned would be found there; for it is certain
that large pearls are found in oysters. And, not to forget it, I will add
that our men reported that the islanders of Porne asserted that the king
wore two pearls in his crown as large as goose eggs. After this they came
to the island of Gilona, where they saw some men with such long ears that
they reached down to their shoulders; and when they expressed their
astonishment the natives told them that, in an island not far off, there
were men who had such long and wide ears that one ear could, when they
liked, cover the whole of their heads. But as our men were not in search
of monsters but of spices they did not trouble themselves about such
rubbish, but sailed direct for the Moluccas, where they arrived in the
eighth month after their Admiral (Magellan) had been slain in the island
of Mauthan. The islands are five in number, and are called Tarante,
Muthil, Thedori, Mare, and Matthien*, situated partly to the north,
partly to the south, and partly on the equator; the productions are
cloves, nutmegs, and cinnamon. They are all close together, but of small

(* Ternate, Moter, Tidore, Maru, Mutjan.)

A few years ago the kings (of) Marmin began to believe that the soul is
immortal. They were induced to believe this solely from the following
reason, that they observed that a certain very beautiful small bird never
settled on the earth, or on anything that was on the earth; but that
these birds sometimes fell dead from the sky to the earth. And when the
Mohammedans, who visited them for trading purposes, declared that these
birds came from Paradise, the place of abode of departed souls, these
princes adopted the Mohammedan faith, which makes wonderful promises
respecting this same Paradise. They call this bird Mamuco Diata, and they
venerate it so highly that the kings think themselves safe to battle
under their protection, even when, according to their custom, they are
placed in the front line of the army in battle. The common people are
Kafirs, and have much the same manners and customs as the islanders of
Porne, already spoken of. They are much in need of supplies from abroad,
inasmuch as their country only produces spices, which they willingly
exchange for the poisonous articles, arsenic and sublimated mercury, and
for the linen which they generally wear, but what use they make of these
poisons has not yet been ascertained. They live on sago-bread, fish, and
sometimes parrots. They live in very low-built cabins; in short, all they
esteem and value is peace, leisure and spices. The former, the greatest
of blessings, the wickedness of mankind seems to have banished from our
part of the world to theirs; but our avarice and insatiable desire of the
luxuries of the table has urged us to seek for spices even in those
distant lands. To such a degree has the perversity of human nature
persisted in driving away as far as possible that which is conducive to
happiness, and in seeking for articles of luxury in the remotest parts of
the world. Our men, having carefully examined the position of the
Moluccas, and of each separate island, and also into the character of the
chiefs, sailed to Thedori, because they understood that this island
produced a greater abundance of cloves than the others, and also that the
king excelled the other kings in prudence and humanity. Providing
themselves with presents they went on shore, and paid their respects to
the king, and handed him the presents as the gift of the Emperor. He
accepted the presents graciously, and looking up to heaven said: "It is
now two years since I learnt from observation of the stars that you were
sent by the great King of Kings to seek for these lands. Wherefore your
arrival is the more agreeable to me inasmuch as it has already been
foreseen from the signification of the stars. And since I know that
nothing happens to men which has not long since been ordained by the
decree of Fate and of the stars, I will not be the man to resist the
determination of Fate and the stars, but will spontaneously abdicate my
royal power, and consider myself for the future as carrying on the
government of this island as your king's viceroy. So bring your ships
into the harbour, and order the rest of your companions to land in
safety, so that now, after so much tossing about on the sea and so many
dangers, you may securely enjoy the comforts of life on shore, and
recruit your strength, and consider yourselves to be coming into your own
king's dominions."

Having thus spoken, the king laid aside his diadem, and embraced each of
our men, and directed such refreshments as the country produced to be set
on table. Our men, delighted at this, returned to their companions and
told them what had taken place. They were much delighted by the
graciousness and benevolence of the king, and took up their quarters in
the island. When they had been entertained for some days by the king's
munificence they sent envoys thence to the other kings to investigate the
resources of the islands and to secure the goodwill of the chiefs.
Tarante was the nearest; it is a very small island, its circumference
being a little over six Italian miles. The next is Matthien, and that
also is small. These three produce a great quantity of cloves, but every
fourth year the crop is far larger than at other times. These trees only
grow on precipitous rocks, and they grow so close together as to form
groves. The tree resembles the laurel as regards its leaves, its
closeness of growth, and its height; the clove, so called from its
resemblance to a nail (Latin clavus) grows at the very tip of each twig.
First a bud appears, and then a blossom much like that of the orange; the
point of the clove first shows itself at the end of the twig, until it
attains its full growth; at first it is reddish, but the heat of the sun
soon turns it black. The natives share groves of this tree among
themselves, just as we do vineyards. They keep the cloves in pits till
the merchants fetch them away. The fourth island, Muthil, is no larger
than the rest. This island produces cinnamon; the tree is full of shoots,
and in other respects fruitless; it thrives best in a dry soil, and is
very much like the pomegranate tree. When the bark cracks through the
heat of the sun it is pulled off the tree, and being dried in the sun a
short time becomes cinnamon. Near Muthil is another island, called Bada,
more extensive than the Moluccas; in it the nutmeg grows. The tree is
tall and wide-spreading, a good deal like a walnut-tree. The fruit too is
produced just in the same way as a walnut, being protected by a double
covering, first a soft envelope, and under this a thin reticulated
membrane which encloses the nut. This membrane we call muskatbluthe, the
Spaniards call it mace; it is an excellent and wholesome spice. Within
this is a hard shell, like that of a filbert, inside which is the nutmeg,
properly so called. Ginger also is produced in all the islands of this
archipelago; some is sown, some grows spontaneously; but the sown ginger
is the best. The plant is like the saffron-plant, and its root, which
resembles the root of saffron, is what we call ginger. Our men were
kindly received by the various chiefs who all, after the example of the
king of Thedori, spontaneously submitted themselves to the Imperial
Government. But the Spaniards, having now only two ships, determined to
bring with them specimens of all sorts of spices, but to load the ship
mainly with cloves because there had been a very abundant crop of it this
season, and the ships could contain a great quantity of this kind of
spice. Having laden their ships with cloves, and received letters and
presents from the chiefs to the Emperor, they prepared to sail away. The
letters were filled with assurances of fidelity and respect; the gifts
were Indian swords, etc. The most remarkable curiosities were some of the
birds called Mamuco Diata--that is the Bird of God with which they think
themselves safe and invincible in battle. Five of these were sent, one of
which I procured from the captain of the ship, and now send it to your
lordship--not that you will think it a defence against treachery and
violence, but because you will be pleased with its rarity and beauty. I
also send some cinnamon, nutmegs, and cloves, that you may see that our
spices are not only not inferior to those imported by the Venetians and
Portuguese, but of superior quality because they are fresher. Soon after
our men had sailed from Thedori the larger of the two ships sprang a
leak, which let in so much water that they were obliged to return to
Thedori. The Spaniards, seeing that this defect could not be put right
except with much labour and loss of time, agreed that the other ship
should sail to the Cape of Cattigara, thence across the ocean as far as
possible from the Indian coast, lest they should be seen by the
Portuguese, until they came in sight of the southern point of Africa,
beyond the tropic of Capricorn, which the Portuguese call the Cape of
Good Hope, for thence the voyage to Spain would be easy. It was also
arranged that when the repairs of the other ship were completed it should
sail back through the archipelago and the vast (Pacific) Ocean to the
coast of the continent which we have already mentioned (South America),
until they came to the Isthmus of Darien, where only a narrow neck of
land divides the South Sea from the Western Sea, in which are the islands
belonging to Spain. The smaller ship accordingly set sail again from
Thedori, and though they went as far as 12 degrees south they did not
find Cattigara, which Ptolemy considered to lie considerably south of the
equator; however after a long voyage they arrived in sight of the Cape of
Good Hope, and thence sailed to the Cape Verde Islands. Here this ship
also, after having been so long at sea, began to be leaky, and the men,
who had lost several of their companions through hardships in the course
of their adventures, were unable to keep the water pumped out, They
therefore landed at one of the islands, called Santiago, to buy slaves.
As our men, sailor-like, had no money, they offered cloves in exchange
for slaves. When the Portuguese officials heard of this they committed
thirteen of our men to prison. The rest, eighteen in number, being
alarmed at the position in which they found themselves, left their
companions behind, and sailed direct to Spain. Sixteen months after they
had sailed from Thedori, on the 6th September 1522, they arrived safe and
sound at a port near Seville. These sailors are certainly more worthy of
perpetual fame than the Argonauts who sailed with Jason to Colchis; and
the ship itself deserves to be placed among the constellations more than
the ship Argo. For the Argo only sailed from Greece through the Black
Sea, but our ship setting out from Seville sailed first southwards, then
through the whole of the West, into the Eastern Seas, then back again
into the Western.

I humbly commend myself to your Most Reverend Lordship.

Written at Valladolid, 24th October 1522.

Your Most Reverend and Most Illustrious Lordship's most humble and
perpetual servant,


Cologne--(printed) at the house of Eucharius Cervicornus, A.D. 1523, in
the month of January.

CHAPTER 27. A.D. 1522 TO 1523.




The voyage of the Vittoria had a marked influence on the geography of
Australasia at the period immediately following the return of the first
circumnavigators. Its influence on cartography is of a strange character,
and this period might be termed the NO AUSTRALIA PERIOD, its strangeness
consisting in the transitory total disappearance of the Australian
continent; for although the Great South Land appears again in a new form
and under a new name with the Desceliers Lusitano-Spanish type of map,
ranging between 1530 and 1556, yet its effacement is maintained in such
an important document as the Sebastian Cabot mappamundi of 1544. Whether
the leaving out of the Australian continent was a matter of political
purpose, or whether the inclusion on the maps of the period of a
continent which had not been sufficiently surveyed, was not deemed
advisable, are questions which remain to be considered. It must be
conceded however that the previous periods were periods of geographical
incunabula as far as Australia is concerned, for the indications of a
Great South Land on maps previous to 1530/1536 were of a very rough
nature. Those indications showed a mere knowledge of the existence of
certain portions of the coastlines which geographers had taken upon
themselves to join together in a more or less arbitrary manner. The
voyage of the first circumnavigators demolished in a great measure
certain theories and vagaries, and relegated towards the South Pole the
unknown continent. On the other hand the absence on the charts of the
terra incognita may have been a provisory measure adopted until better
information was available.



The late Henry Stevens considered the globe which we are going to deal
with--and which with Mr. Henry Harrisse and for want of a better name we
shall describe as the Alleged Globe of Schoner of 1523*--as "one of the
immediate results of the publication of the celebrated first edition of
the Letter of Maximilianus of Transylvanus, printed at Cologne in January
of that year, and not 1524, as has been generally held.

(*Footnote. The Munich gores is another name given by Mr. H. Harrisse to
the Alleged Globe of Schoner of 1523.)

He also credits Schoner with laying down the precise routes of Magellan's
fleet, with the latitudes and longitudes given, projected and worked over
360 degrees of the world in a far more correct and intelligible manner
than ever had been done before";* and, in support of his belief that the
globe we are considering was constructed by Schoner, Mr. H. Stevens
refers his readers to Schoner's description of his 1523 globe, De Nuper,
etc. But we do not possess that globe, as Mr. Harrisse has proved most

(*Footnote. Johann Schoner etc. by Henry Stevens of Vermont, page xxiv.
line 17. C.H. Coote of the British Museum in voce.)

(**Footnote. The Discovery of North America by Henry Harrisse, page 519
et sequit Number 147.)

Schoner's lost globe of 1523 was copied from his globe of 1520, which, as
far as the Australasian regions are concerned, is identical with his
globe of 1515. Now, this Alleged Globe of Schoner of 1523 is totally
different, as may be observed, from the Schonerean gores of 1515, and
cannot therefore be accepted as the work of Schoner.

A passage occurs in Schoner's description of his 1523 lost globe which is
sufficient proof to that effect, for he says: "I do not however wish to
set aside the globe I constructed some time ago, as it fully showed all
that had, at that time, been discovered; so that the former, as far as it
goes, agrees with the latter."

Our sketch of the Alleged Schoner's Globe of 1523 is taken from the
reproduction of the original gores formerly in the possession of the late
Mr. Henry Stevens. Concerning these reprinted gores Mr. H. Harrisse
remarks* "that the original woodcut, from which the reprint was made
recently (1885), does not bear the date of 1523 or the name of Schoner.
On the contrary, it is entirely anonymous and dateless."

(*Footnote. The Discovery of North America, page 520 line 15.)

Moreover, as regards at least the Australasian regions and its fantastic
islands, the leading feature inaugurated in this important wood block is
a marked departure from the Behaimean and Schonerean configurations, one
strange phase of this new departure being the total disappearance of the
Austral-Asian continental protuberance which occupied in previous charts
the site of Australia. In this map Magalhaens' course is set down. After
leaving the straits that bear his name* Magalhaens' track runs through a
group of islands where the word Crete may be noticed; reaching the tropic
of Capricorn it passes between two islands which bear the name Insule
Infortunate, then, following the same course, the equator is crossed and
the first land reached is the island Iuuana, the Inuagana of Maximilian's

(*Footnote. The entrance to this strait on the South Atlantic side bears
the name Sinus Juliana, Bay of St. Julian, and is placed too far north.)

In proximity to Iuuana may be noticed five islands without names. Had
there been sufficient space for naming them we might expect to find
Maximilian's nomenclature, i.e. Acacan, Selani, Massana, Subuth, and
Mauthan. Cohol, left to the north, has preserved its original
orthography, and Gibith to the south stands for Gibeth; the track then
passes by Porne, leaving in an easterly direction Yciagina?--a name not
to be found in Maximilian's letter; whereas of the nine islands mentioned
under the names Siloli, Solo, Gilona, Tarante, Muthil, Thedori, Mare,
Matthien, and Bada* six only are named on this map, namely Mare, Taraze
(Tarante?), Siloli, Muthil, Thedori, and Badam.

(*Footnote. An error occurs in Stevens' Johann Schoner, page 142 note 2,
where Bada, the nutmeg producing Banda, is mistaken for Badjan or

Upon leaving the Spice Islands the course of the remaining ship of
Magalhaens' fleet is set down to the south of Iaua, that island being
placed longitudinally according to the erroneous interpretation initiated
after the altering of Fra Mauro's mappamundi.

To the south of the track of the Vittoria and halfway between Java and
the Cape of Good Hope we notice a large island, bearing the name Sadales,
which recalls the Sandalos silve of the Frankfort gores of 1515. This
island is a remnant of the bogus Madagascar of Marco Polo, but Cabo
Godanige, the name of the north cape of this island, is here introduced
for the first time as far as we are aware.

In conclusion, we may say, with reference to this map and to the voyage
of the first circumnavigators, that the nomenclature in the Spice Island
region is certainly derived from Maximilian's letter; and, although the
track of Magalhaens' vessels is very carelessly indicated and does not
always agree with the above-mentioned letter, it nevertheless bears signs
of being derived from the same source as the nomenclature.

CHAPTER 28. A.D. 1525 TO 1529.



After the return of the Vittoria the old dispute between the Portuguese
and Spanish about the line of demarcation was resumed and referred to the
Badajos convocation of learned cosmographers and pilots. No decision
however was arrived at, and another expedition to the Spice Islands was
fitted out by Spain.

This was entrusted to Garcia Jofre de Loaysa with Sebastian del Cano as
pilot-major and other survivors of Magalhaens' expedition.

They sailed from Coruna in July 1525 with an armament consisting of seven

(*Footnote. Nombrose por Capitan general de esta armada y capitan de la
primera nave llamada Santa Maria de la Victoria a Garcia Jofre de Loaisa,
Caballero del Avito de San Juan, natural de Ciudad-Real, con 450
castellanos; a Juan Sebastian del Cano, por capitan de la segundo nave,
dicha Sancti Spiritus; a Pedro de Vera, continuo de la Casa Real, por
capitan de la tercera, i de la 40a, dicha San Gabriel, a D. Rodrigo de
Acuna; y de la 5a llamada Santa Maria del Parral, a D. Jorge Manrique de
Naxera; y de la 6a que llamaban San Lesmes, a Francisco de Hoces, y de un
patage a Santiago de Guevara. Herrera. Decada III lib vii. cap. v.)

The expedition proved a most disastrous one. Sebastian del Cano's vessel
was wrecked at the entrance to Magalhaens' strait and the captain-general
was separated from the fleet. Francisco de Hoces, who commandad the San
Lesmes, is reported to have been driven by the storm to 55 degrees of
south latitude, where he sighted land, which, if we consider the evidence
of the De orbi situ of Franciscus Monacus,* must have been either the
South Georgia or South Sandwich Islands. Francisco de Hoces believed it
to belong to an Austral continent and to be connected with the Tierra del

(*Footnote. See below The Franciscus Monacus Mappamundi.)

It was April before they entered Magalhaens' strait, and the passage was
tedious and dismal, several of the sailors dying from the extreme cold.
At last, on the 25th of May 1526, they entered the Pacific Ocean, where
they were met by another violent storm which dispersed them right and
left. One of the small vessels, a rowboat called a patache, in command of
Joam de Resaga, ran along the coast of Peru and reached New Spain, where
they gave an account to the celebrated Cortez, telling him that Loaysa
was on his way to the islands of cloves; the others steered a
north-westerly course.

By this time they had met with many hardships, several seamen had died,
and Loaysa and Sebastian del Cano were very sick. At last the commander
of the expedition died, July 30 1526, and Sebastian del Cano soon
followed his commander, expiring a few days later. Alonso de Salazar was
now appointed to the command of the fleet; he steered for the Ladrones.

When they reached this group of islands they had lost thirty-eight
seamen. From the Ladrones they sailed to the Philippines, and on their
journey lost their third commander, Alonso de Salazar. They then made
their way to the Spice Islands.

Galvano informs us that only one vessel of Loaysa's fleet reached the
Moluccas or Spice Islands. The fourth commander, Martin Iniquez de
Carquicano, died, poisoned, it is said, and the command of the remnant of
the expedition was entrusted to Hernando della Torre. Disputes
immediately arose between the Portuguese and the Spaniards, eventuating
in a warfare that lasted several years.

Meanwhile in the year 1526* Don Jorge de Menezes, in his passage from
Malacca to the Spice Islands, was carried by currents, and through his
want of information respecting the route to the north coast of Papua,
probably to Waigiu, which appears to be the island known at the time
under the name of Versija.**

(*Footnote. 1526, 1527, 1528, according to various authors.)

(**Footnote. See above.)

Having spent some time in a good port at this island of Versija, he
continued his journey towards the east and made other discoveries along
the north-west coast of New Guinea. It is in these regions that we find
on old charts Os Papuas and the legend Hic hibernavit Georgius de

(*Footnote. See G. de Barros, Asia, Decad. iv. lib. i. c. xvi., and
Lavanha, Voyage of Menezes page 53. Madrid 1615.



The two spheres of Franciscus Monachus, which we borrow from Harrisse's
valuable work,* form an important geographical document. They are of the
year 1526 or 1527, and belong to a work De orbis situ, which contains the
following remarkable passage: "Praterea inventa anno abhinc millesimo
quingentesimo vigesimo sexto, terra longitudine o. meridionali
latitudine, 52. partium cultoribus vacua. Reliqua Australis ora etianum
in obscuro latent: Moreover in the year 1526 a land has been discovered
by 0 degrees longitude and 52 degrees south latitude, which is not
inhabited. The other parts of that Austral country are yet in the dark."
Mr. Harrisse asks: "What is that Austral country beginning on a line with
the initial meridian, and in such extreme southern latitude, which
Franciscus Monacus says was discovered in 1526? The latter date can only
be a lapsus pennae, as no such discovery was accomplished in that year.
As to the country itself we have only to compare its delineation and
position in Franciscus' woodcuts with the antarctic land in the various
globes of Schoner to see at a glance that it can only be the region on
which the Nuremberg mathematician has inscribed, in 1533, the legend:
Terra Australis recenter inventa, sed nondum plene cognita. The
difference is that Franciscus makes another lapsus in inserting in his
map the following statement: Hec pars ore** (sic pro orb) is nobis
navigationibus detecta nondum existit: This part of the world has not yet
been discovered [sic] in our navigations."

(*Footnote. Harrisse, The Discovery of North America.)

(**Footnote. The E of ORE is only due to a slip of the wood engraver's
burin. G. Collingridge.)

Mr. Harrisse adds, and we agree with him, that "Franciscus evidently
meant that the country had not been entirely explored or made known,
since he says so explicitly in his text, adding even a latitude and a
longitude, and configurates the region in his map." Now, why should there
be any lapsus at all? This land in 0 degrees longitude 52 degrees south
latitude can be no other than South Georgia or the South Sandwich
Islands, which we have seen* was discovered by Francisco de Hoces in the
San Lesmes in 1526; and if we ask how did the news of such discovery
reach Europe we have the answer in the fact that Joam de Resaga ran along
the west coast of South America until he reached New Spain, where he
rendered an account to Cortez concerning, the proceedings of Loaysa's

(*Footnote. Above.)

If the remarkable passage in the De orbis situ, confirmed by the
Franciscus Monachus mappamundi and other documents, such as the Paris
Gilt Globe, establishes another claim in favour of Spanish priority of
discovery, the Monachus mappamundi seems to settle another in favour of
the Portuguese. We refer to the further discovery of New Guinea, the
north-westernmost parts of which had already been seen in 1511/1512.

On this small and apparently insignificant mappamundi New Guinea is
represented in size as equal to Sumatra, which in itself is approximately
correct; but, and which is more important, its periplus is also depicted,
showing that Torres' Strait was known long before that navigator wended
his way through its waters. Nevertheless in this map the Australian
continent is left out.


In 1527 Cortez sent from New Spain his kinsman, Alvaro de Saavedra, in
search of Loaysa's expedition. Saavedra reached the Spice Islands, and on
his way back, in endeavouring to reach America, in June 1528, he fell in
with land 250 leagues east of the Spice Islands, which land has been
identified as lying to the north of New Guinea and was named by him the
Isla del Oro, the Island of Gold: ANDUVIERON 250 LEGUAS HASTA LA ISLA DEL
blanca, barbuda, que salieron a la nao, amenazando de tirar piedras con
las hondas; y fue cosa maravillosa ver en tan poco distancia hombres tan
diferentes de color. (Herrera, Decada iv. lib. iii. cap. vi.) If we
accept Herrera's description concerning the variety of races met with by
the Spaniards--variety which is known to exist nearer the equator--it is
not difficult to reconcile it even with modern experience, but we must
take for erroneous the latitude of 7 degrees mentioned in the Spanish

In November 1528 Saavedra returned to the Spice Islands, arriving at
Tidor on the 19th. He had been unable, owing to calms and headwinds, to
make his way back to America; nor was he more successful in a second
attempt made the following year, when, after having followed his previous
course, and having vainly attempted to sail eastward, he met with his
death soon after leaving the Good Gardens Islands. The ship's company was
compelled once more to seek the refuge of the Spice Islands where they
remained for seven years, when a favourable opportunity enabled them to
return to Spain by way of Lisbon, in the year 1536.

According to Galvano, Saavedra's discoveries in 1529 were more extensive
than in 1528. He says:* "In the yeere 1529, in May, Saavedra returned
back againe towards New Spaine, and he had sight of a land towards the
south in two degrees, and he ran east along by it aboue fiue hundred
leagues till the end of August [according to their account]. The coast
was cleane and of good ankerage, but the people blacke and of curled
haire; from the girdle downward they did weare** a certaine thing plaited
to couer their lower parts. The people of Maluco call them Papuas,
because they be blacke and friseled in their haire; and so also do the
Portugals call them. [Alvaro] Saavedra hauing sailed four or five degrees
to the south of the line, returned unto it, and passed the equinoctiall
towards the north..."

(*Footnote. Galvano, page 176.)

(**Footnote. Skirts of feathers, well made, of various colours.)

CHAPTER 29. A.D. 1527 TO 1536.



A few years after the discovery of the New World the Spanish Government
found it necessary, in order to regulate her navigations and ascertain
what new discoveries were being made, to order the creation of an
official map of the world, in the composition of which the skill and
knowledge of all her pilots and captains were sought.


Diego Ribeiro Map, 1529.

This official map, from which copies were made, was called the Padron
Real and afterwards the Padron general. The Diego Ribeiro mappamundi of
1529, a portion of which is reproduced here, belongs to the Padron
general category of maps. In this class of Spanish maps the Australian
continent has been left out. With reference to our subject this
mappamundi is nevertheless of importance, because it shows graphically
that such documents were prepared and used in Spain by the highest
authorities in cartographical matters, for this mappamundi is a duplicate
or replica of an earlier map by the same author as the anonymous Weimar
mappamundi of 1527, which, according to Mr. Harrisse, is "the earliest
complete specimen which we possess of a chart made with data collected in
the Casa de contratacion, and on that account of great importance."

The importance that it has with us is that it shows what were the claims
of the Spanish Crown in connection with the famous line of demarcation.

According to the King of Spain's cosmographer, and as shown in this map,
the Spice Islands fell within Spanish territory, so that with regard to
Australia Portugal could only have claimed Western Australia; whereas the
remainder of the continent, the lion's share, would have fallen to Spain.
In the Propaganda Diego Ribeiro map of same date the same division may be
observed, and the flags of Spain and Portugal float over the space which
the Australian continent ought to occupy.

In the maps which we shall consider next, maps which, although showing
Spanish influence, are essentially more Portuguese in their origin, the
reverse occurs, and the line of demarcation is placed so as to include
the Spice Islands in Portuguese territory.

Before we dismiss Diego Ribeiro's map, it may be well to notice that to
the south of Java and below the pretty ship that announces that she comes
from Maluco, the Spice Islands, Vego de Maluco, there is an open sea,
called in the Propaganda copy Occeanus Oriemtalis. We draw attention to
this fact because in the Dauphin chart, which we shall presently
consider, we shall find that this ocean or sea is blocked by the
Australian continent.

CHAPTER 30. A.D. 1530 TO 1550.


(*Footnote. This map has been called the Harleyan map, having belonged to
Edward Harley, Earl of Oxford. See also The Early Discovery of Australia
by George Collingridge. Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical
Society of Australasia, Sydney 1891/1892 Volume V.)


The Dauphin Chart, A.D. 1530 to 1536.


We now arrive at the most important document hitherto come to light
connected with the early discovery of Australia--the map or chart which
the late R.H. Major has called the Dauphin Map.

It belongs to a type of manuscript Lusitano-French planispheres, which is
represented by several specimens, all of which are copies from a
prototype which has either been destroyed or has not yet been found.

As we infer that the prototype of these planispheres is of a date
anterior to 1530* we shall, notwithstanding the apparent later date of
those we shall speak of, consider them collectively. According to Mr.
Harrisse this planisphere, or at least its American portion, dates from
after 1536.**

(*Footnote. Mr. Harrisse says: Le redacteur du catalogue du British
Museum, ou cette carte est conservee (Add. Manuscripts 5, 413), en infere
qu'elle est anterieur a l'annee 1536. Nous n'oserions l'affirmer. Jean et
Sebastien Cabot, page 198.)

(**Footnote. Jean et Sebastien Cabot, page 200.)

One thing certain is that it has not been copied from the other maps of
its class considered in this chapter, for it bears a legend in
Portuguese, to which we shall refer, that has been corrupted in the other
maps. Referring to these Lusitano-French maps in general, and describing
this one in particular, the late R.H. Major says:* "The earliest in all
probability, and the most fully detailed of these maps, is the one from
which we give the annexed reduction of that portion immediately under
consideration. It is a large chart of the world, on a plane scale, on
vellum, 8 feet 2 inches by 3 feet 10 inches, highly ornamented, with
figures, etc., and with the names in French. At the upper corner, on the
left hand, is a shield of the arms of France, with the collar of St.
Michael; and on the right, another shield of France and Dauphiny,
quarterly. It was probably executed in the time of Francis I of France,
for his son, the Dauphin, afterwards Henry II. This chart formerly
belonged to Edward Harley, Earl of Oxford, after whose death it was taken
away by one of his servants. It was subsequently purchased by Sir Joseph
Banks, Bart., and presented by him to the British Museum in 1790."

(*Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia, Introduction. Page xxvii. A
reduced copy of the Dauphin map is given, facing same page.)

It may not be out of place to state here that Edward Harley was one of
the principal Lords of the Admiralty, and that he was instrumental in
sending Dampier out to Australia.*

(*Footnote. See W. Dampier by W. Clark Russell. London, Macmillan & Co.

The strongest evidence of discovery as yet brought to light is shown in
the drafting of these old charts of Australia. Unfortunately, as we have
said, they are all mere copies, more or less altered in outline and
corrupted in nomenclature, from a prototype which has not yet been found.

But, if the internal evidence of these old charts clearly shows the
original or originals to have been Portuguese and Spanish, one point of
the question will be settled, and the Portuguese and Spanish will
undoubtedly be entitled to the claim and honour of having discovered

As to the question of date, that is of less importance, and can be fixed
approximately, for the discovery must have taken place at some period
between the arrival of the Portuguese and Spaniards in these seas and the
drafting of the earliest known chart, that is between 1511 and 1542.*

(*Footnote. See below. John Rotz' charts 1542.)

But after all, until the very date of the expedition which resulted in
the first discovery can be ascertained, the question of the nationality
of the first discoverers is a much more interesting one. Having no other
documentary evidence except these old charts, the first conclusion drawn
was, that as they are all written in French, the French, although no
claim was made by them, were the discoverers.

The late R.H. Major, having thoroughly considered the possibility of a
French claim, came to the conclusion that such a claim is untenable.
Being somewhat shaken however in his first belief of a Portuguese
discovery, he was led to adopt a Provencal theory to explain certain
words on these old Gallicized charts which were neither Portuguese nor
French. The whole question was in this state of incertitude when, a few
years ago, having occasion to examine minutely these old documents, we
discovered on this particular one a phrase in Portuguese, which curiously
enough had escaped the notice of all those who had made a study of this
early specimen of cartography. This phrase, ANDA NE BARCHA (no boats go
here), situated as it is in the Gulf of Carpentaria, had in our mind a
very great significance, since it not only proves the Portuguese origin
of the chart but also the genuineness of the discovery made in that
locality, as it showed that the discoverers were fully aware of the
shallowness of the water off this part of the coast of Australia.

It must be admitted however that on the original chart the phrase anda ne
barcha may refer to the difficulty of navigating the strait between Java
and Bali or Lomboc.

When we say that this legend proves the Portuguese origin of the chart we
do not mean to convey the idea that we accepted it there and then as a
proof of Portuguese origin, but we took it as a clue, for the meaning of
these words had evidently not been understood by the copyist, since he
had left them in their original form instead of translating them into
French, and had mistaken them for the names of two islands. This clue led
us to make a special study of every word on the chart that had proved so
interesting, the result being that we came to the conclusion that the
western coasts of Australia had been charted by the Portuguese, whereas
the eastern coasts, which fell within the sphere allotted to the
Spaniards, had been discovered and charted by them.

If we take for granted that these charts are unquestionably of Portuguese
and Spanish origin the next point of importance that calls for our
attention relates to the peculiar configuration, or, to be more precise,
the strange distortion which all these charts have undergone. This
distortion is so great that one might fail to recognise Australia within
the coastline set down were it not for the general fitness of the terms
used as descriptive of this coastline, terms which have been handed down
to us, and some of which are recorded in the very maps we use every day.
Further we have the equally important fact that within the latitude and
longitude charted Australia does actually hold its place in the vast
ocean around.

We must make great allowance for the measurement of longitude as computed
in the days when Magalhaens was called upon to determine whether the
Moluccas fell within the Spanish or Portuguese territory, for after the
return of the remnant of his glorious but disastrous expedition the
matter was as unsettled as ever. Albeit the errors of these charts are
far more suggestive of deliberate distortion than of inaccurate charting.

A contemporaneous Spanish pilot, Juan Gaetan, who navigated the seas to
the north of Australia, reports that the Portuguese purposely distorted
and otherwise altered their charts: Che cautelosamente le portano false.*

(*Footnote. The passage is worth giving in full. It will be found in
Ramusio, Venetia 1563. Delle Navigationi et Viaggi, Primo Volume Fol. 377
B. Da malaccha nauigammo a Caniai con li lor nauilij, nelliquali ne
codussero, et essendo io Pilotto stato in tutte le nauigationi che si
fecero dipoi che vscimmo da Malaccho, conobbi tutte le lor carte, che
cautelosamente le portano false, & fuori delle altezze & parizzi veri, &
nauigano per certi derotteri, cioe pariggi, & libri che portano senza
tener posta alcuna longitudine in quelli, di maniera che si ristringe &
ritira la terra di Maluccho al capo di Buona speranza, al mio giudicio,
piu di cinquecento 50 leghe, secondo quello che io nauigai & considerat
in questa nauigatione; perche ordinariamente ogni giorno io pigliano la
mia altezza, et derotta, et ne tengo fatta vna carta, la quale, come
dico, e differente & discorde da quello che essi pongono la quatita
sopradetta, & quiui lascio molte altre particolarita che mi passorno in
questa andata, perche questo mi pare che solo faccia al capo principale,
et e cosa certa che li Portoghesi vedendo ch'io intendeua le cose della
lor nauigatione, procurono che io restassi con loro & mi offersero molti
partiti, liquali io non volsi accettare per venir a servire la Maesta

The Portuguese, who were the first to make discoveries in these seas,
must have been perfectly aware that the coasts they had charted lay more
to the east than shown in these maps, and if they placed them more to the
west it was in order to secure to themselves the lion's share, for their
line of demarcation, as fixed by Pope Alexander VI, did not extend much
beyond the east coast of Timor. They could not have believed that Timor
was situated to the east of the peninsula now known as York Peninsula,
and clearly shown in these charts, nor that there was not an open sea to
the south of Java, although the south coast of that island was not known
at the time.

When that memorable council was convened on the shores of the Guadiana, a
few years before these charts were made, to settle the dispute between
the Spanish and Portuguese, after the return of Magalhaens' expedition,
there may or may not have been collusion between both parties in
connection with a distortion of the original charts used in the council,
but both nations had something to gain by showing the sea-way blocked as
it is in these maps.

In confirmation of this theory a very significant passage occurs in the
Portuguese Asia of Barros (continued by Diego do Couto) relative to the
blocking of the sea-way which we allude to. Diego do Couto, writing about
1570, having described the fort in the Canal de Sunda, and referring to
the advisability of blocking the Straits of Malacca, says: "And it was
the opinion of our forefathers that if the king (king of Portugal)
possessed three fortresses, one in this situation (Strait of Sunda), one
on Acheen Head, and one on the coast of Pegu, the navigation of the East
could in a manner be LOCKED BY THOSE KEYS, and the king would be lord of
all its riches; and they gave many reasons in support of their opinions

Now these fortresses in the Straits of Sunda and Malacca would have been
ineffectual unless some means were also adopted of blocking the passage
to the south of Java. Fortresses and cannon were of no avail here, the
passage was too wide, but, by connecting the south coast of Java with
Australia, and the surveyed coastline of Australia with an imaginary
continent extending to and around the South Pole, the question was
solved, the respective possessions of Portugal and Spain defined, and
further discoveries by other nations discouraged.

To effect this connection of the surveyed coasts with the imaginary
continent certain fictitious coastlines were laid down, and a portion of
the north-west coast was left out, from Dampier's Archipelago to King
Sound, in order to compensate in a certain measure for the extreme
westing given to the western and north-western part of Jave la Grande,
which had been placed under Java.

That the Portuguese and Spanish knew of an open sea to the south of Java
is certain, since Sebastian del Cano, returning to Spain from Timor with
the last ship of Magalhaens' fleet, sailed through it. But the secret was
so well kept that seventy-eight years after Magalhaens' voyage Java and
Australia were still believed to be one and the same continent by certain
well-informed navigators, as will be seen from Linschoten's Discours of
Voyages into ye East and West Indies, London 1598, in which the following
description of Java Major occurs: "South, south-east, right over against
the last point or corner of the Isle of Sumatra, on the south side of the
equinoctial line, lyeth the island called Jaua Maior, or Great Java,
where there is a strait or narrow passage, called the Strait of Sunda, of
a place so called, lying not far from thence within the Isle of Java.
This island beginneth under 7 degrees on the south side, and runneth east
and by south 150 miles long; but touching the breadth it is not found,
because as yet it is not discovered, nor by the inhabitants themselves
well known. Some think it to be firme land and parcell of the countrie
called terra incognita, which being so should reach from that place to
the Cape de Bona Sperace; but as yet it is not certainly known, and
therefore it is accounted an island."

With regard to the distortion of the eastern coast of Australia we
confess to have been somewhat startled by the discovery that we
made--startled not so much at the proof of distortion we found, but
because this proof of distortion bore witness to a more accurate survey
of the eastern coast than could have been expected or even dreamt of.

It occurred to us that, in order to duly appreciate the displacement
occasioned by Cape York having been placed under the island of Sumbawa,
it would be well to establish a comparison by scaling the map we are
describing and setting down the continent of Australia in its true

Having marked the degrees of longitude and latitude in the modern style,
we were just going to begin drafting the eastern coast from Cape York
when we found the place already occupied by an island that bears the name
ye de Tnbanos? Strange to say, this island gave us the correct outline of
the portion of Cape York Peninsula that extends from Cairncross Island to
Cape Grenville, and thence to Cape Direction. Then, continuing our
coastline in a south-easterly direction, we came across another island in
the latitude of the tropic of Capricorn and extending thence to the 26th
degree of south latitude.

These islands also formed part, and occupied the exact site of, that
portion of the coast of Queensland that extends from Curtis Island to the
southern extremity of Great Sandy Island.

But these were not the only landmarks that had been left in their true
position. C. de Fremose, which seems to jut out in such an extraordinary
way on this chart, occupied the position of Cape St. George (Jervis Bay),
and the line of coast we were drafting had to follow the one on the
Dauphin chart from C. de Fremose to Gouffre (gulf), where we found Corner
Inlet and Wilson's Promontory set down for us.

Then, turning north again, we found another group of islands occupying
the position of Cape Arnheim in the northern territory. These were set
down as ye de Alioter; or Aliofer.

Now, could it be through mere coincidence that these fictitious islands
and stretches of coast were set down and actually occupied such portions
of our coast, with such extraordinary accuracy, not only as to
configuration, but also as to longitude and latitude? It does not seem


The illuminations form a conspicuous feature in these old maps, and lend
a great charm to such productions of a bygone age; it would be a useless
task however to seek in these quaint devices a strict pourtrayal of the
scenes appertaining to the countries they are supposed to illustrate; to
do so would be to forget their chief purpose--the decorative. But,
allowing for the liberty usually granted to the artist and often exacted
by him, the scenes depicted are not borrowed from the realms of Idealism
to the extent that has been supposed by certain commentators. The
kangaroo is not represented; no, nor the gum-tree either, perhaps? But
that clump of bamboos on the top of the hill is not a volcano in full
eruption, as a learned critic ventured to assert. We see on these charts
fairly correct presentments of that animal seen for the first time by the
Spaniards in the straits to which Magalhaens gave his name, and thus
described by Pigafetta, who accompanied the first circumnavigators: "This
animal has the head and ears of a mule, the body of a camel, the legs of
a stag, and the tail of a horse, and like this animal it neighs."*

(*Footnote. The same author describes the Patagonians, an illustration of
which is given in its proper place, in the 1550 chart, under the heading
of Geants trouve par les Espaignals. Pigafetta says, speaking of one of
these giants: "This man likewise wore a sort of shoe, made of the same
skin." The Patagonians covered their feet with the skin of the guanaco;
it is on account of this shoe, which made their feet resemble somewhat
those of an animal, that the Spaniards called these people Patagones, and
their country was probably called Regia Patalis, and Patagonia, from
Pata, an animal's foot.)

The animal thus described by Pigafetto is the Guanaco (camelus huanacus),
and it is not astonishing to find it depicted on the continent of
Australia, for we know that this continent was supposed to be connected
with Tierra del Fuego. It is indeed described in certain old maps of the
post-Magellanic period as Regio Patalis,* which Latin appellation may
correspond to the Spanish Tierra Patagonia, as Terra Australis
corresponds to Tierra Australia.

(*Footnote. See above.)

Now this brings us to the subject of the name given to Australia, on this
and other early charts of this type. In the chart we are describing
Australia is called Jave la Grande. La Grande Jave would have been the
French construction, but this term--Jave la Grande--is merely the
translation of Java Maior, the Portuguese for Marco Polo's Java Major.

Marco Polo described Java, from hearsay, as being the largest island in
the world, and, the Portuguese finding this to be incorrect, as far as
their knowledge of Java went, but finding nevertheless this "largest
island in the world" to the south-east of Java, in fact, approximately in
the longitude and latitude described by Marco Polo, the Portuguese, we
say, did the best thing they could, both for Marco Polo's sake and their
own, when they marked it on their charts where it was said to be, and
with the name given to it by Polo, for he calls it Java Major to
distinguish it from Sumatra, which island he calls Java Minor.

The channel marked between Java and Australia is evidently a concession
due to the fact that a passage was known to exist. This channel, which is
left white in the chart we are describing, is painted over in the 1550
specimen, as if it were blocked, and two men are represented with pick
and shovel as if in the act of cutting it open. It is curious to notice
how in both maps the upper silhouette of the landscape in this part
defines the real south shore of Java. The Australian Alps, the range of
hills on the western and north-western coast, and the great sandy
interior of Australia, are also roughly sketched in.



The names on the Dauphin map will be found compared in the following list
with the nomenclature of other charts of the same class. Modern names are
given in the last column.



(*Footnote. As this work was going through the press, the following
additional information concerning this corrupted legend to which we have
already referred in connection with Francisco Rodriguez' Portolanos (see
page 114 et sequit) was kindly forwarded by Mr. C.H. Coote, the worthy
successor of the late R.H. Major of the British Museum. Mr. Coote's
reading of the legend on the original portolano is as follows: Agoada da
Joham lopiz dallvim elle descobrio da que ate Japara.--Watering place of
Joao Lopez Dalvim, he discovered from this (place understood) as far as
Japara. And Mr. Coote adds: "If you will turn to my friend W. de Gray
Birch's Commentaries of Alboquerque, volume 3 page 166, you will find
that Dalvim was captain of one of the vessels ordered by Alboquerque to
remain at Malacca under the orders of Fernao Perez Andrade during the
absence of Antonio D' Abreu's expedition to the Banda or Spice Islands,
1511/1512. Rodriguez we know served under D' Abreu as pilot during this
expedition. Upon his return he was probably transferred to Dalvim's ship
upon a surveying expedition along the north coast of Java; hence the
legend on chart 16 of the portolano. The copyist on the Dauphin chart of
1536, unaware that dalvim was a proper name and not a common term, makes
nonsense of the whole thing.)

CHAPTER 31. A.D. 1531 TO 1542.



Map of the World, by ORONTIUS FINAEUS (1531) Half of Southern Hemisphere.
(Reduced from Nordenskiold's Atlas.)


Mappemonde of Oronce Fine--1531--on our projection.


The first of the three maps that we shall examine briefly at the
beginning of this chapter is a very rare engraved map of the world by the
celebrated French astronomer and mathematician, Oronce Fine. The
projection is a double cordiform one, of which we reproduce from
Nordenskiold's atlas half of the hemisphere in which the TERRA AUSTRALIS
occurs. In order to show the interesting features of the northern
portions of many Australasian islands, and for the purposes of comparison
with older and later maps, we give also a more comprehensive sketch map
on our adopted projection.

Oronce Fine's information was borrowed from Lusitano-Spanish charts
through the intermedium no doubt of Schoner's maps and globes, for we
find on the Terra Australis recenter inventa, sed nondum plene cognita,
his Brasielie regio and Regio Patalis.

The Malay peninsula is left out, or, at least, Cambodia and French
Cochin-China is made to serve for it, as those regions are brought down
south to the equator. Sumatra (Samotra vel TAPROBANA) lies too far to the
west, Java (IAVA) is in its place. A kind of duplicate Java above it,
without any name, may have been originally an indication of the south
coast of Borneo, which appears above under the name of burney. To the
east of Iava an island occupying the position approximately of Sumbawa or
Timor bears the name Minor, which may have been intended for Java Minor,
or is a bad reading for Timor. It appears however to have given rise to
Sumbawa being called Java Minor, as we shall find it called in some later
maps. Gilolo (Gelolo vel Siloli*) is greatly exaggerated in size, and
appears to include in its area the island of Ceram, other islands of the
Banda Sea, and perhaps what was known of New Guinea.

(*Footnote. Mr. A.F. Calvert, in his book The Discovery of Australia
(between pages 18 and 19) gives a reproduction of the Australian half of
the southern hemisphere, in which Siloli appears under the name of Sylon.
The mistake however is ours. This is how it happened; through the
kindness of Mr. Delmar Morgan we received some time ago a
photo-lithograpic copy of the portion we refer to. The Royal Geographical
Society of Australasia wished to reproduce Mr. Delmar Morgan's
reproduction. Everyone knows how blurred these repeated reproductions
come out. In consequence we were asked to make a pen and ink facsimile of
Mr. Delmar Morgan's photo-litho. At the time we had not seen the northern
hemisphere of this map, the word read like Sylon, and as the island of
Ceram in that locality has often been written Seillan, Seylan, and Sylon
in old maps, we took it to be Sylon. When we saw the WHOLE MAP shortly
after we perceived our mistake at once, and also that the S of Siloli in
the original was a bad reading for G. Had our signature been left on the
reproduction of our map made by Mr. A.F. Calvert there would have been no
need for this explanation. We have corrected the mistake in the present


Schoner's Weimar Globe of 1533.

Schoner's Weimar Globe of 1533 is reproduced here on our projection from
Mr. Harrisse's Discovery of North America. When compared with the
preceding map it appears to have been copied from it. But we must
remember that Schoner's lost globe of 1523, based on the knowledge of
Magalhaens' voyage, contained, according to Schoner's own statements,
features similar to those of this 1533 globe of his; and also that
Schoner was the first geographer who joined America with Asia, and not
Oronce Fine. There is a notable difference between this globe and
Schoner's 1515 globe: In this one the islands, which in 1515 were placed
on the Tropic of Capricorn, are placed on the equator. Java Major and
Java Minor correspond to Java and Sumbawa, and bear the longitudinal
deformation to which we have already referred.* Gilolo (Siloli Gilolo) is
on the equator instead of above it. Magalhaens' Insulae Infortunatae are
placed on the Tropic of Capricorn in the longitude of the Tonga islands.
Timor is right out of its latitude to the north-west of Borneo, which
bears no name.

(*Footnote. See above.)


Gerard Mercator's double cordiform mappamundi of 1538.

Gerard Mercator's double cordiform mappamundi of 1538 is translated here
from the copperprint made by Lafreri and published in Rome in 1560. The
fictitious Australian continent of Schonerean maps is less prominent here
and bears no name. In this region appears for the first time, as far as
we have been able to ascertain, two islands which in latitude and
longitude correspond to some of the largest islands on the western coast
of Australia. These islands are named Los roccos insule.* Java is called
Jaua Maior; it assumes the correct latitudinal position of its early
cartography. Sumbawa, greatly exaggerated in size, is called Jaua Minor.
We notice the Terra alta high land of the Ribeiro maps. The Spice Islands
(Insulae Molucce) and the Ladrones of Magalhaens (Insule Latronum) are
placed to the south of the equator instead of north. The Insulae
Infortunatae, which in Schoner's globe of 1533 are placed in the
longitude of the Tonga Islands, are here situated 15 degrees to the east
of them, somewhere near Rarotonga.

(*Footnote. For further information with regard to these islands, we beg
to refer our readers to the Journal and Proceedings of the Royal
Geographical Society of Australia, Sydney, New South Wales 1891/1892,
Volume V, Point Cloates (Western Australia), and the bird called Rock or
Ruck, by Marco Polo. By George Collingridge, C.M.N.G.S.)



The year that witnessed the return from the Moluccas of the survivors of
Saavedra's expedition, 1536, witnessed also the sailing of another
expedition sent out from Acapulco by Cortes to discover in the same
waters. It consisted of two ships commanded by Hernando de Grijalva and
Fernando de Alvarado. The account of this voyage of discovery is very
vague, and the various writers on the subject do not entirely agree. It
appears certain however that many islands on the north coast of New
Guinea were visited, and one in particular called isla de los Crespos at
the entrance to Geelvink Bay, near which a bloody tragedy was enacted and
Grijalva murdered by his revolted crew. The expedition came to an end, a
few of the survivors reaching the Spice Islands in 1539. It is supposed
that the second in command, Fernando de Alvarado, returned to New Spain.

Most of the names given during the course of exploration are difficult to
localise. Besides the various place names mentioned by Galvano, Ostrich
Point is perhaps an interesting reminiscence of this untimely voyage. A
casoar would of course be called an ostrich, and here we have for the
first time a picturesque description of that Australasian bird. Galvano's
translator says: "There is heere a bird as bigge as a crane; he flieth
not, nor hath any wings wherewith to flee, he runneth on the ground like
a deere: of their small feathers they do make haire for their idols."



CHART NUMBER 1. Jean Roze's Chart of Australia, A.D. 1542.


Jean Roze's Chart Number 2. 1542.


Chart Number 2. Original projection.


These two maps of Jean Roze, portions of which we give here, are
described as Numbers 10 and 20 respectively in the following extract from
the Catalogue of Maps and Drawings in the British Museum.

"John Rotz, his book of Hydrography, so called, being an account of the
compass, elevation of the pole, latitude, sea coasts, etc., finely
painted. Anno 1542."

This book is dedicated by the author to King Henry VIII, and the diagrams
and maps have illuminated borders, and are otherwise ornamented in gold
and colours.

It is mentioned by Malte-Brun in his Histoire de la Geographie, who on
one point compares it with the additional Manuscript 5413, that is, the
one containing the Dauphin chart, and adds the following, which we have

"This curious and important manuscript is written in English, on vellum,
but the dedication is French. The author was perhaps one of those
Flamands who went over to England with Anne of Cleves in 1540. Besides a
calendar and some instructions on navigation there are several charts
executed with exactness and elegance, especially a planisphere, which
ends the collection. New Holland is drawn almost like in the charts of
the seventeenth century, before the voyage of Abel Tasman. It bears the
name of Land of Java. In comparing this work with the map of the world
spoken of above one is inclined to believe that the charts of Rotz are
the original ones, for they contain many Portuguese names, which in the
other are translated into French. In both the western coast of Borneo is
placed where it should be, with the names of Porto de Borneo and Paseos
de Borne. To the north of Borneo is to be seen Palaouan or Palawan; to
the east are the Moluccas. These details render inadmissible the opinion
of those who have pretended to see in the New Holland of these charts
only an erroneous repetition of the island of Borneo, named Grand Java by
Marco Polo. In the map of the world Borneo is in fact represented by an
oblong much too small, but this error is common to all the charts of the
same century. Mr. Coquebert-Montbret has seen a collection of charts that
belonged to a certain Jean Valard, of Dieppe, and which bears date 1552,
and the same information is found in them as in the two charts of the
British Museum."

Before proceeding to further describe these two charts we shall correct
some of the statements in the above description. We have received lately
from our learned friend, Dr. E.T. Hamy, a monograph bearing for title
Jean Roze, Hydrographe Dieppois du Milieu du seizieme siecle. This
pamphlet clearly sets forth the following facts:

1. John Rotz was a Frenchman, a native of Dieppe, his correct name being
Jean Roze or Rose.

2. He dedicated his atlas first to the King of France: Parce que ja lons
temps ayant le desir et affection de faire quelque oeuvre plaisante et
agreable an Roy de France quy adonc estoyt mon souverain et naturel
signeur Et apprez auoyr considre le monde estre assez Remply de cartes
marines selon la maniere vulgaire ie maduisay por le mieux de luy faire
et drecer vng liure contenant toutte lidrographie ou science marine Pour
ce quil seroyt plus vtille et proffitable et de plus grand esprit et plus
ayse et plus facile a manyer et regarder que ne seroyt vgne longue carte
marine de quatre ou cinq verges de long Parquoy (Sire) apprez auoyr mis
accord entre l'oppinion et le desir. Je commencay loeuure avec lentention
deuant proposee mays comme ja elle estoit ou peu s'en falloit (accomplie)
notre signeur quy de toutte choses veult disposer selon son plaisir la
voullu adrecer vgne aultre part auec milleure fortune que moy mesme
nesperoys comme jestime veu que telle en a este lordonnance divine...

3. Jean Roze went over to England in 1542, and,

4. his atlas was inspired from the Dieppese school of hydrography, the
first and leading school in France.

So that Jean Rose or Roze was not a Fleming, nor did he go over to
England with Anne of Cleves in 1540.

Moreover, his charts are not the original ones, for the legend ANDA NE
BARCHA and other Portuguese legends and place-names render that

Malte-Brun is wrong also when he states that Marco Polo named Borneo Java

(*Footnote. See above.)



The first and largest of Jean Roze's maps given here, Number 20 of the
catalogue of maps and drawings in the British Museum, is contained in a
chart of the Indian Ocean from Cape Comorin on the west to Aimoey Bay, in
China, on the east, and from 25 degrees north to 19 degrees south,
including Lytil Jaua, and only a small portion of the Australian
continent, which is cut off from east to west just below our modern Cape
Grafton on the east, and our modern King Sound on the west. In this chart
the south is placed at the top. We reproduce here all that is given of
Australia, with Java and portion of Sumatra. Java is called Lytil Jaua,
Australia bears no name, although in Roze's other map it is called The
Londe, or Lande, of Java.*

(*Footnote. Referring to these maps in his excellent work on the
Discovery of North America Mr. H. Harrisse says: "In the Lusitano-French
maps of the world which originated in the year 1542 with Dieppe
cosmographers such as Pierre Desceliers and his school, there is a
continental configuration which of late has greatly exercised the
historians of maritime discovery. South of the well-known island of Java,
and separated by a strait, these mappamundi exhibit an extensive
continent, stretching southward, and the north coast of which is dotted
with numerous designations of dangerous coasts, capes, rivers, and
landing places. That region, called therein Terre de Java la grande, or,
as John Rotz (Jean Roze) names it so far back as 1542, the Londe of Java,
in contradistinction to Lytil Java, stands, historically speaking,
relative to the Sunda archipelago, precisely in the same position as the
north-western continent in the Cantino chart stands as regards the West
Indies. No historian, no documents of the sixteenth century mention the
existence of such an Austral mainland. We also see it disappear from
subsequent maps until long afterwards, when the region looms up again,
but this time as an alleged discovery accomplished recently by Dutch

"That continental land, nevertheless, so far from being imaginary or an
invention of cartographers, was nothing else than Australia, now justly
considered by competent judges as having been discovered, visited, and
named by unknown Portuguese mariners--whose maps furnished the
cartographical data used in the Dieppe charts--sixty or seventy years
before the Dutch first sighted the shores of that extensive country." The
Discovery of North America, pages 96 to 97.

Mr. Harrisse adds the following note: Page 97 Note 4--The Sandwich
Islands and the Falkland Islands present other instances of the kind.
"That the Spaniards knew the Sandwich Islands a long time before COOK,
that they had a name for them, that they probably visited them
repeatedly, was proved by a map which Admiral ANSON found on board a
Spanish vessel, and on which those islands were laid down in their true
position." J.G. KOHL. Substance of a lecture delivered at the Smithsonian
Institution in General Appendix to the Report for 1856. Washington D.C.
4to. page 111.)

It is contrary to all precedent for Java to be called Lytil Java. This
name may have been suggested by a chart similar to the Dauphin chart,
that is, a chart bearing the name Java Maior or Jave la Grande, on the
Australian continent, for this name given to Australia would naturally
suggest Java Minor, Jave la Petite, or Lytil Java for the smaller of the
two islands. But such a name, as we have said, is without precedent in
the historical nomenclature of this part of the world. In other words, it
is an error.

Marco Polo, who was the first to use the terms Java Major and Java Minor,
applied the term Java Minor to Sumatra to distinguish it from "the
largest island in the world," which he called Java Major. A careful study
of mediaeval geographical literature and cartography will show that
whenever the term Java Minor, or Menor, is not applied to Sumatra, as it
should be according to Marco Polo's meaning, it indicates, according to
the various interpretations of divers historians and cartographers who
have written about these islands, the island of Bali, Lomboc, Madura or
Sumbawa--all islands smaller than Java, and having therefore an
appearance of claim to the term. The nomenclature of the portions of
coast shown north, east, and west, is as follows:

North coast--Lytil Jaua; and Fin de Jaua, end of Java. For other names on
this island we beg leave to refer the reader to the map published in the
Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of Australasia,
Sydney, New South Wales; volume v. 1891/1892.

In the Gulf of Carpentaria, or perhaps to the east of Java, and if so,
referring to the rapid tides between Java and Bali, Bali and Lomboc, we
find the legend ANDA NE BARCHA (no boats go here) of the Dauphin chart
corrupted to Au fane bacha. Erroneously it appears to refer to, and name,
two islands situated between York Peninsula and the east end of Java.
Those two nameless islands are probably charted for Bali and Lomboc,
since Sumbawa is there also to the east of them. Sumbawa however is
undistinguishable because forming the apex of York Peninsula, to which it
has been joined. With reference to Anda ne barcha, the elision of the
letter r in the word bacha indicated by the stroke above its position in
the word, and the fact of the same word being spelt in full, barcha, on
the Dauphin chart, proves beyond the slightest doubt two important
points: first, that these charts are not the originals; and second, that
they were copied from different originals, since the copyist in each case
set down mechanically the two correct forms of spelling the word boat or
ship, bacha and barcha, without knowing what it meant, as is evidenced by
his incorrect spelling of the first portion of the phrase in this chart,
and the incorrect spelling of most of the nomenclature in the Dauphin
chart. The nomenclature of the island of Sumbawa, which we have omitted
for want of space on our sketch, is as follows: From east to west,
gumape, cape bima, c: vatraar or ratraar, Sinbana, moro, and moda.

Which we interpret as follows: Gumape--modern Gunong Api, a small island
lying off the north-east coast of Sumbawa. It is important however
because it contains a volcano which forms one of the most remarkable
physical features of the Indian archipelago.

Cape bima--modern name, Bima--north-east coast of Sumbawa.

C: Vatraar, or ratraar--probably a bad reading for Aramaram in F.
Rodriguez' Portolano 1511/1512; or it may be a corruption of Masaram or
Massaram, another name for Bramble Cay, an island situated at the extreme
north end of Cape York.

Sinbana--the name of the island, the modern Sumbawa. It is written
Simbana in F. Rodriguez' Portolano, 1511/1512.

Moro, or Maro, may be intended for Maio, a small island at the entrance
of Salee Gulf, Sumbawa.

Moda (?)--a name on the north-western coast of Sumbawa. We have not been
able to identify it.

On the east coast, which is the coast of Queensland, one name only
occurs, not far distant from the spot where Cook was nearly wrecked in
the Endeavour. This name--coste dangerose--speaks for itself; it appears
along a coast lined with reefs, clearly shown on this map.

On the west coast appear the following names:

Ille de llame (?) may be a corruption of ilha llana--Low island, or Level

Illa or Ille da, an unfinished appellation.

Isle Mege or Nege (?)

abaie bressille, Brazil Bay.

terra en negade, a corruption of terra anegada, submerged land.

Abaie a besse (?)

Abaie de, an unfinished appellation.



Chart Number 2 is a reduced copy of portion of Jean Roze's outline map of
Southern Asia and Australia. As will appear from our sketch the
information to be obtained from this document as regards nomenclature is
meagre; one item however of great importance is that the west coast of
the Londe of Java terminates precisely in the latitude of Cape Lioness,
or Leeuwin of modern charts; this points to the discovery of Cape
Leeuwin. We have suggested elsewhere that the peculiar shape of the
Australian continent might have suggested the name Lioness. Since then we
have received a photographic copy of another of these old charts of the
Lusitano-Dieppese school, and we offer now another suggestion, quantum
valeat. Tigers and lions have been supposed to inhabit Australia, but on
the document we have lately received a lion, or lioness (we would not be
quite certain as to the artist's intention), is represented as having
taken up his or her abode in the latitude of Cape Leeuwin, where Jean
Roze's chart comes to an end.

Java is called The Lytil Jaua, and Australia The Londe, or Land of Jaua.
The outline of the Australian continent shows that it belongs to the same
class of maps as the Dauphin chart, although in the latter the
prolongation of coast from Cape Leeuwin to the South Pole constitutes a
notable difference that may have some meaning. It is obvious that Jean
Roze, in presenting this map to Henry VIII, had no intention or interest
in showing the sea-way blocked as it is in all the other maps of this

CHAPTER 32. A.D. 1540 TO 1545.



After the treaties of Segovia, Seville, and Zaragoza the King of Spain
renounced at last his claim to the Moluccas for the sum of 350,000
ducats. But this agreement did not interfere with other possessions of
the Spanish Crown, nor did it prevent it from making fresh conquests. The
Spanish Government continued therefore to send out their armadas to those
quarters that were on the confines of the Portuguese settlements; for
islands to which they lay claim, such as the Archipelago of St. Lazarus,
discovered by Magalhaens, afterwards called the Philippines in honour of
Philip II of Spain, invited their eager enterprise.

One of these maritime excursions belongs to our subject as it gave rise
to a further survey of Papua, and to the naming of that island as it is
now called New Guinea. We refer to the expedition of Ruiz Lopez de
Villalobos, which set sail from the port of Juan Gallego in New Spain, on
the 1st of November 1542, for the purpose of settling the colony now
known as the Philippines. The armada was composed of six ships and four
or five hundred soldiers, and as many Indians of the country, says
Galvano. On their way from the west coast of North America to the islands
discovered by Magalhaens they discovered many islands in the North
Pacific Ocean, among others the group of islands afterwards named by
Cook* the Sandwich Islands.

(*Footnote. See above.)

In 1543 one of the ships belonging to the fleet, the San Juan, commanded
by Bernardo de La Torre, with Gaspar Rico as pilot, made an unsuccessful
attempt to return to New Spain.

The Spaniards in their numerous efforts to reach New Spain from the great
Asiatic Archipelago had not yet found out the proper season nor latitude
to sail in, and through their want of knowledge concerning the
periodicity of the winds in those regions they met with many mishaps.

In Bernardo de La Torre's attempt many islands were discovered; but,
after sailing seven hundred leagues in their estimation, the wind
failing, they were compelled to return to the Philippine Islands.

The fleet had now reached the Moluccas, and in 1545 the San Juan was
despatched again. She was now commanded by Inigo Ortiz de Retez, Gaspar
Rico being still the pilot. They sailed from Tidor in the month of May,
and made extensive discoveries on the north coast of OS PAPUAS, or Papua.
One of the three great Papuan rivers, the river now called the AMBERNO,
was discovered. It received the name of St. Augustin River.* Formal
possession of the island was taken in the name of the King of Spain, and,

(*Footnote. See below, Hoeius' map 1640.)

Juan Gaetan, one of Villalobos' pilots, has written an account of this
expedition which is given in Ramusio's collection. We give here the
portion of it relating to New Guinea, because it corroborates Herrera's,
Galvano's, and other descriptions, and mentions the return of the little
ship San Juan to New Spain: Ramusio, fol. 377 F: ...essendo gia l'anno
1545, al principio di quello, & muto il parizzo, che noi altri per auanti
haueuamo fatto, & volse che si andasse per la parte di mezzodi, il
nauilio il qual seguitte la sua nauigatione, & secondo che dapoi da loro
sapemmo, navigarono cento leghe per quella altezza al leuante, &
trouarono la costa, & terra da mezzo grado, alla banda di mezzodi, &
andarono costeggiando & nauigando 650, leghe senza perder vista di
quella, quasi al leuante, & ponente, salvo che montarono sei in sette
gradi della banda di mezzodi, la qual terra trouarono tutta habitata da
negri, che vennero alla costa con freccie, & bastoni senza veleno a
fargli la guerra, & sono negri molto agili, & con li capelli corti, &
ritorti finalmente dopo molti trauagli, & fortune che hebbero, giunsero
nella nuoua Spagna, & diedero nuoua al Vice Re, di quanto per noi era
stato fatto, ma noi nola sapemmo se non dapoi.

With reference to the description of New Guinea natives given in the
passage above we may be allowed to correct a statement made lately by Mr.
Petherick, and endorsed by Mr. Delmar Morgan, two eminent writers on
Australasian maritime discovery. These writers appear to have taken
Gaetan's description as referring to Australian natives, if both of these
gentlemen did not indeed believe that the San Juan ran along the coast of
Queensland. This points to the necessity of referring to original
documents. Mr. Delmar Morgan says*: "The only allusion to one (a southern
continent) is that given by Ramusio from the account of the pilot Gaetan,
who heard that a small vessel, the San Juan, sailed 650 leagues (2,600
miles) without losing sight of land, running nearly east and west, and
that this land was found to be inhabited by naked black people with short
hair, who came to the coast carrying darts and clubs to make war, and
that they were very active. This, observes Mr. Petherick in an article
contributed to the Melbourne Review, is the earliest account we have of
the natives of Australia, and may be taken as a true picture of the
inhabitants of Queensland 250 years ago."

(*Footnote. Remarks on the Early Discovery of Australia by E. DELMAR
MORGAN, F.R.G.S., with maps, for the Geographical Congress at Berne.
London 1891 page 14.)

Had Mr. Petherick, and after him Mr. Delmar Morgan, only referred to
Ramusio's text, they would have noticed that the San Juan was ordered to
follow the equator--Volse che si andasse per la parte di mezzodi, which
she did, sighting land in 1/2 a degree south of the equator--
...trouarono la costa, & terra da mezzo grado, alla banda di mezzodi, and
following this land until they stood in six or seven degrees of south
latitude--salvo che montarono sei in sette gradi della banda di mezzodi,
In other words, they sighted New Guinea at its north-west extremity, or
Cape of Good Hope, and never lost sight of land till they reached Cape
King William or thereabouts, making the passage between New Britain and
New Guinea. Nor is the distance correctly translated, for 650 leagues do
not make 2,600 miles.

CHAPTER 33. A.D. 1544 TO 1569.




The Sebastian Cabot Mappamundi of 1544 is an engraved map drawn in one
ellipsis on the Bordone projection. The Australasian portion of it,
reproduced here from Jomard's Atlas, we have limited to 10 degrees south,
as there is no Australian continent represented. The East Indian
Archipelago follows the features of the Diego Ribeiro type of map,
inasmuch as the southern shores of most of the islands composing that
group are not defined; but the islands between Java and Flores, left out
in the Diego Ribeiro map of 1529, are set down in this one.

Jaua Maior applies to Java, and Jaua Minor seems to apply to the East
Indian Archipelago from Java to Flores. Sumbawa is indicated by the name

The interest of the map for us lies in the representation of a portion of
New Guinea, and an island bearing the name of Camabam.

Camabam appears to represent that portion of the north-west coast of New
Guinea situated below the McCluer Inlet, from Deri, Cape Peninsula, to
Adi Island, and which to the present day figures on the latest Admiralty
charts as a possible island.

Ysla de los hobres blancos, island of white men, in the same locality,
reminds one of a similar appellation given by Saavedra to some islands on
the north coast of New Guinea.

The Los roccos islands of G. Mercator's map of 1538 are set down on this
map, but in a different longitude and latitude. They are in 120 degrees
longitude, and between 15 and 20 degrees latitude, and do not appear
therefore in our sketch. They bear the name islas Rocos with the marginal
note Enestas islas Rocos ay aues de tal grandeza [segum dizen] y fuerza
que tomam un boy ylo traienuolando para comer, y mas dizen que tomam un
batel por grande que sea ylo leuantan en grande altura, y despues lo
dexan caer, y comense los hombres, y el Petrarcha semeiantemente lo dize
en su libro de prospera y aduersa fortuna. In these Roc Islands there are
birds of such a size (as some say) and strength, that they can carry away
an ox to eat it, and many say that they take a boat, no matter how big,
lift it to a great height, and then let it fall and eat the men, and
Petrarch says the same in his treatise on prosperity and adversity.

The fictitious Antarctic continent of earlier charts has been left out,
but an inscription in those regions reads thus: Terra vel mare
incognitum. Land or sea unknown, which is a very wise statement.




This is a large manuscript planisphere by Pierre Desceliers, a priest of
Arques, near Dieppe, who was a celebrated cosmographer and cartographer,
and the author of several maps of this type.

It bears the inscription Mappemonde peinte sur parchemin par ordre de
Henri II roi de France, and for this reason has sometimes been called the
Henri II map. Java bears the name of IAVA petite. The Australian
continent is called IAVA LA GRANDE. The west coast is prolonged further
south than in the Dauphin and Roze charts; the other Australian coastal
features of this map are almost similar to those described in maps of
this class. The island of Timor is larger than in the Dauphin chart, and
the island of Flores is placed latitudinally, as it ought to be, whereas
in the Dauphin chart it is placed longitudinally. For the nomenclature we
beg leave to refer the reader to the list given above chapter 30.




Pierre Desceliers' Chart of Australia, A.D. 1550.

This is another large manuscript planisphere, by the priest of Arques,
and it bears in bold characters the inscription: FAICTE A ARQVES PAR
PIERRES DESCELIERS PBRE: LAN: 1550. It is now in the British Museum. The
general features of the Australian continent are the same as those of the
maps of this class which we have already described. In the position of
the Abrolhos group on the western coast of Australia there is an island
on this map which bears the name arenes. This island is also set down on
the Dauphin map, on the Jean Roze reduced map, and on the Henri II map,
but on all of them it bears no name. Thus we have been unable to compare
the word arenes and fix its meaning by corroborative evidence. We do not
believe it to be a corruption of arenas sand, but rather of abrolhos, the
name it has preserved to this day. Other similar charts might solve the
mystery. The full nomenclature of this interesting document will be found
above chapter 30.

The Portuguese and Spanish origin of this chart is as apparent as in the
others we have described belonging to this class, although many of the
words that have not been translated into French have suffered greater
mutilation. At first sight the most remarkable feature is the display of
descriptive matter contained in cartouches spread here and there between
the illuminations, and which have perhaps blocked out Jave la Grande, or
some similar name, describing the vast locality occupied by these
cartouches, and the quaint figures with which this map is profusely
ornamented. However there may have been an intention in this, for all the
descriptions are extracts taken from Marco Polo's and Barthema's
writings, and Marco Polo's description of Java Major has been, no doubt
purposely, left out also. With reference to the term major we must
remember that the general belief of Marco Polo's informers, whether
Chinese, Malays, or Arabs, was that the present Java and Australia were
but one and the same large island, and Marco Polo called it Java Major,





We have had some difficulty in translating the nondescript old French
contained in the cartouches we have referred to, and still greater
difficulty in localising these descriptions, for the name of place above
each frame is not in every instance the right name according to the
description below it. The result of our researches is as follows: The
descriptive matter under the respective headings of Java and Sumatra is
taken from Marco Polo's description of Java Minor, i.e. Sumatra. Pego
refers to Pegu, Melasque to Malacca, Seilan to Ceylon, and Angania to the
Andaman Isles. As none of these descriptions refer to Australia we shall
only point out that, as the figures representing cannibalism and idolatry
are alluded to in the text contiguous to them, they have no connection
with Australia; the same may be said of the two elephants, which
evidently are meant to illustrate the text on the right hand side, namely
under the heading of Sumatra. The only illustrations which might be
supposed to appertain to Australia are those NOT ALLUDED TO IN THE FRENCH
TEXT, such as the representations of trees, rough* guniah-looking
dwellings, guanacos, and those strange huts on the western coast which
may have been inspired by some such freak of nature as was seen by
Dampier on the same coast some hundred and thirty odd years after these
charts were depicted. Dampier says: "There were several things like
haycocks standing in the savannah, which at a distance we thought were
houses, looking just like the Hottentots' houses at the Cape of Good
Hope; but we found them to be so many rocks." Dampier and his companions
may have mistaken some ant-hills for rocks. Peron describes some huge
dome-shaped ant-hills seen on this coast, and Captain Pelsart, in 1629,
also describes some ant-hills seen by him and his companions when in
search for water on this same coast in latitude 22 degrees south. In 1818
Allan Cunningham, when on the west coast of Australia, at the Bay of
Rest, took occasion to measure one of these gigantic ant-hills of that
coast. He found it to be eight feet in height and twenty-six in girth.
Pelsart's account runs thus: "On the 16th of June in the morning they
returned on shore in hopes of getting more water, but were disappointed;
and having no time to observe the country it gave them no great hopes of
better success, even if they had travelled farther within land, which
appeared a thirsty, barren plain, covered with ANT-HILLS, SO HIGH THAT

(*Footnote. Pigafetta, in describing the houses of the inhabitants of the
Ladrone islands, was no doubt responsible for the delineation of these
rough and ready sheds. He says: "Their houses are of wood, covered with
planks, over which leaves of their fig-trees (banana-trees), four feet in
length, are spread.")

Dampier in his second voyage to this coast in 1699, but more than one
hundred miles further south, describes again some of these evidently very
remarkable features of the western coast of Australia. He says: "Here are
a great many rocks in the large savannah we were in, which are five or
six feet high and round at top like a haycock, very remarkable; some red
and some white." But Flinders when on this coast actually came across
native huts similar to those depicted on P. Desceliers' chart of

As for the European buildings representing forts and castles, they are
mostly situated where we know them to have been, excepting of course
those two which are placed on York Peninsula.

The Portuguese legend Anda ne barcha has entirely lost its signification
on this map; it is altered to Autane bamcha, the only clue to the
transformation being that the second word still retains the initial small
b of barcha. Although, as we have remarked, the continent of Australia
bears no name (unless we reckon as such TERRE AUSTRALLE, which appears on
the imaginary part, prolonged towards the South Pole), the island of Java
bears a double name, JAVE, in large letters on the extreme border of the
Southern coast, and iaua in small, marked on the northernmost part.

Now this small name, iaua, occupying the true centre of what should be,
and probably was, the original shape given to Java, shows beyond doubt
that the south coast of Java has been deliberately extended further south
in order to block the passage between the south of Java and the north
coast of Australia; otherwise, had this been the original shape given to
Java, we might expect to see the name set down only once, in the centre
of the island. The term iaua is also older than Jave, which indicates
that the chart has been compiled from several sources.


Diego do Couto's hog.

In Diego do Couto's description of Java appears the following, which
tends to show that the Portuguese soon became aware of a more correct
shape for Java than that under which it appears in this and the other
charts of this class. Quoth Diego do Couto, writing about 1570: "The
figure* of the island of Java resembles a hog couched on its fore legs,
with its snout to the channel of Balabero, and its hind legs towards the
mouth of the Straits of Sunda, which is much frequented by our
ships...its length about 160 and its breadth about 70 leagues. The
southern coast (hog's back), is not frequented by us, and its bays and
ports are not known; but the northern coast (hog's belly) is much
frequented, and has many good ports."

(*Footnote. Placing the south at the top was a common practice among
cartographers at the time these charts were made.)

In the above description we have a more accurate idea of the proportion
of Java, and an explanation for that unnatural sleek curve representing
the south coast, because unexplored, and described by Couto as the HOG'S


In pursuance of their object to attain the Spice Islands from America to
the westward and make fresh discoveries the Spaniards continued to send
out expeditions whenever an opportunity offered.

Most Spanish writers agree in ascribing the voyage in which Mendana
discovered the Solomon Islands to the period in which Lopez Garcia de
Castro governed Peru, and Dalrymple,* quoting Figueroa, says of this
voyage: "They sailed from Callao the 10th January 1567, and reached the
coast of Mexico 22nd of January 1568. They ran from Callao with contrary
winds 1450 leagues, when they discovered a small island inhabited in 6
degrees 45 minutes south, which Mendana named Isla de Jesus. At 160
leagues from this island they fell in with a large ledge of rocks and
small islands within them in 6 degrees 15 minutes south, which were named
the Baxos de la Candaleria; they lay north-east and south-west, and might
be 15 leagues in circuit altogether. They saw another land, which they
named Santa Isabella, very populous; at 6 leagues to the south-east of a
port in it they found two small islands in 8 degrees south." Dalrymple
further says: "Figueroa then gives an account of the rest of the Solomon
Islands; the farthest south he mentions, except St Christoval, which has
a port in 11 degrees south, is a volcano named Segarga, 8 leagues in
circuit in 9 degrees 45 minutes south, beyond which is Guadalcanal.
Figueroa does not mention the latitude of Guadalcanal, nor does he give
any longitude of these islands. He says they stood in north from
Christoval into 3 degrees south, where they had signs of land, and
thought it was New Guinea."

(*Footnote. An historical collection of the several voyages and
discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, 1770/1771.)

According to modern Spanish geographers* Mendana left Callao on the 20th
November 1567; sighted an island fifty days after, which they called la
isla de Jesus, and, continuing their course in a south and south-westerly
direction, came to anchor in a port of the island of Santa Isabel,
belonging to the Solomon Group.

(*Footnote. Descubrimiento de la Oceania por los Espanoles. D. Ricardo
Beltran y Rozpide. Ateneo de Madrid 1892.)

This group was so called because the legends of the time reported that
from those islands were derived the gold and other treasures that served
for the decoration of King Solomon's temple.

At the island of Santa Isabel they built a brigantine, and Mendana sent
Pedro Ortega and the chief pilot, Hernan Gallego, with 12 sailors and 18
soldiers to discover the whole group; some of the principal islands
discovered and named being Buena Vista, Sesarga, Guadalcanar, San Jorge,
San Nicolas, etc. In the month of August they returned to America, where
they arrived in January 1569.

Other islands of the same archipelago were named as follows: Ramos o
Malaita, Galera, Florida, San Dimas, San German, Guadalupe, Arrecifes,
San Marcos, Treguada, Tres Marias, Santiago, San Urban, San Christobal o
Pauro, Santa Catalina o Aguari y Santa Ana o Itapa.

We subjoin the following extract from C.M. Woodford's valuable book, A
Naturalist Among the Head Hunters: A translation of portions of Gallego's
Journal, a copy of which is in the British Museum, describing many of the
events that took place during the voyage of the Spaniards, is given in
Dr. Guppy's book, The Solomon Islands. The original manuscript of
Catoira, a much fuller account of the voyages than that of Gallego, is in
the possession of Mr. W. Amherst Tyssen Amherst, M.P., and has never been
printed. During my last visit to the Solomons I was furnished with a
translation of this journal which enabled me to identify the places
visited by the Spaniards. I have taken photographs of some of the most
interesting localities, and made copious notes upon the journal. It will,
I hope, shortly be published."

The original manuscript in which Mendana's voyage in 1567 is narrated was
found in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, by Dr. E.T. Hamy, its title
being: Relacion breve de lo suscedido en el viaje que hizo Alvaro de
Mendana en la demanda de la Nueva Guinea, laqual ya estava descubierta
por Inigo Ortiz de Retez que fue con Villalobos de la tierra de Nueva
Espana, en el ano de 1541.

CHAPTER 34. A.D. 1569 TO 1580.



The Australian Regions in Mercator's Mappamundi of 1569.


Mercator's map of the world disregards previous cartographical
representations of Australia, and lays down a more or less fictitious
continent instead, which does not appear to be based on any definite
discovery or charting, but merely on a vague knowledge of the existence
of the Australian continent.

The nomenclature is taken chiefly from Marco Polo's writings, to which
however a false interpretation has been given, inasmuch as the islands in
the northern hemisphere mentioned by him have been placed in the southern
hemisphere on this mappamundi, and his Java Major is made to apply to

On the southern continental land, which occupies the site of Australia,
such names as Lucach, Beach, Maletur,* etc. may be seen, and a gulf which
looks something like the Gulf of Carpentaria is occupied by a couple of
islands named Petan and Jaua Minor.

(*Footnote. Maletur, through an oversight, has been omitted on our map;
it should occur under Beach thus: Maletur regnum in quo maxima est copia

Lucach and Maletur, in Polo's writings, belong to Asia. Beach* is a
corruption of Lucach. Petan has been identified as Bintang, and Java
Minor refers to Sumatra.

(*Footnote. With reference to Beach, Major says in Early Voyages to
Australia, page xvii.: "We have already explained from Marsden's notes
the reasonable rendering of the name of Lucach or Lochac. The name of
Beach, or rather Boeach, is another form of the same name, which crept
into the Basle edition of Marco Polo of 1532, and was blunderingly
repeated by the cartographers; while for Maletur we have the suggestion
of the Burgomaster Witsen, in his Noord en Oost Tartarye, fol. 169, that
it is taken from Maleto, on the north side of the island of Timor, a
suggestion rendered null by the fact, apparently unknown to Witsen, that
Maletur, as already stated, was but a mis-spelling in the Basle edition
for Malaiur. The sea in which, on these early maps, this remarkable land
is made to lie, is called Mare Lantchidol, another perplexing piece of
mis-spelling upon which all the cartographers have likewise stumbled, and
which finds its explanation in the Malay words, Laut Kidol, or Chidol,
the South Sea." For another interpretation of Laut Kidol see also
Verhandelingen Betrekkelijk Het Zeewezen, volume 27 pages 165, 166.

In Prince Henry the Navigator, Appendix page 307, Major insists on the
blunder committed by the printer of the Basle edition of Marco Polo thus:
"In the Basle edition of Marco Polo in 1532 the printer unluckily altered
the L into a B, and the first c into an e, so that the word Locach became
Boeach. This was afterwards shortened into Beach, and the blunder was
repeated in books and on maps with so much confidence that we find it
even occurring on a semi-globe which adorns the monument of the learned
Sir Henry Savile in Merton College Chapel, Oxford; and strangely enough
it is the only geographical name thereon inscribed. As however some
editions of Marco Polo retained the word Locach, and others Beach, both
names came to be copied on to maps, and, the point of departure being
Java, the mapmakers, following the course indicated in Marco Polo, laid
these countries down as forming part of the great southern land which was
supposed to occupy the entire south part of the globe."

We are not quite sure that the printer of the Basle edition of Marco Polo
had no authority for altering the L of Lucach into a B, for the
alteration had already been made before the year 1532. It may be noticed
on the 1489 map of Bartholomew Columbus, where we read provintia bocaach.
See above.

On Martin Behaim's globe Lucach or Lochac is altered to Coachs.)

New Guinea forms an important feature in this famous mappamundi. It is
separated from the Australian continent by a narrow strait, although the
cartographer expresses his doubts as to its being thus
modo insula est, nam sitne insula an pars continentis Australis ignotu
adhuc est.

The inscription on New Guinea which contains the above remark reads thus:
Noua Guinea que ab Andrea Corsali Florentino videtur dici Terra de
piccinacoli. Forte Labadij insula est Ptolomeo, si modo insula est, nam
sitne insula an pars continentis australis ignoti adhuc est.

The information contained in that inscription is very faulty. Andrea
Corsali never saw New Guinea himself, but described it from hearsay.
Writing from Cochin China to the Duke of Medici on the 6th of January
1515 he says: Et nauigando verso le parti d' oriente, dicono esserui
terra de piccinacoli, & e di molti openione che questa terra vada a
tenere, & congiungersi per la Banda di Leuante & mezogiorno, con la costa
del Brezil o' verzino, perche per la grandezza di detta terra del Verzino
non si e per anchora da tutta le parti discoperta. And navigating towards
the east, they say there lies the land of Piccinacoli, and many believe
that this land is connected towards the east in the south with the coast
of Bresil, or Verzino,* because, on account of the size of this land of
Verzino, it is not as yet on all sides discovered.

(*Footnote. See above. Australia and Brasielie regio.)

Mercator, in attempting to rectify the cartography of his time, made it
worse in many respects, and certainly made great confusion of the Eastern
and Australasian portion of it. In endeavouring to rename the islands in
those regions he made use of Ptolemy's and Marco Polo's nomenclature, but
failed generally to understand or locate their descriptions. He was the
first cartographer, we believe, to alter Fra Mauro's Java to Japan, and
the Java* of Ptolemy, which had been set down in a duplicate manner under
the names Labadii** and Sabadibae he confounds with New Guinea, which he
splits up into four islands, naming the three smaller ones to the west
Cainam Sabadibe insule tres, and the large one to the east "is no doubt,"
he says, "Ptolemy's Labadij."

(*Footnote. There is a triplicate Java in Ptolemy's map bearing the name
Zaba. See above.)

(**Footnote. Labadii and Sabadibae are corrupted forms of Java Dwipa or
Jaoa diva of Sanscrit or Arabic origin.)

A strange thing happened, owing no doubt to Corsali's remarks, which cast
a doubt on the insularity of New Guinea,* and this is what happened.
Geographers, following Mercator's map, continued to represent New Guinea
as an island, and, notwithstanding, placed thereon an inscription to the
effect that it was not known whether it were an island or not.**
Mendana's discoveries to the east of New Guinea are not charted.

(*Footnote. New Guinea had been nearly circumnavigated before Mercator's
map was made. Coming from the north-west, Gomez de Sequeira (see
Appendix) had no doubt navigated the straits of Torres in 1525, and
Mendana in 1567 had reached the north-east end of New Guinea.)

(*Footnote. We think that Andrea Corsali's remarks give the clue to the
uncertainty which prevailed from that date until Captain Cook set the
matter at rest. On this subject, and referring to the chart in de
Brosses' work, Mr. G.B. Barton in History of New South Wales from the
Records, Volume 1 pages xxvii. and xxviii., says: "Looking at one of
these charts, we observe that there is nothing to indicate the existence
of the straits between the mainland and Van Diemen's Land; but the
passage now known as Torres Straits is distinctly shown, although in the
text the author repeatedly expresses a doubt whether the mainland touched
New Guinea or not.

"Why this doubt should have been expressed by de Brosses when the
position of the straits is shown so clearly in his charts is a question
not easily answered. The discovery of the fact that Torres had sailed
through the straits in 1606 is attributed to Dalrymple, who made it known
to the world in his Account of the Discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean
previous to 1764, published in 1767--a work which we may safely assume
had its place in the Endeavour's library. Flinders states in his
introduction that 'the existence of such a strait was generally unknown
until 1770, when it was again discovered and passed by our great
circumnavigator, Captain Cook.' In making this statement he seems to have
repeated a remark made in the introduction (page xvi.) to Cook's Third
Voyage, where the reader is told that 'though the great sagacity and
extensive reading of Mr. Dalrymple had discovered some traces of such a
passage having been found before, yet those traces were so obscure and so
little known in the present age that,' among other things, 'the President
de Brosses had not been able to satisfy himself about them.' But, unless
he had satisfied himself on the subject, why did he construct his maps of
New Holland and New Guinea in such a manner as to show the straits? This
is one of the many little puzzles connected with Australian geography of
the last century which deserves the attention of those who are interested
in it. The only answer to the question seems to be that de Brosses looked
upon New Holland as an island, probably considering that fact
established; but not having seen the Relation, written by Torres of his
passage through the straits, he thought that there was just room for a
doubt on the subject. Nothing was known about Tasman's second voyage in
his time.

"Dalrymple's Historical Collection of Voyages and Discoveries in the
South Pacific Ocean was another work of great authority at the time it
was published--1770. It contained a chart of the South Pacific, 'pointing
out the discoveries made therein previous to 1764,' which showed Torres'
track in 1606 through the straits. The work made its appearance too late
to form part of the Endeavour's library..."

But although Dalrymple's Historical Collection of Voyages, etc.,
mentioned above, appeared too late to form part of the Endeavour's
library, Captain Cook and Sir Joseph Banks were in possession of the
information contained in that work when they passed through Torres
Straits. This would appear from a letter written by Dalrymple to the
editor of Cook's Voyages. We do not know whether this letter has been
published in any English work, but it was published in 1774 in a
translation of Dalrymple's work by Mr. de Freville, entitled Voyages dans
le mer du Sud. From page 469 to 502 of that work there is a long letter
from Dalrymple to Hawkesworth, in which Dalrymple states that he gave to
Mr. Banks (since Sir Joseph Banks) a collection of the discoveries
attempted in the Pacific Ocean with a map of those discoveries drawn by
himself and which he published only after the return of Mr. de
Bougainville. Dalrymple also states that he had marked Torres' track on
his map from information contained in Arias' memorial, and that the track
thus marked determined the course of the Endeavour between New Guinea and
New Holland. Opinions, he says, were at first divided: Captain Cook. on
the authority of Mr. Pingre, pretended that Torres had sailed to the
north of New Guinea: Mr. Banks on the contrary maintained that he had
left New Guinea on his right hand side. The route marked on my map, says
Dalrymple, was at last unanimously adopted, etc., Il n'est pas moins
vrai, que la route de Torrez que j'avois dessinee sur ma carte d'apres le
memoire d' Arias, determina l'Endeavour a passer entre la Nouvelle
Hollande and la Nouvelle Guinee. Les opinions avoient d' abord ete
partagees; le Capitaine Cook, s'appuyant sur l'autorite de M. Pingre,
pretendoit que Torres avoit fait voile au Nord de la Nouvelle Guinee; M.
Banks soutenoit all contraire qu'il avoit laisse la Nouvelle Guinee a
droite. La route dessinee sur ma carte reunit enfin les suffrages. And
Dalrymple adds that his map was not compiled from conjectures, but from

The Australasian regions on Ortelius' mappamundi of the following year,
1570, are so similar to G. Mercator's in cartographical details and
nomenclature that we have not thought it necessary to reproduce here that
sample of cartography.

At the date we have now reached other European nations were on the eve of
contending with Portugal and Spain for the right to trade with distant
countries. The daring sea rovers of France and England first began the
conflict, to be followed afterwards by resolute Dutch sea captains and
merchants. "During the reign of Elizabeth," says an English historian,*
"that spirit of commercial enterprise which had been awakened under Mary
seemed to pervade and animate every description of men. For the extension
of trade and the discovery of unknown lands associations were formed,
companies were incorporated, expeditions were planned; and the prospect
of immense profit, which, though always anticipated, was seldom realised,
seduced many to sacrifice their whole fortunes, prevailed even on the
ministers, the nobility, and the Queen herself, to risk considerable sums
in these hazardous undertakings. The renowned Sir John Hawkins first
acquired celebrity by opening the trade in slaves. He made three voyages
to the coast of Africa; bartered articles of trifling value for numerous
lots of negroes; crossed the Atlantic to Hispaniola and the Spanish
settlement in America, and in exchange for his captives returned with
large quantities of hides, sugar, ginger, and pearls. This trade was
however illicit; and during his third voyage in the bay of St. Juan d'
Ulloa Hawkins was surprised by the arrival of the Spanish viceroy with a
fleet of twelve sail from Europe. The hostile squadrons viewed each other
with jealousy and distrust; a doubtful truce was terminated by a general
engagement; and in the end, though the Spaniards suffered severely,
Hawkins lost his fleet, his treasure, and the majority of his followers.
Out of six ships under his command two only escaped; and of these one
foundered at sea, the other, called the Judith, a barque of fifty tons,
commanded by Francis Drake, brought back the remnant of the adventurers
to Europe."

(*Footnote. Lingard's History of England volume vi. chap. vii.)

The English and Dutch opportunity for discovery on the coasts of
Australia began with the decline of Portuguese and Spanish supremacy. If
we trace the growth of maritime preponderance in Europe we shall see that
its results, so far as Australian maritime discovery is concerned, were
due to the natural consequences which forced the English and the Dutch to
invade the spheres of Portuguese and Spanish activity.

From Italy had come the first impulse which led to the re-discovery of
the New World; the great movement of maritime exploration was continued
by the Portuguese, the Spanish, and the French; and then began the
struggle of commercial enterprise and ambition in which England and
Holland had to join, owing to their geographical positions, or else
forsake their very nationality.

It was a question of life or death; the contest for supremacy was a long
one, and numerous were the naval combats between the rival Powers.

With Drake begins the rise of the naval fame of England; meanwhile the
power of Portugal and Spain began to decline. After the battle of Alcacer
Quibir in 1578, in which Don Sebastian was defeated and killed, and his
army utterly destroyed, Portugal never recovered from the blow. For sixty
years her throne became an appanage of Spain. Even when, in 1640,
Portugal threw off the yoke, and the Government was compelled to leave
Lisbon, and Portuguese India, and Brazil expelled the Spaniards, it was
too late for either Portugal or Spain to set forth any claim to
Australia, for the Dutch were by that time firmly planted in Java and
Amboyna, and Tasman's first expedition was on the eve of being sent out.
Before this time Spanish supremacy had also come to an end, and the very
same gale that Cavendish experienced when nearing the coast of England,
on his return from his voyage of circumnavigation, had already brought
ominous disaster on the famous Armada, and after the defeat of that great
Spanish fleet Spain gradually lost her hold on her zealously guarded

At this period the idea of colonization or even discovery did not
forcibly suggest itself to the English mind.*

(*Footnote. The earliest English references to the colonization of the
Great South Land appear in the shape of certain proposals made to the
British Government in the sixteenth century. The manuscript containing
these proposals, which is endorsed by Lord Burleigh, A Discovery of Lands
Beyond the Equinoctial, 1573, has been printed in the Hakluyt Society's
edition of Frobisher's Voyages, 1867 pages 4 to 8, and is entitled The
discoverie, traffique and enjoyeuge for the Queen's Majesty and her
subjects of all or anie landes, islands and countries southwards beyond
the aequinoctial, or when the pole antartik hathe anie elevation above
the horizon. and which lands, islandes and countries be not already
possessed or subdued by or to the use of any Christian prince in Europe
as by the charts and descriptions shall appere. Landsdowne Manuscript C.
folio 142 to 6.

There is also in the same work (The Three Voyages of Sir Martin
Frobisher) a very rough map and rather interesting description. The
delineation of the Australian continent, which is joined to the Antarctic
lands, is taken from the preceding Mercator type of map. The description
of the Terra Australis is as follows:

Terra Australis seemeth to be a great firme land, lying under and about
the South Pole, being in many places a fruitefull soyle, and is not yet
thoroughly discovered, but onlye seene and touched on the north edge
therof, by the travaile of the Portingals and Spaniards in their voyages
to their East and West Indies.

It is included almost by a paralell, passing at 40 degrees in south
latitude, yet in some places it reacheth into the sea with greate
promontories, even into the tropicke Capricornus. Onely these partes are
best knowen as over against Capo d' buona Speranza (where the Portingales
see popingayes commonly of a wonderfull greatnesse), and againe it is
knowen at the south side of the straight of Magellanus, and is called
Terra del Fuego.

It is thoughte this south lande, aboute the pole Antartike, is farre
bigger than the north land aboute the pole Artike, but whether it be so
or not we have no certaine knowledge, for we have no particular
description hereof, as we have of the lande under and aboute the north

Referring to the map and above description Mr. G.B. Barton, in the first
volume of the History of New South Wales, from the Records, says: "To
understand exactly what the old geographers had in their minds when they
wrote about Terra Australis we must go back at least three centuries,
when the theory of its existence was in high favour among them. What they
thought about it may be seen in the map of the world published with the
account of Frobisher's voyages in the year 1578, and the description of
the country given by the writer."


Map of the World, published with the account of Frobisher's Voyages,

Mr. Barton's observations, we must bear in mind, may apply to the old
[English] geographers; but certainly do not apply to more enlightened
continental geographers and sailors of the period, if we are to Judge
from the Carta Marina, o 'da Navigare, published some years before the
one which accompanies Frobisher's narrative. The sailing chart we refer
to was published with many of the numerous editions of Ptolemy, and may
for aught we know have been published even before the year 1574. The
facsimile we give here is taken from La Geografia di Clavdio Tolomeo
Alexandrino, published in Venice in 1574. The editor states that it is a
much reduced copy given only as a sample of the large charts used
generally by sailors.

The following is his description of this chart:

QUESTA Carta e la Generale, che usano i marinari. Et e qui fatta come
solamente per uno essempio, non perche in effeto cosi picciola ella fosse
comoda o buona d'adoperare, se non a chi pero fosse molto pratico del
mare in ciascuna sua parte & del modo d'adoperarla, che ogni picciola
aiuto, o segno, gli fosse assai. I marinari l'usano quanto piu grandi lor
sia possibile. Et hanno oltre alla generate o uniuersal, com 'e questa
piu altre Carte particolari Della qual carta, & del modo di usarla, se n'
e trattato distesamente nell' ultimo cap. dell' Espositioni uniuersali
sopra tutto il Libro di Tolomeo.

The reader will notice that in the Carta da Navigare the Tierra Del Fuego
is set down as an island, and is therefore unconnected with any South
Polar continent. He will also notice that, following the example set in
the year 1500, not only is the Australian continent purposely left out,
but also New Guinea, which was charted in the earlier maps of the period
we refer to.)


Orbis Descriptio. Carta Marina o da Navigare.

Drake's, Cavendish's, and many other voyages made by Englishmen during
Queen Elizabeth's reign were mere piratical expeditions, undertaken with
the more or less avowed object of plunder, and in pursuance of a well
matured set of schemes for "singeing the king of Spain's beard."
Otherwise both Drake and Cavendish stood as good a chance as the Dutch of
coming in contact with the coasts of Australia, and that fifteen years
before the arrival of the Dutch in Australasian waters. Drake, the first
sea captain to complete the circumnavigation of the world, had sailed
through the straits to the north-west of Australia on his way back to
England, and Cavendish, eight years after, in 1588, had also sailed
through the same straits, and anchored on the south coast of Java. Both
these navigators, when among the Spice Islands, had many offers made them
which, if accepted by England, would have made her sole mistress of all
the islands in the Indian Ocean to the north of Australia; but England's
hour had not come. There are in the narratives of Drake and Cavendish
several passages which we shall quote, on account of their interest, as
exemplifying the reception given to those early sea captains, and because
the place-names therein mentioned bear witness to the genuineness of
early Portuguese and Spanish discovery.


Sir Francis Drake.



DRAKE, having sailed through the Straits of Magalhaens with safety and
ease, and having discovered the falsehood of the traditional description,
according to which the passage was long and intricate, the shores dreary
and inhospitable, the weather always bleak and tempestuous, and the
danger of shipwreck continual, reached the Molucca Islands, also without
any great difficulty.

Then the narrative runs thus:

"Leaving this island the night after we fell in with it, on October 18
1579, we lighted upon divers others, some whereof made a great show of
inhabitants. We continued our course by the islands of Tagulanda, Zelon,
and Zewarra, being friends to the Portuguese, the first whereof hath
growing in it great store of cinnamon. On November 14 we fell in with the
islands of Molucca. Which day, at night (having directed our course to
run with Tidore), in casting along the island of Mutyr, belonging to the
king of Ternate, his deputy, or vice-king, seeing us at sea, came with
his canoe to us without all fear, and came aboard, and after some
conference with our General willed him in wise to run in with Ternate,
and not with Tidore, assuring him that the king would be glad of his
coming, and would be ready to do what he would require, for which purpose
he himself would be that night with the king, and tell him the news, with
whom if he once dealt we should find that as he was a king, so his word
should stand; adding further that if he went to Tidore before he came to
Ternate the king would have nothing to do with us, because he held the
Portugals as his enemy. Whereupon our General resolved to run with
Ternate, where the next morning early we came to anchor, at which time
our General sent a messenger to the king, with a velvet cloak for a
present and token of his coming to be in peace, and that he required
nothing but traffic and exchange of merchandise, whereof he had good
store in such things as he wanted.

"In the meantime the vice-king had been with the king according to his
promise, signifying unto him what good things he might receive from us by
traffic, whereby the king was moved with great liking towards us, and
sent to our General with special message that he should have what things
he needed and would require, with peace and friendship, and moreover that
he would yield himself and the right of his island to be at the pleasure
and commandment of so famous a prince as we served. In token whereof he
sent to our General a signet, and within short time after came in his own
person, with boats and canoes, to our ship, to bring her into a better
and safer road than she was in at that present. In the meantime our
General's messenger, being come to the court, was met by certain noble
personages with great solemnity and brought to the king, at whose hands
he was most friendly and graciously entertained.

"The king, purposing to come to our ship, sent before four great and
large canoes, in every one whereof were certain of his greatest statesmen
that were about him, attired in white lawn of cloth of Calicut, having
over their heads, from the one end of the canoe to the other, a covering
of their perfumed mats, borne up with a frame made of reeds* for the same
use, under which everyone did sit in his order according to his dignity,
to keep him from the heat of the sun, divers of whom being of good age
and gravity did make an ancient and fatherly show.

(*Footnote. Bamboos, evidently.)

"There were also divers young and comely men attired in white as were the
others; the rest were soldiers, which stood in comely order round about
on both sides, without whom sat the rowers, in certain galleries, which,
being three on a side all along the canoes, did lie off from the side
thereof three or four yards, one being orderly built lower than another,
in every of which galleries were the number of fourscore rowers. These
canoes were furnished with warlike munition, every man for the most part
having his sword and target, with his dagger, besides other weapons, as
lances, calivers, darts, bows and arrows; also every canoe had a small
cast base mounted, at the least, one full yard upon a stock set upright.
Thus coming near our ship, in order, they rowed about us one after
another, and, passing by, did their homage with great solemnity, the
great personages beginning with great gravity and fatherly countenance
signifying that the king had sent them to conduct our ship into a better
road. Soon after the king himself repaired, accompanied with six grave
and ancient persons, who did their obeisance with marvellous humility.
The king was a man of tall stature, and seemed to be much delighted with
the sound of our music, to whom, as also to his nobility, our General
gave presents, wherewith they were passing well contented...This island
is the chief of all the islands of Molucca, and the king hereof is king
of seventy islands besides. The king with his people are Moors in
religion, observing certain new moons with fastings; during which fast
they neither eat nor drink in the day, but in the night. After that our
gentlemen were returned, and that we had here by the favour of the king
received all necessary things that the place could yield us; our General
considering the great distances, and how far he was yet off from his
country, thought it not best here to linger the time any longer, but,
weighing his anchor, set out of the island and sailed to a certain little
island to the southward of Celebes, where we graved our ship and
continued there in that and other business twenty-six days. This island
is thoroughly grown with wood of a large and high growth, very straight
and without boughs, save only in the head or top, whose leaves are not
much differing from our broom in England. Amongst these trees night by
night through the whole land did show themselves an infinite swarm of
fiery worms flying in the air, whose bodies, being no bigger than our
common English flies, make such a show and light as if every twig or tree
had been a burning candle. In this place breedeth also wonderful store of
bats, as big as large hens; of crayfishes also here wanted no plenty, and
they of exceeding bigness, one whereof was sufficient for four hungry
stomachs at a dinner, being also very good and restoring meat, whereof we
had experience; and they dig themselves holes in the earth like coneys.

"When we had ended our business here we weighed and set sail to run for
the Moluccas; but, having at that time a bad wind, and being amongst the
islands, with much difficulty were covered to the northward of the island
of Celebes, where, by reason of contrary winds, not being able to
continue our course to run westwards, we were forced to alter the same to
the southward again, finding that course also to be very hard and
dangerous by reason of infinite shoals which lie off and among the
islands, whereof we had too much trial to the hazard and danger of our
ship and lives. For, of all other days, upon January 9 in the year 1580,
we ran suddenly upon a rock where we stuck fast from eight o'clock at
night till four o'clock in the afternoon the next day, being indeed out
of all hope to escape the danger; but our General, as he had always
hitherto showed himself courageous, and of a good confidence in the mercy
and protection of God, so now he continued in the same; and lest he
should seem to perish wilfully, both he and we did our best endeavour to
save ourselves, which it pleased God so to bless that in the end we
cleared ourselves most happily of the danger.

"We lightened our ship upon the rocks of three tons of cloves, eight
pieces of ordnance, and certain meal and beans, and then the wind (as it
were in a moment, by the special grace of God), changing from the
starboard to the larboard of the ship, we hoisted our sails, and the
happy gale drove our ship off the rock into the sea again, to the no
little comfort of all our hearts, for which we gave God such praise and
thanks as so great a benefit required.

"On February 8 following we fell in with the fruitful island of
Barateue,* having in the meantime suffered many dangers by winds and
shoals. The people of this island are comely in body and stature, and of
civil behaviour, just in dealing, and courteous to strangers, whereof we
had the experience sundry ways, they being most glad of our presence, and
were ready to relieve our wants in those things which their country did

(*Footnote. Bouton.)

"The men go naked, saving their head and privities, every man having
something or other hanging at their ears. The women are covered from the
middle down to the foot, wearing a great number of bracelets upon their
arms, for some had eight upon each arm, being made, some of bone, some of
horn, and some of brass, the lightest whereof by our estimation weighed
two ounces apiece. With this people linen cloth is good merchandise and
of good request, whereof they make rolls for their heads and girdles to
wear about them. Their island is both rich and fruitful--rich in gold,
silver, copper, and sulphur, wherein they seem skilful and expert, not
only to try the same, but in working it also artificially into any form
and fashion that pleaseth them.

"Their fruits be divers and plentiful, as nutmegs, ginger, long pepper,
lemons, cucumbers, cocoas, figs, sago, with divers other sorts; and among
all the rest we had one fruit, in bigness, form, and husk, like a bay
berry, hard of substance, and pleasing of taste, which being sodden
becometh soft, and is a most good and wholesome victual, whereof we took
reasonable store, as we did also of the other fruits and spices; so that,
to confess the truth, since the time that we first set out of our own
country of England we happened upon no place (Ternate only excepted)
wherein we found more comfort and better means of refreshing.

"At our departure from Barateue we set our course for Java Major, where
arriving we found great courtesy and honourable entertainment. This
island is governed by five kings, whom they call Rajas, as Raja Donan,
and Raja Mang Bange, and Raja Cabuccapollo, which live as having one
spirit and one mind. Of the five we had four a-shipboard at once, and two
or three often. They are wonderfully delighted in coloured clothes, as
red and green. The upper part of their bodies are naked, save their
heads, whereupon they wear a Turkish roll, as do the Moluccians. From the
middle downwards they wear a pintado of silk, trailing upon the ground,
in colours as they best like..."

Here there follows a description of bread made with rice..."Not long
before our departure they told us that not far off there were such great
ships as ours, wishing us to beware. Upon this our captain would stay no
longer. From Java Major we sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, which was
the first land, until we came to Sierra Leone upon the coast of Guinea.
Notwithstanding we ran hard aboard the Cape, finding the report of the
Portuguese to be most false, who affirm that it is the most dangerous
cape of the world, never without intolerable storms and present dangers
to travellers which come near the same. This cape is a most stately thing
and the fairest cape we saw in the whole circumference of the earth, and
we passed by it on June 18 1580. From thence we continued our course to
Sierra Leone, on the coast of Guinea, where we arrived on July 22, and
found necessary provisions, great store of elephants, oysters upon trees
of one kind, spawning and increasing infinitely, the oyster suffering no
bud to grow. We departed thence on the 24th day. We arrived in England on
November 3 1580, being the third year of our departure."

Drake's old ship, the Pelican, was named the Golden Hind after his voyage
round the world. She was long an object of veneration to the seamen of
Deptford. When she was broken up John Davis caused a chair to be made
from her timbers (see initial letter of this chapter, Illustration 25),
and presented it to the University of Oxford. This interesting relic is
still preserved in the Bodleian library. Cowley's fine lines, written
while sitting and drinking in it, are well known.

Great Relic! thou, too, in this port of ease,
Hast still one way of making voyages;
The breath of fame, like an auspicious gale
(The greater trade wind, which does never fail),
Shall drive thee round the world; and thou shalt run
As long around it as the sun.
The straits of time too narrow are for thee--
Launch forth into an undiscovered sea,
And steer the endless course of vast eternity.
Take for thy sail this verse, and for pilot me.

No sooner had Drake returned from his voyage of circumnavigation than
another project* was formed for establishing a company to trade beyond
the equinoctial line--Drake to be Governor for life. This project, in
Secretary Walsingham's handwriting, still exists in the Record office. It
eventually collapsed.

(*Footnote. An earlier project was prepared in 1573. See above footnote.)

CHAPTER 35. A.D. 1587 TO 1588.



Cavendish's Portrait.


The Australasian portion of Cavendish's narrative is as follows:

"On the 8th day of February, by eight of the clock in the morning, we
espied an island near Gilolo, called Batochina, which standeth in one
degree from the equinoctial line northward. On the 14th day of February
we fell in with eleven or twelve very small islands, lying very low and
flat, full of trees, and passed by some islands which be sunk and have
the dry sands lying in the main sea. These islands, near the Moluccas,
stand in three degrees and ten minutes to the southward of the line.

"On the 17th day one John Gameford, a cooper, died, which had been sick
of an old disease a long time. On the 20th day we fell in with certain
other islands, which had many small islands among them, standing four
degrees to the southward of the line. On the 21st day of February, being
Ash Wednesday, Captain Havers died of a most severe and pestilent ague,
which held him furiously some seven or eight days, to the no small grief
of our General and of all the rest of the company, who caused two
falchions and one saker to be shot off, with all the small shot in the
ship; who, after he was shrouded in a sheet and a prayer said, was heaved
overboard, with great lamentation of us all. Moreover, presently after
his death, myself, with divers others in the ship, fell marvellously
sick, and so continued in very great pain for the space of three weeks or
a month, by reason of the extreme heat and intemperateness of the

"On the 1st of March, having passed through the Straits of Java Minor and
Java Major, we came to an anchor under the south-west parts of Java
Major, where we espied certain of the people which were fishing by the
sea side, in a bay which was under the island. Then our General, taking
into the ship's boat certain of his company, and a negro which could
speak the Morisco tongue, which he had taken out of the Great St. Anna,
made towards those fishers, which, having espied our boat, ran on shore
into the wood for fear of our men; but our General caused his negro to
call unto them, who no sooner heard him call but presently one of them
came out to the shore side and made reply. Our General, by the negro,
enquired of him for fresh water, which they found, and caused the fisher
to go to the king and to certify him of a ship, that was come to have
traffic for victuals, and for diamonds, pearls, or any other jewels that
he had, for which he should have either gold or other merchandise in
exchange. The fisherman answered that we should have all manner of
victuals that we would request. Thus the boat came aboard again. Within a
while after we went about to furnish our ship thoroughly with wood and

"About the 8th of March two or three canoes came from the town unto us
with eggs, hens, fresh fish, oranges and limes; and brought word we
should have had victuals more plentifully but that they were so far to be
brought to us where we rode. Which, when our General heard, he weighed
anchor and stood in nearer for the town, and as we were under sail we met
with one of the king's canoes coming towards us, whereupon we shook the
ship in the wind and stayed for the canoe until it came aboard of us, and
stood into the bay which was hard by, and came to an anchor. In this
canoe was the king's secretary, who had on his head a piece of dyed linen
cloth, folded up like unto a Turk's turban; he was all naked saving about
the waist; his breast was carved with the broad arrow upon it; he went
barefooted; he had an interpreter with him, which was a Mestizo, that is,
half an Indian and half a Portugal, who could speak very good Portuguese.
This secretary signified unto our General that he had brought him an hog,
hens, eggs, fresh fish, sugar canes and wine (which wine was as strong as
any aqua vita and as clear as any rock water); he told him further that
he would bring victuals so sufficiently for him as he and his company
would request, and that within the space of four days. Our General used
him singularly well, banqueted him most royally with the choice of many
and sundry conserves, wines, both sweet and other, and caused his
musicians to make him music. This done, our General told him that he and
his company were Englishmen, and that we had been at China, and had had
traffic there with them, and that we were come thither to discover, and
purposed to go to Molucca. The people of Java told our General that there
were certain Portugals in the island which lay there as factors
continually to traffic with them, to buy negroes, cloves, pepper, sugar,
and many other commodities.

"This secretary of the king, with his interpreter, lay one night aboard
our ship. The same night, because they lay aboard in the evening at the
setting of the watch, our General commanded every man in the ship to
provide his arquebuse and his shot, and so, with shooting off forty or
fifty small shot and one saker, himself set the watch with them. This was
no small marvel unto these heathen people, who had not commonly seen any
ship so furnished with men and ordnance. The next morning we dismissed
the secretary and his interpreter with all humanity.

"On the fourth day after, which was the 12th of March, according to their
appointment, came the king's canoes; but the wind being somewhat scant
they could not get aboard that night, but put into a bay under the island
until the next day, and presently, after the break of day, there came to
the number of nine or ten of the king's canoes so deeply laden with
victuals as they could swim--with two great live oxen, half a score of
wonderful great and fat hogs, a number of hens (which were alive),
drakes, geese, eggs, plantains, sugar canes, sugar in plates, cocoa,
sweet oranges and sour, limes, great store of wine and aqua vitae, salt
to season victuals withal, and almost all manner of victuals else, with
divers of the king's officers which were there. Among all the rest of the
people, in one of these canoes came two Portugals, which were of middle
stature, and men of marvellous proper personage. They were each of them
in a loose jerkin and hose, which came down from the waist to the ancle,
because of the use of the country, and partly because it was Lent, and a
time for doing of their penance (for they account it as a thing of great
dislike among these heathens to wear either hose or shoes on their feet).
They had on each of them a very fair and a white lawn shirt, with falling
bands on the same, very decently, only their bare legs excepted. These
Portugals were no small joy unto our General and all the rest of our
company, for we had not seen any Christian that was our friend of a year
and a half before. Our General used and entreated them singularly well
with banquets and music. They told us that they were no less glad to see
us than we to see them, and enquired of the state of their country, and
what was become of Don Antonio, their king, and whether he were living or
no, for that they had not of long time been in Portugal, and that the
Spaniards had always brought them word that he was dead. Then our General
satisfied them in every demand, assuring them that their king was alive,
and in England, and had honourable allowance of our Queen, and that there
was war between Spain and England, and that we were come under the King
of Portugal into the South Sea, and had warred upon the Spaniards there,
and had fired, spoiled, and sunk all the ships along the coast that we
could meet withal, to the number of eighteen or twenty sail. With this
report they were sufficiently satisfied.

"On the other side they declared unto us the state of the island of Java.
First, the plentifulness and great choice and store of victuals of all
sorts, and of all manner of fruits as before is set down. Then they
described the properties and nature of the people as followeth: The name
of the king of that part of the island was Raja Bolamboam, who was a man
had in great majesty and fear among them. The common people may not
bargain, sell, or exchange anything with any other nation without special
license from their king; and if any so do it is present death for him.
The king himself is a man of great years, and hath a hundred wives; his
son hath fifty. The custom of the country is that whensoever the king
doeth die they take the body so dead and burn it, and preserve the ashes
of him; and within five days next after, the wives of the said king so
dead, according to the custom and use of the country, everyone of them go
together to a place appointed, and the chief of the women, which was
nearest unto him in account, hath a ball in her hand, and throweth it
from her, and to the place where the ball resteth thither they go all,
and turn their faces to the eastward, and everyone, with a dagger in her
hand (which dagger they call a creese, and is as sharp as a razor), stab
themselves to the heart, and with their hands all do bebathe themselves
in their own blood, and falling grovelling on their faces so end their
days. This thing is as true as it seemeth to any hearer to be strange...

"After we had fully contented these Portugals and the people of Java
which brought us victuals in their canoes, they took their leave of us,
with promise of all good entertainment at our returns, and our General
gave them three great pieces of ordnance at their departure. Thus the
next day, being the 16th of March (1588), we set sail towards the Cape of
Good Hope, called by the Portuguese Cabo be Buena Esperanza, on the
southernmost coast of Africa."


Cavendish's track as it would appear on the Dauphin Chart.


Drake's and Cavendish's tracks, as shown on Jodocus Hondius' Map.

In the quaint narratives of Drake and Cavendish we see that the term Java
Major is restricted to Java, whereas in the oldest Australasian charts it
is extended to Australia. The island of Sumatra, which in old charts
bears the various names of Camatra, Samatra, Ciamotra, and Siamotra, is
called Java Minor, as in Marco Polo's descriptions; unless, which is
quite possible, the term Java Minor in Drake's and Cavendish's narratives
applies to some of the small islands to the east of Java. There are
several examples of this term being so applied about this time, tending
to show that it may have become customary. Then, according to both
Drake's and Cavendish's tracks, as given in Hondius' map, which we give
here,* these navigators appear to have passed either through the straits
of Bali, Lomboc, or Allas; but it is questionable whether these tracks
are correctly laid down, for Cavendish's narrative says: "We came to an
anchor under the south-west parts of Java Major, etc.," and in Hondius'
map there is no indication of this course.

(*Footnote. Dauphin chart and Hondius' map, Illustrations 12 and 24.)

Moreover Linschoten, a contemporary, says distinctly, when describing the
strait of Sunda: "Through this strait, or narrowe passage, Thomas
Candish, an Inglish Captaine, passed with his ship, as he came out of the
south parts (the Pacific Ocean) from Noua Spaigne."* Batochina in
Cavendish's narrative is another name about which there appears to be
some confusion, inasmuch as it originally described the island of Gilolo,
and is so used in the Dauphin chart (1530/1536).

(*Footnote. English translation.)

At the time of Cavendish's voyage it seems to apply to an island on the
east coast of Gilolo. Compare map with text. With reference to
Cavendish's track the following interesting piece of information, written
about ten years after, would go to prove that he landed on the south-east
coast of Java, instead of the south-west: Le 22 (Janvier 1597) on alla
mouiller sur la cote, environ, a une lieue nord-ouest quart a l'ouest de
la place assiegee. La un Gentilhomme se rendit a bord, & fit le recit de
l'etat du siege. Entr'autres choses il dit que le pere du Roi regnant
vivoit encore, & que c'etoit un homme fort vieux, qui s'etoit retire
assez avant dans l'Isle. Et comme ce pere avoit parle d'un vaisseau a peu
pres de la meme fabrique que ceux des Hollandais, qui avoit ete sur ces
memes cotes depuis dix ans, on presuma que ce vieux Roi pouvoit etre
celui dont Sir Thomas Candish fait la description dans son voyage, & dont
il dit qu'il avoit alors plus de cent cinquante ans.*

(*Footnote. Voyages de la Compagnie premier Voyage des Hollandais. Tome
II page 106.)

The Dutch were then (January 1597) in sight of Balambuam on the
south-east coast of Java, and Cavendish's Raja Bolamboam appears to be
the father of the king who was reigning at the time of their first

Another passage in the same work--Voyages de la Compagnie, Tome II page
110--would show that Drake made a stay on the south-west coast of Bali in
the bay of Padan. The passage runs thus: Cependant, le 9 du mois, le
Maurice entra dans une grande baie nommee Padan, ou les habitants de la
cote dirent a l'equipage, qu'il y avoit dix huit ans qu'il etoit aussi
venu la d'autres gens faits comme eux, qui ayant coupe une corde en cinq
ou six morceaux, l'avoient ensuite rejointe. On presuma que ce pouvoit
etre Sir Francois Drake.

CHAPTER 36. A.D. 1592 TO 1595.





Linschoten and Hootman, or Houtman, were the pioneers of Holland in the
East; both had been for some considerable time in the service of
Portugal. Linschoten, the son of a Frieslander, had lived for two years
in Lisbon, and afterwards, as one of the servants of the Archbishop of
Goa, he resided for thirteen years in India. During his sojourn in the
East he patiently collected all the information he could get about the
customs, trade, etc. of the countries in which he lived, and, from the
Portuguese, all the details concerning the voyage to India and the Spice
Islands. A book by him, published in Holland in 1595/1596, and
subsequently in London in 1598 (Discours of Voyages into ye East and West
Indies), bears all the appearance of being a translation from some
Portuguese manuscript or work; perhaps Barros' Treatise on Geography.*
The maps which accompany the text in Linschoten's work are of Portuguese
origin, as the nomenclature and notes thereon show, for they are in the
Portuguese language. Moreover the work concludes with a short history of
Portugal, a rather strange addendum to a Dutch or English publication of
the kind.

(*Footnote. Barros, the Portuguese historian, wrote a treatise on
geography in which most of the countries discovered by the Portuguese
were described; but it was never finished or published; it disappeared
mysteriously at his death.)

On his return to his native land Linschoten was well received by his
countrymen. We find him in 1594 accompanying Barentsz in that wild
attempt to reach India by the Polar Seas in order to take the Portuguese
and Spaniards in the rear. This route, tried also by Frobisher and other
English navigators, was abandoned after several disastrous and
ineffectual attempts.

"While they were in quest of this Northern Passage," says a Dutch
historian, "one CORNELIUS HOOTMAN, a HOLLANDER, happen'd to be in
PORTUGAL, and there satisfied his curiosity by a diligent enquiry into
the state of the EAST INDIES, and the course that one must steer in order
to come at it. He had frequent conferences upon this subject with the
PORTUGUESE, who gave notice of it to the Court.

"At that time all foreigners were strictly prohibited to make such
enquiries, and upon that score HOOTMAN was put in prison and ordered to
lie there till he paid a severe fine. In order to raise such a
considerable sum of money he addressed himself to the merchants of
AMSTERDAM, and gave 'em to know that if they would pay his fine he would
discover to them all that related to the EAST INDIES, and the PASSAGE
thither. Accordingly they granted his request, and he perform'd his

(*Footnote. Voyages de la Compagnie. English translation of first volume.

Prince Roland Bonaparte, an enthusiast in matters relating to Dutch
discoveries, points out* that Linschoten's and Houtman's knowledge of the
road to India was not alone conducive to the sending out of the first
Dutch fleets by way of the Cape of Good Hope, but that the Dutch had
premeditated their designs in the East.

(*Footnote. Les premiers Voyages des Neerlandais dans l'Insulinde, 1595 a
1602, Versailles 1884 page 4.)

Speaking of the former ideas according to which Linschoten, and
especially Houtman, were supposed to be the only promoters of Dutch
discovery in the East, Prince Roland Bonaparte says: "Documents published
more recently enable us to demonstrate that it is not so, and that these
voyages (the first voyages of the Dutch to Java) were the result of a
long premeditated plan, followed with much perseverance. For the Dutch,
preoccupied with those Indies, the products of which had been so often
carried by their ships from Spanish ports to other ports in Europe, tried
to collect all the documents that might guide them on the way to India.
These researches were difficult and dangerous, for the Spaniards and
Portuguese punished with death whomsoever would have sold maps to

"Nevertheless on April 17 1592 the publisher, Cornelius Claesz, of
Amsterdam, came and declared to the States-General that he had succeeded
in procuring, at his expense, by the instrumentality of the learned Peter
Plancius, twenty-five sea charts relative to India, China, and Africa. It
was the cosmographer, Bartolomeo de Lasso, chief of the navigation in
Spain, who had sent them to Plancius. The States-General gave orders to
have them printed; they gave orders at the same time to construct a large
chart of the world, that was to serve as a basis for future discoveries."

It is easy to see the importance of this communication, made six months
before the return of Linschoten. It is at this time that the merchants of
Amsterdam sent to Lisbon the two brothers Houtman to complete the
documents of Plancius, and if necessary to verify them. Linschoten, who
returned home in September 1595, added fresh information to that already
obtained. This shows that Houtman, far from being the promoter of the
expedition, was in reality only the agent of the merchants of Amsterdam.
Besides it is known now that he was only the COMMERCIAL CHIEF, and that
the fleet was commanded by the clever pilot Pieter Dircksz Keyser, who
died in the straits of Sunda.

Houtman's sole merit therefore consists in having returned alive; and, as
the dead are soon forgotten, it is he that history points out as having
conducted the first Dutch fleet to the Indies.

The first expedition consisted of four ships, all small craft
comparatively; these were, the Mauritius of 400 tons, carrying 6 large
and 14 small guns, 4 large and 8 small bombards, and a crew of 84 men.
The master was Jean Jansz Molenaar, and the supercargo Cornelius Houtman.
The second ship was named the Holland, with the same tonnage and armament
as the Mauritius. The master was Jean Dignumsz, the supercargo Gerard Van
Beuningen. The third ship, Amsterdam, of 200 tons, was manned by 59 men,
had 6 large and 10 small guns, 4 large and 6 small bombards. The master's
name was Jean Jacobsz Schellinger, and the supercargo's Rene Van Hel. The
fourth vessel was a small yacht named the Little Dove,* of 30 tons,
carrying 20 men, and having 2 large and 6 small guns, with 2 bombards.
The master was Simon Lambertsz Mau. The crews consisted therefore of a
total of 247 men.

(*Footnote. The vessel named here the Little Dove, Duyfken in Dutch, but
always erroneously spelt Duyfphen, or Duyfhen, by English writers, is the
identical vessel that sailed eleven years later into the Gulf of
Carpentaria and ran along the western shores of York Peninsula till a
point was reached in 14 1/2 degrees, which retains to this day the name
Keer Weer (Turnagain), given to it on early Dutch charts, which represent
this part of the coast of Queensland as a prolongation of the south coast
of New Guinea.)

On the 2nd of April 1595 those four ships left the Texel.

CHAPTER 37. A.D. 1595 TO 1605.



Whilst the Dutch were seeking to establish themselves in the East and
were actually on their way to Java the Spaniards, who had still a
lingering remembrance of the early explorations of their pioneers, sent
out Mendana (1595), with the object of founding a colony at the island of
San Christoval, one of the Solomon Group, previously discovered by him in
FIRMA, or continent, which formed such a conspicuous feature on the maps
of the time.

Mendana's fleet was composed of four vessels. His captain and chief pilot
was Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, the other officers were Lope de Vega, who
commanded the Santa Isabel, Felipe Corzo, who commanded the San Felipe,
and Alonzo de Leyva, who commanded the frigate Santa Catalina; the name
of Mendana's galleon was the San Jeronimo.

As it was intended to settle a colony on the Australian continent many
took their wives with them, and amongst these were Dona Isabel de
Barreto, Mendana's wife; and Dona Mariana de Castro, the wife of Lope de


Map of Solomon Islands, Santa Cruz and New Hebrides.

They set sail from Callao on the 9th of April 1595, and, after
discovering the Marquesas and the group afterwards called by Carteret
Queen Charlotte's Islands, they sighted land on September 7th, which
Mendana believed at first to be the Solomon Islands, of which he was in
search. They soon found out their mistake, and named the island Santa
Cruz. See chart of Solomon, Santa Cruz, and New Hebrides Islands,
Illustration 74.

Here an attempt at colonization was made, but what with the hostility of
the natives, sickness, and a mutinous spirit, the young colony did not
progress favourably. To make matters worse Mendana himself fell ill and
died; and the grand scheme which under favourable circumstances might
have resulted in the foundation of a Spanish-Australian Empire was
perforce abandoned for the while.

The remnant of this disastrous expedition, having repaired to the
Philippine Islands, returned to New Spain in 1596.

De Quiros however never abandoned the project of discovery. His belief in
the existence of a southern continent, a belief which, as he says, HAD
GROWN UP WITH HIM FROM THE CRADLE, must have acquired considerable force,
since it led him to persist in his determination to discover and settle
that Australian continent, notwithstanding the almost unparalleled
disasters of Mendana's last expedition and the opposition he subsequently
met with from the court of Spain.

The earliest map on which Mendana's Solomon Islands were charted appears
to be the one published at Francfort by De Bry in 1596, the very year in
which the remnant of Mendana's expedition reached the Philippine Islands.
It was published therefore without cognisance of the results of his
second voyage to those islands. The Solomon Islands, according to De
Bry's map, were confounded with the islands now known as New Britain and
New Ireland.


The Continent of Australia in Wytfliet's Map.

Wytfliet's map on the contrary, published one year later in 1597, places
some of the Solomon Islands too far south, two out of the three largest
islands of the group being placed on the tropic of Capricorn, which would
lead one to believe that Mendana's Solomon group comprised New Caledonia
and the New Hebrides as well as the group known to us as the Solomon
Islands. The strait between Nova Guinea and Terra Australis is also
placed in the longitude of the most southerly of the Solomon Islands;
which is correct according to the actual position of those islands as
determined by modern identification and survey.

Other islands of the group, such as Nombre de Iesus, Isola Atreguada,
Matalota, Isabel, Arracifes, are in their true latitude. I de los
Crespos, I. d. los Martires, la Barbude, La Casimana, Los Volcanes, and
other names on the north coast of New Guinea belong to an earlier

The eastern and western coasts of Australia are roughly indicated, and
also the Gulf of Carpentaria. All the names however, with the exception
of TERRA AUSTRALIS, are fictitious. They are the same as those which
occur on G. Mercator's map, i.e. Beach, Lucach, Maletur, etc., and have
not been given on our copy through want of space. Java and Sumbawa bear
respectively the names Iaua Maior and Sambaba. Wytfliet's work,
Descriptionis Ptolemaicae Augmentum, containing 200 printed pages and 19
maps handsomely engraved on copper, reached seven editions between 1597
and 1611. An English edition was published at Louvain in 1597, and a
passage occurs in it which is of very great importance because it bears
witness to a discovery of the Australian continent made before the
arrival of the Dutch in these seas. It is a known fact that the Dutch
appropriated to themselves Portuguese and Spanish documents and charts
which, when altered to serve their purpose, made them appear to be the
actual discoverers, whereas in reality the countries described in such
documents and charts had at the time never been visited by them. It is a
curious fact that in all the works--and they are legion--in which the
history of early Australian maritime discovery has been treated these
frauds have never been noticed. Thus we find, without any enquiry as to
its origin, the following often quoted passage we refer to:

"The Australis Terra is the most southern of all lands. It is separated
from New Guinea by a narrow strait. Its shores are hitherto but little
known since, after one voyage and another, that route has been deserted,
and seldom is the country visited unless when sailors are driven there by
storms. The Australis Terra begins at two or three degrees from the
equator, and is maintained by some to be of so great an extent that, if
it were thoroughly explored, it would be regarded as a fifth part of the


Linschoten's Map of Java.

The above passage has always been supposed to refer to Dutch voyages;
but, as in 1597 when it was published the Dutch had only sent out ONE
expedition, which expedition did not return till August 14 1597, it
cannot apply to Dutch voyages. What can be meant by "its shores are
hitherto but little known since, AFTER ONE VOYAGE AND ANOTHER that route
has been deserted?" It refers of course to some Portuguese or Spanish
voyages, and the Dutch were not speaking for themselves but simply
translating a Portuguese or Spanish text relating thereto. Linschoten's
work contains a somewhat similar passage derived from Portuguese sources
of information. It is as follows: "South-south-east, right over against
the last point or corner of the Isle of Sumatra, on the south side of the
equinoctial line, lyeth the island called Iaua Maior, or Great Java,
where there is a strait, or narrow passage, called the Strait of Sunda,
of a place so called lying not far from thence, within the isle of Java.
This island beginneth under seven degrees on the south side, and runneth
east and by south 150 miles long, but, touching the breadth, it is not
found, because as yet it is not discovered, nor by the inhabitants
themselves well known. Some think it to be firme land, and parcell of the
countrie called Terra incognita, which being so should reach from that
place to the Cape de Bona Sperace, but as yet it is not certainly known,
and therefore it is accounted an island." Linschoten's Discours of
Voyages into ye East and West Indies; London 1598. The same knowledge of
the existence of a vast continent immediately below Java was expressed in
Camoens' immortal poem long before the arrival of the Dutch in Java.

Olha a Sunda tao larga, que huma banda
Esconde para o sul difficultuoso.
Os. Lusiadas. Camoens.

Java behold, so large that one vast end
It covers towards the south tempestuous.
J.J. Aubertin's translation.

But Linschoten's information with reference to the BREADTH of Java was
much out of date in 1598, and a map of Java of Portuguese origin, which
he publishes in his book, contradicts his statement, for it shows an open
sea to the south of Java called the Laut Chidol by the Javanese, or South
Sea. On this map the term sea is repeated and Laut changed to Lant. Mare

The work of Linschoten (London 1598) to which we have had access did not
contain any map of the Terra Australis or Australia; possibly it had been
torn out. Speaking of the indications of Australia on Mercator's and
Ortelius' maps of the same period R.H. Major says: "In the map of Peter
Plancius, given in the English edition of the Voyages of Linschoten 1598,
similar indications of Australia occur, but leaving the question of the
insular character of New Guinea doubtful."

(*Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia page lxvii.)

There is a map said to be from Linschoten's work in A.E. Nordenskiold's
splendid facsimile Atlas, Number 61 page 97, bearing the following title:
Chart on Mercator's projection in: Navigatio ac Itinerarum Iohannis
Hugonis Linscotani. Hagae-Comitis 1599, and on page 96 of the same work,
under the date 1599: A map of Henricus Hondius in Navigatio ac Itinerarum
Johannis Linscotani...Hagae-Comitis 1599. The map, given by Nordenskiold
on page 97, is by H. Hondius as he says; but the date is wrong, and the
information therefore wrong, because we find a legend on that map written
across New Guinea as follows: Terra dos Papous a Iacobo le Maire dicta
Nova Guinea.

We need not attach much importance to what that legend seems to imply,
i.e. that Le Maire had discovered and named New Guinea, but we must bear
in mind that his voyage along the northern coast of that island was
performed in the year 1616, and therefore the map cannot belong to the
Latin edition of Linschoten's work published in 1599. Moreover the T'
LANDT VAN D'EENDRACHT said to have been discovered the same year (1616)
on the west coast of Australia is also set down on this chart.

The Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia, having made a long stay
at Madagascar, reached at last the south-west coast of Sumatra near the
island of ENGANO on the 1st of June 1596. Afterwards they sailed along
the north coast of Java, calling at various ports and reaching the island
of BALI in 1597. They set sail from Bali and the south coast of Java on
their homeward voyage by the Cape of Good Hope on the 26th of February,
reaching the Texel in Holland on the 14th of August 1597.

According to de Constantin* the second, third, and fourth expeditions of
the Dutch left Holland in 1598. The second expedition was composed of
eight ships, and sailed to Java by the Cape of Good Hope. The third was
composed of five vessels, or seven according to other accounts. They
sailed from Holland with the intention of reaching the South Sea by way
of Magalhaens' Strait; but this expedition, unlike Drake's and
Cavendish's, met with a most disastrous fate; of the seven ships under
command of Jacob Mahu, Simon de Cordes, and Sebald de Weerdt, only one,
that of Sebaldt de Weerdt, ever returned to Holland.

(*Footnote. Recueil des Voyages qui ont servi a l'etablissement et aux
progrez de la Compagnie des Indes Orientales formee dans les Provinces
Unies des Pais-Bas. Rouen 1725.)

The fourth expedition, composed of four ships, had an English pilot with
them who had been round the world with Cavendish. In 1599 Peter Both's
fleet of eight ships set sail, arriving at Bantam on the 6th of August
1600; and Van den Hagen's expedition, consisting of three vessels, set
sail also in 1599. In 1600 the English East Indian Company was formed,
and in 1602 the Dutch East India Company. This year Captain Lancaster
sailed from London, went to Achen, then to Bantam, where he settled a
factory, which was the first possession of the English in the East

There appears to be much incertitude with reference to the dates of
departure and to the number of ships which sailed from Holland to
Australasia at this period. We give below a list from a good authority,
Prince Roland Bonaparte.*

(*Footnote. Les premiers Voyages des Neerlandais dans l'Insulinde (1595 a
1602) Versailles 1884.)


During the first four or five years of the 17th century several new Dutch
companies were formed and fleet after fleet was sent out with marvellous

England and Holland, after having combined in 1588 to defeat the famous
Spanish Armada, began about this time those petty squabbles which
resulted in a succession of naval combats that for many years left the
claim of supremacy between them an undecided one.


Nicolai Belga's Globe 1603.

We have reached the year 1605, in the month of December of which de
Quiros, now the leader of another Spanish expedition, set sail from the
coast of Peru with the object of renewing the attempt at settlement in
the island of Santa Cruz, and from thence to search for the "deep and
spacious, populous and fertile continent towards the south," the "often
confirmed indications" of which had been given to him by the Indians of
the island of Taumaco.

In connection with de Quiros' expedition of discovery there are two
important items, to which we shall draw the attention of our readers
because they are not generally known, namely first That de Quiros was
only continuing the work of exploration begun by Mendana in 1567 to 1595;
second That the strait between Australia and New Guinea was known to the
Spanish, since it is marked on Wytfliet's map, dedicated in 1597 to the
King of Spain. These two items of intelligence, which appear in the next
chapter, have an important bearing on the often repeated statements that
have been made to the effect: first That de Quiros is the first navigator
who is known to have actually gone in search of a southern continent; and
second That Torres, his lieutenant, passed through the strait that bears
his name as by mere chance, not knowing beforehand that such a passage

In 1762 Admiral Cornish and General Draper reduced the Philippines and
bombarded and plundered Manila. A few years after that event, in 1764 or
1767, a copy of the memorial which forms the subject of the next chapter
appears to have been communicated to Dalrymple, for, with the help of
this memorial and other data mentioned by him,* he published in 1767 a
chart of New Guinea, indicating roughly the southern coast running in a
westerly direction from the Guadalcanal of the Solomon Islands,
inscribing thereunder the name TORRES.

(*Footnote. Hist. Coll. Volume 1 page 163; and the Biblioteca Oriental y
Occidental page 671. Hist. Coll. Volume 1 Introduction towards the end.)



(*Footnote. For the translation in extenso of this interesting document
(too lengthy to give here in full) we beg to refer our readers to Major's
Early Voyages to Australia. Major gives no date to this memorial. In the
collective volume in the British Museum which contains the original are
several memorials to the same king from the Fray Juan de Silva,
advocating the same cause on general religious and political grounds. Don
Juan de Silva was governor in the Spice Islands before 1611, in which
year he took from the Dutch the Fort of Sabongo in Gilolo. See Voyages de
la Compagnie Tome vii. page 250. Whether he is the author of the
memorials or not we however cannot say. George Collingridge.)


IT must be observed that, although the arguments we have hitherto
advanced refer to the entire southern, yet that which we now propose to
have explored, discovered, and evangelically subdued is that part of the
said hemisphere which lies in the Pacific Ocean, between the longitude of
the coast of Peru, as far as the Baia de San Felipe y Santiago,* and the
longitude which remains up to Bachan and Ternate,** in which longitude
the following most remarkable discoveries have already been made.

(*Footnote. New Hebrides.)

(**Footnote. In this passage it will be observed that the Spanish
proposed to colonise that portion of Australia that fell within their
sphere according to the Pope's grant, namely that portion lying between
the Baia de San Felipe y Santiago (New Hebrides) and Bachan and Ternate
in the Moluccas; in other words the territory now known as New South
Wales, Queensland, Victoria, and South Australia, including the Northern
Territory. George Collingridge.)


Map Shewing Centre of Mendana's Discoveries.

The adelantado Alvaro Mendana de Meyra first discovered New Guadalcanal,
which is a very large island very near New Guinea; and some have imagined
that what Mendana called New Guadalcanal was part of New Guinea; but this
is of no consequence whatever. New Guinea belongs also to the southern
hemisphere, and was discovered some time before; and almost all of it has
been since discovered on the outside [northern side]. IT IS A COUNTRY
ENCOMPASSED WITH WATER,* and, according to the greater number of those
who have seen it, it is seven hundred leagues in circuit; others make it
much more.

(*Footnote. We have italicised this important remark, which shows that
the Spanish had a knowledge of the insularity of New Guinea. George

We do not give a close calculation here because what has been said is
sufficient for the intention of this discourse. The rest will be said in

(*Footnote. We have italicised this passage which, if middle is to be
taken in its true sense, would show the sphere of Mendana's discoveries
to have extended as appears in the accompanying map. George

The adelantado Mendana afterwards discovered the archipelago of islands,
which he called the Islands of Solomon, whereof, great and small, he saw
thirty-three of very fine appearance, the middle of which was, according
to his account, in eleven degrees south latitude. After this he
discovered, in the year 1565,* the island of San Christobal, not far from
the said archipelago, the middle of which was in from seven to eight
degrees of south latitude.

(*Footnote. 1567 in Figueroa's account. See chapter 33.)

The island was one hundred and ten leagues in circuit. Subsequently, in
the year '95, the said adelantado sailed for the last time from Peru,
taking with him for his chief pilot the Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, with
the purpose of colonising the island of San Christobal and from thence
attempting the discovery of the southern terra firma. He shortly after
discovered, to the east of the said island of San Christobal, the island
of Santa Cruz, in ten degrees south latitude. The island was more than
one hundred leagues in circuit, very fertile and populous, as indeed
appeared all those islands which we have mentioned, and most of them of
very beautiful aspect. In this island of Santa Cruz the adelantado had
such great contentions with his soldiers that he had some of the chief of
them killed, because he understood that they intended to mutiny, and in a
few days after he died. Whereupon, as the admiral of the fleet had parted
company a short time before they had reached the said island, the whole
project was frustrated, and Pedro Fernandez de Quiros took Dona Isabel
Garreto, the wife of the adelantado, and the remainder of the fleet to

Some time afterwards Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, being at Valladolid, came
to this court to petition for the same discovery, and was dispatched to
the Viceroy of Peru, who was to supply him with all that was requisite.
He sailed from Lima in January of the year 1605* with three vessels, the
Capitana, the Almiranta, and one zabra, with Luis Vaez de Torres for his
admiral, in order to colonise the island of Santa Cruz, and to follow out
the intentions of the adelantado Mendana.

(*Footnote. 21st December 1605, according to Torres' account. George

After discovering in this voyage many islands and islets he put in at the
island of Taumaco, which is from eight to nine leagues in circuit, in ten
degrees south latitude, and about one thousand seven hundred leagues
distant from Lima, which is about eighty leagues to the eastward of the
island of Santa Cruz. The cacique, or chief of Taumaco, informed him, as
well as he could make himself understood, that if he sought the coast of
the great Terra Firma he would light upon it sooner by going to the south
than to the island of Santa Cruz; for in the south there were lands very
fertile and populous, and running down to a great depth towards the said
south. In consequence of which Pedro Fernandez de Quiros abandoned his
idea of going to colonise the island of Santa Cruz, and sailed southward
with a slight variation to the south-west, discovering many islands and
islets, which were very populous and of pleasing appearance, until in
fifteen degrees and twenty minutes south he discovered the land of the
Baia de San Felipe y Santiago, which, on the side that he first came
upon, ran from east to west. It appeared to be more than one hundred
leagues long; the country was very populous, and although the people were
dark they were very well favoured; there were also many plantations of
trees, and the temperature was so mild that they seemed to be in
Paradise; the air also was so healthy that in a few days after they
arrived all the men who were sick recovered. The land produced most
abundantly many kinds of very delicious fruits, as well as animals and
birds in great variety. The bay also was no less abundant in fish of
excellent flavour, and of all the kinds which are found on the coast of
the sea in Spain. The Indians ate for bread certain roots like the
batata, either roasted or boiled, which, when the Spaniards tasted, they
found them better eating and more sustaining than biscuit.

For certain reasons (they ought to have been very weighty) which hitherto
have not been ascertained with entire certainty, Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros left the Almiranta and the zabra in the said bay and himself
sailed with his ship, the Capitana, for Mexico, from whence he again came
to this court to advocate anew the colonization of that land, and was
again sent back to the viceroy of Peru, and died at Panama on his return
voyage to Lima. The Admiral (Luis Vaez de Torres) being left in the bay,
and most disconsolate for the loss of the Capitana, resolved, with the
consent of his companions, to continue the discovery. Being prevented by
stress of weather from making the circuit of the land of the Baia, to see
whether it were an island or mainland as they had imagined, and finding
himself in great straits in twenty-one degrees south, to which high
latitude he had persevered in sailing in about a south-westerly direction
from the fifteen or* twenty minutes south, in which lay the aforesaid
Baia, he put back to the north-west and north-east up to fourteen
degrees,** in which he sighted a very extensive coast, which he took for
may be understood to be comprehended New Guadalcanal and New Guinea).
Along the same coast he discovered a great diversity of islands. The
whole country was very fertile and populous; he continued his voyage on
to Bachan and Ternate, and from thence to Manila, which was the end of
this discovery...

(*Footnote. Or is evidently a misprint for 0 degrees. See above, 15
degrees 20 minutes south. George Collingridge.)

(**Footnote. Guadalcanal and St. Christoval of the Solomon group are
respectively to the north and south of the 10th parallel; the context
places the middle of the Islands of Solomon in the 11th parallel; so that
we must take fourteen degrees as a misprint. According to Torres the
latitude reached was 11 1/2 degrees south. George Collingridge.)

(***Footnote. It is from this sentence that Dalrymple observed the
passage of Torres through these dangerous straits, and consequently gave
to them the name of that navigator.)

CHAPTER 39. A.D. 1605 TO 1607.


(*Footnote. A translation, nearly literal, by Alexander Dalrymple, from a
Spanish manuscript copy in his possession.* First printed in Burney's
Discoveries in the South Sea. Part 2 page 467 4to. London 1806.

(*Footnote. The original letter is in the archives of Simancas.)


Map shewing Torres' Track from New Hebrides to Torres' Strait.


Being in this city of Manila, at the end of a year and a half of
navigation and making discovery of the lands and seas in the southern
parts; and seeing that the Royal Audience of Manila have not hitherto
thought proper to give me dispatches for completing the voyage as Your
Majesty commanded, and as I was in hopes of being the first to give
yourself a relation of the discovery, etc.; but being detained here, and
not knowing if, in this city of Manila, I shall receive my dispatches, I
have thought proper to send Your Majesty Fray Juan de Merlo, of the order
of San Francisco, one of the three religious who were on board with me,
who having been an eye-witness will give a full relation to Your Majesty.
The account from me is the following:

We sailed from Callao, in Peru, on December 21st 1605, with two ships and
a launch* under the command of Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, and I
for his almirante; and without losing company we stood west-south-west,
and went on this course 800 leagues.

(*Footnote. According to Gonzalez de Leza, the pilot of the expedition,
the name of Quiros' ship or galleon was the San Pedro y San Pablo.
Torres' ship was named the San Pedro; the launch, zabra, or patache was
named the Tres-Reyes, and was commanded by Pedro Bernal Cermeno. George

In latitude 26 degrees south it appeared proper to our commander not to
pass that latitude because of changes in the weather; on which account I
gave a declaration under my hand that it was not a thing obvious that we
ought to diminish our latitude, if the season would allow, till we got
beyond 30 degrees. My opinion had no effect; for from the said 26 degrees
south we decreased our latitude in a west-north-west course to 24 1/2
degrees south. In this situation we found a small low island, about two
leagues long, uninhabited, and without anchoring ground.

From hence we sailed west by north to 24 degrees south. In this situation
we found another island, uninhabited, and without anchorage. It was about
ten leagues in circumference. We named it San Valerio.

From hence we sailed west by north one day, and then west-north-west to
21 1/3 degrees south, where we found another small low island without
soundings, uninhabited, and divided into pIeces.

We passed on in the same course, and sailed twenty-five leagues. We found
four islands in a triangle, five or six leagues each, low, uninhabited,
and without soundings. We named them las Virgines (the Virgins). Here the
variation was north-easterly.

From hence we sailed north-west to 19 degrees south. In this situation we
saw a small island to the eastward, about three leagues distant. It
appeared like those we had passed. We named it Santa Polonia.

Diminishing our latitude from hence half a degree, we saw a low island
with a point to the south-east, full of palms; it is in 18 1/2 degrees
south. We arrived at it. It had no anchorage. We saw people on the beach.
The boats went to the shore, and when they reached it they could not land
on account of the great surf and rocks. The Indians called to them from
the land; two Spaniards swam ashore; these they received well, throwing
their arms upon the ground, and embraced them, and kissed them in the
face. On this friendship a chief among them came on board the Capitana to
converse, and an old woman, who were clothed, and other presents were
made to them; and they returned ashore presently, for they were in great
fear. In return for these good offices they sent a heap or locks of hair,
and some bad feathers, and some wrought pearl oyster shells--these were
all their valuables. They were a savage people, mulattoes, and corpulent;
the arms they use are lances, very long and thick. As we could not land
nor get anchoring ground we passed on, steering west-north-west.

We went in this direction from that island, getting sight of land. We
could not reach it from the first on account of the wind being contrary
and strong with much rain. It was all of it very low, so as in parts to
be overflowed.

From this place in 16 1/2 degrees south we stood north-west by north to
10 3/4 degrees south. In this situation we saw an island, which was
supposed to be that of San Bernado because it was in pieces; but it was
not San Bernado, from what we afterwards saw. We did not find anchoring
ground at it, though the boats went on shore to search for water, which
we were in want of, but could not find any; they only found some
cocoa-nut trees, though small. Our commander, seeing we wanted water,
agreed that we should go to the island Santa Cruz, where he had been with
the adelantado Alvaro de Mendana, saying we might there supply ourselves
with water and wood, and then he would determine what was most expedient
for Your Majesty's service. The crew of the Capitana at this time were
mutinous, designing to go directly to Manila. On this account he sent the
chief pilot a prisoner on board my ship, without doing anything further
to him or others, though I strongly importuned him to punish them, or
give me leave to punish them. But he did not choose to do it, from whence
succeeded what Your Majesty knows, since they made him turn from the
course [voyage], as will be mentioned, and he has probably said at Your
Majesty's court.

We sailed from the above island west by north and found nearly a point
easterly variation. We continued this course till in full 10 degrees
south latitude. In this situation we found a low island of five or six
leagues, overflowed, and without soundings; it was inhabited, the people
and arms like those we had left, but their vessels were different. They
came close to the ship, talking to us, and taking what we gave them,
begging more, and stealing what was hanging to the ship, throwing lances,
thinking we could not do them any arm. Seeing we could not anchor, on
account of the want we were in of water, our commander ordered me ashore
with two boats and fifty men. As soon as we came to the shore they
opposed my entrance, without any longer keeping peace, which obliged me
to skirmish with them. When we had done them some mischief three of them
came out to make peace with me, singing, with branches in their hands,
and one with a lighted torch, and on his knees. We received them well,
and embraced them, and then clothed them, for they were some of the
chiefs; and asking them for water they did not choose to show it me,
making signs as if they did not understand me. Keeping the three chiefs
with me I ordered the sergeant with twelve men to search for water, and
having fallen in with it the Indians came out on their flank and attacked
them, wounding one Spaniard. Seeing their treachery they were attacked
and defeated, without other harm whatever. The land being in my power, I
went over the town without finding anything but dried oysters and fish,
and many cocoanuts, with which the land was well provided. We found no
birds nor animals except little dogs. They have many covered embarcations
with which they are accustomed to navigate to other islands, with latine
sails made curiously of mats; and of the same cloth their women are
clothed with little shifts and petticoats, and the men only round their
waists and hips. From hence we put off with the boats loaded with water,
but by the great swell we were overset with much risk of our lives, and
so we were obliged to go on without getting water at this island. We
named it Matanza.

We sailed in this parallel thirty-two days. In all this route we had very
strong currents, and many drifts of wood and snakes, and many birds, all
of which were signs of land on both sides of us. We did not search for it
that we might not leave the latitude of the island of Santa Cruz, for we
always supposed ourselves near it; and with reason, if it had been where
the first voyage when it was discovered had represented; but it was much
further on, as by the account will be seen. So that about sixty leagues
before reaching it, and 1,940 from the city of Lima, we found a small
island of six leagues, very high, and all round it very good soundings;
and other small islands near it, under shelter of which the ships
anchored. I went with the two boats and fifty men to reconnoitre the
people of this island; and at the distance of a musket shot separate from
the island we found a town surrounded with a wall, with only one
entrance, without a gate. Being near with the two boats with an intention
of investing them, as they did not by signs choose peace, at length their
chief came into the water up to his neck, with a staff in his hand, and
without fear came directly to the boats; where he was very well received,
and by signs which we very well understood he told me that his people
were in great terror of the muskets, and therefore he entreated us not to
land, and said that they would bring water and wood if we gave them
vessels. I told him that it was necessary to remain five days on shore to
refresh. Seeing he could not do more with me he quieted his people, who
were very uneasy and turbulent, and so it happened that no hostility was
committed on either side. We went into the fort very safely; and, having
halted, I made them give up their arms, and made them bring from their
houses their effects, which were not of any value, and go with them to
the island to other towns. They thanked me very much; the chief always
continued with me. They then told me the name of the country. All came to
me to make peace, and the chiefs assisted me, making their people get
water and wood and carry it on board the ships. In this we spent six

The people of this island are of an agreeable conversation, understanding
us very well, desirous of learning our language and to teach us theirs.
They are great cruizers; they have much beard; they are great archers and
hurlers of darts; the vessels in which they sail are large, and can go a
great way. They informed us of more than forty islands, great and small,
all peopled, naming them by their names, and telling us that they were at
war with many of them. They also gave us intelligence of the island Santa
Cruz, and of what had happened when the adelantado was there.

The people of this island are of ordinary stature. They have amongst them
people white and red, some in colour like those of the Indies, others
woolly-headed blacks and mulattoes. Slavery is in use amongst them. Their
food is yams, fish, cocoanuts, and they have hogs and fowls.

This island is named Taomaco, and the name of the chief is Tomai. We
departed from thence with four Indians whom we took, at which they were
not much pleased; and as we here got wood and water there was no
necessity for us to go to the island Santa Cruz, which, as I have said,
is in this parallel sixty leagues further on.

So we sailed from hence, steering south-south-east, to 12 1/2 south
latitude, where we found an island like that of Taomaco, and with the
same kind of people, named Chucupia.* There is only one small anchoring
place; and, passing in the offing, a small canoe with only two men came
to me to make peace, and presented me some bark of a tree, which appeared
like a very fine handkerchief, four yards long and three palms wide; on
this I parted from them.

(*Footnote. Tucopia, to the north-east of the New Hebrides. George

From hence we steered south. We had a hard gale of wind from the north,
which obliged us to lie to for two days; at the end of that time it was
thought, as it was winter, that we could not exceed the latitude of 14
degrees south, in which we were, though my opinion was always directly
contrary, thinking we should search for the islands named by the Indians
of Taomaco. Wherefore, sailing from this place we steered west, and in
one day's sail we discovered a volcano, very high and large, above three
leagues in circuit, full of trees, and of black people with much beard.

To the westward, and in sight of this volcano, was an island, not very
high, and pleasant in appearance. There are few anchoring places, and
those very close to the shore; it was very full of black people. Here we
caught two in some canoes, whom we cloathed and gave them presents, and
the next day we put them ashore. In return for this they shot a flight of
arrows at a Spaniard, though in truth it was not in the same port, but
about a musket shot further on. They are however a people that never miss
an opportunity of doing mischief.

In sight of this island and around it are many islands, very high and
large, and to the southward one so large that we stood for it, naming the
island where our man was wounded Santa Maria.

Sailing thence to the southward towards the large island we discovered a
very large bay, well peopled, and very fertile in yams and fruits, hogs
and fowls. They are all black people and naked. They fight with bows,
darts, and clubs. They did not choose to have peace with us, though we
frequently spoke to them and made presents; and they never, with their
goodwill, let us set foot on shore.

This bay is very refreshing, and in it fall many and large rivers. It is
in 15 2/3 degrees south latitude, and in circuit it is twenty-five
leagues. We named it the bay de San Felipe y Santiago, and the land del
Espiritu Santo.

There we remained fifty days; we took possession in the name of Your
Majesty. From within this bay, and from the most sheltered part of it,
the Capitana departed at one hour past midnight, without any notice given
to us, and without making any signal. This happened the 11th of June. And
although the next morning we went out to seek for them, and made all
proper efforts, it was not possible for us to find them, for they did not
sail on the proper course, nor with good intention. So I was obliged to
return to the bay to see if by chance they had returned thither. And on
the same account we remained in this bay fifteen days, at the end of
which we took Your Majesty's orders and held a consultation with the
officers of the frigate. It was determined that we should fulfil them,
although contrary to the inclination of many, I may say of the greater
part; but my condition was different from that of Captain Pedro Fernandez
de Quiros.

At length we sailed from this bay, in conformity to the order, although
with intention to sail round this island, but the season and the strong
currents would not allow of this, although I ran along a great part of
it. In what I saw there are very large mountains. It has many ports,
though some of them are small. All of it is well watered with rivers. We
had at this time nothing but bread and water. It was the height of
winter, with sea, wind, and ill will [of his crew]. All this did not
prevent me from reaching the mentioned latitude,* which I passed one
degree, and would have gone farther if the weather had permitted, for the
ship was good. It was proper to act in this manner, for these are not
voyages performed every day, nor could Your Majesty otherwise be properly
informed. Going into the said latitude on a south-west course we had no
signs of land that way.

(*Footnote. The latitude which is here called the mentioned latitude, and
which is again spoken of a little further on, in an equally mysterious
way, as the said latitude, or, as the Spanish document has it, Todo esto
no fue poderoso a estorvarme que no llegase a la altura, de la qual pase
un grado...Entiendese yr haciendo esta derrota al altura, was no doubt
purposely kept secret, and refers evidently to a certain degree of
latitude which had been determined beforehand, and to which the
expedition intended to proceed. In Dr. Juan Luis Arias' memorial Torres
is said to have reached what is amusingly termed the "high latitude" of
21 degrees south. It is remarkable that this degree of latitude south
corresponds with the most correctly charted portion of the Australian
coast as given in the Dauphin chart (1530/1536), namely to that part in
the vicinity of the Cumberland islands, Port Denison, Repulse Bay, and
Broad Sound. Port Denison is one of the best ports on the eastern coast
of Australia, and escaped the notice of Australians till said to have
been discovered in 1859 by Captain Sinclair. Repulse Bay would correspond
better with the degree of latitude, and Broad Sound, a little to the
south, bears the name of Baia Perdita, Lost Bay, on the old chart
mentioned above. If Torres was really in search of one of these "lost
bays" or ports he was not far from reaching it, for his run in a
south-west direction from the New Hebrides must have brought him to a
point somewhere between New Caledonia and Broad Sound. See map showing
Torres' track from the New Hebrides to Torres Strait, Illustration 78. In
those days, when dead reckoning was the only means of ascertaining the
degrees of longitude, navigators were at a loss to determine the distance
they had run when they happened to fall in with currents, either
favourable or adverse. George Collingridge.)

From hence I stood back to the north-west to 11 1/2 degrees south
latitude; there we fell in with the beginning of New Guinea, the coast of
which runs west by north and east by south. I could not weather the east
point, so I coasted along to the westward on the south side.

All this land of New Guinea is peopled with Indians, not very white, and
naked except their waists, which are covered with a cloth made of the
bark of trees. and much painted. They fight with darts, targets, and some
stone clubs, which are made fine with plumage. Along the coast are many
islands and habitations. All the coast has many ports, very large, with
very large rivers, and many plains. Without these islands there runs a
reef of shoals, and between them [the shoals] and the mainland are the
islands. There is a channel within. In these ports I took possession for
Your Majesty.

We went along three hundred leagues of coast, as I have mentioned, and
diminished the latitude 2 1/2 degrees, which brought us into 9 degrees.
From hence we fell in with a bank of from three to nine fathoms, which
extends along the coast above 180 leagues. We went over it along the
coast to 7 1/2 degrees south latitude, and the end of it is in 5

(*Footnote. There is a mistake or miscalculation here, for the farthest
northing they could make, in the gulf they were in (Gulf of Papua), would
be in about 8 degrees north. George Collingridge.)

We could not go farther on for the many shoals and great currents, so we
were obliged to sail out south-west in that depth to 11 degrees south
latitude. There is all over it an archipelago of islands, without number,
by which we passed, and at the end of the eleventh degree the bank became
shoaler. Here were very large islands, and there appeared more to the
southward.* They were inhabited by black people, very corpulent, and
naked; their arms were lances, arrows, and clubs of stone ill-fashioned.
We caught in all this land twenty persons of different nations, that with
them we might be able to give a better account to Your Majesty. They give
much notice of other people, although as yet they do not make themselves
well understood.

(*Footnote. These are the large islands near Cape York. George

We went upon this bank for two months, at the end of which time we found
ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and in 5 degrees south latitude, and
ten leagues from the coast. And having gone 480 leagues, here the coast
goes to the north-east.*

(*Footnote. The only portion of the coast trending north-east in anything
like the latitude mentioned is from False Cape to Cape Kollf, along
Frederick Henry Island; this portion of the coast line is however in 7 or
8 degrees latitude south instead of 5 degrees. There is reason to believe
that this is nevertheless the portion of coast described as going
north-east, because, as we have seen above, the head of the gulf they had
previously visited (Gulf of Papua), the latitude of which corresponds to
this same degree of latitude south, is also said to be in 5 degrees
south, whereas it is in 8 degrees south. George Collingridge.)

I did not reach it for the bank became very shallow. So we stood to the
north, and in twenty-five fathoms to 4 degrees latitude, where we fell in
with a coast which likewise lay in a direction east and west. We did not
see the eastern termination, but from what we understood of it it joins
the other we had left on account of the bank, the sea being very smooth.
This land is peopled by blacks, different from all the others; they are
better adorned; they use arrows, darts, and large shields, and some
sticks of bamboo filled with lime, with which, by throwing it out, they
blind their enemies. Finally we stood to the west-north-west along the
coast, always finding this people, for we landed in many places; also in
it we took possession for Your Majesty. In this land also we found iron,
china bells, and other things, by which we knew we were near the Malucas;
and so we ran along this coast about 130 leagues, where it comes to a
termination fifty leagues before you reach the Malucas. There is an
infinity of islands to the southward, and very large, which for the want
of provisions we did not approach; for I doubt if in ten years could be
examined the coasts of all the islands we descried. We observed the
variation in all this land of New Guinea to the Moluccas; and in all of
it the variation agrees with the meridian of the Ladrone Islands and of
the Philippine Islands.

At the termination of this land we found Mahometans, who were cloathed,
and had firearms and swords. They sold us fowls, goats, fruit, and some
pepper, and biscuit which they call sagoe, which will keep more than
twenty years. The whole they sold us was but little, for they wanted
cloth, and we had not any; for all the things that had been given us for
traffic were carried away by the Capitana, even to tools and medicines,
and many other things which I do not mention as there is no help for it;
but without them God took care of us.

These Moors gave us news of the events at the Malucas,* and told us of
Dutch ships, though none of them came here, although they said that in
all this land there was much gold and other good things, such as pepper
and nutmegs.

(*Footnote. According to the Moors the Dutch had not then (end of October
1606) sent out their expedition of 1606.

The events of the Moluccas were of a stirring nature at that time.
Numerous Dutch and English vessels were establishing a trade with the
natives notwithstanding the opposition met with from the Portuguese and
Spanish. Captain Saris of Middleton's expedition was there taking notes
which may serve to throw some light on the first Dutch voyage to
Australia. (1606). The Little Sun, the Duyfken, and other yachts
belonging to the Dutch were in very active service, and the question
arises, did the Dutch learn of Torres' discoveries along the south coast
of New Guinea, and did they in consequence send out at once their
expedition of 1606 to that coast? See below.)

From hence to the Malucas it is all islands, and on the south side are
many uniting with those of Banda and Amboyna, where the Dutch carry on a
trade. We came to the islands of Bachian, which are the first Malucas,
where we found a Theatine* with about 100 Christians in the country of a
Mahometan king friendly to us, who begged me to subdue one of the Ternate
islands inhabited by revolted Mahometans, to whom Don Pedro de Acunha had
given pardon in Your Majesty's name, which I had maintained; and I sent
advice to the M. de Campo, Juan de Esquivel, who governed the islands of
Ternate, of my arrival, and demanded if it was expedient to give this
assistance to the king of Bachian, to which he [Juan de Esquivel]
answered that it would be of great service to Your Majesty if I brought
force for that purpose. On this, with forty Spaniards and 400 Moors of
the King of Bachian, I made war, and in only four days I defeated them
and took the fort, and put the king of Bachian in possession of it in
Your Majesty's name, to whom we administered the usual oaths, stipulating
with him that he should never go to war against Christians, and that he
should ever be a faithful vassal to Your Majesty. I did not find those
people of so intrepid a spirit as those we had left.

(*Footnote. A regular order of clergy established at Rome in 1524. George

It must be ascribed to the Almighty that in all these labours and
victories we lost only one Spaniard. I do not make a relation of them to
Your Majesty, for I hope to give it at large.

The king being put in possession, I departed for Ternate, which was
twelve leagues from this island, where Juan de Esquivel was, by whom I
was very well received; for he had great scarcity of people, and the
nations of Ternate were in rebellion, and assistance to him was very
unexpected in so roundabout a way.

In a few days afterwards arrived succour from Manila, which was much
desired, for half of the people left by Don Pedro de Acunha were no more,
and there was a scarcity of provisions, for, as I said, the nations of
the island were in rebellion; but by the prudence of the M. de Campo,
Juan de Esquivel, he went on putting the affairs of the island in good
order, although he was in want of money.

I left the Patache here and about twenty men, as it was expedient for the
service of Your Majesty. From thence I departed for the city of Manila,
where they gave me so bad a dispatch, as I have mentioned; and hitherto,
which is now two months, they have not given provisions to the crew; and
so I know not when I can sail from hence to give account to Your Majesty.

Whom may God preserve prosperous,

For Sovereign of the world,

Your Majesty's servant,


Done at Manila, July 12th 1607.

De Quiros' and Torres' expedition closes the period of Spanish activity;
it is true that De Quiros set sail again a few years later, still in
search of the Great Australian Continent, but he died at Panama on his
way out; and by the abandonment of the expedition the Dutch were allowed
to remain the sole masters of the situation.

CHAPTER 40. A.D. 1605 TO 1607.



We now enter upon the Dutch period of discovery, and in doing so we
acknowledge that we feel very diffident and ill at ease. This feeling on
our part is chiefly owing to our lack of knowledge of the Dutch language,
but is also due to scarcity of reliable data and to the knowledge of the
fact that Prince Roland Bonaparte, an authority on matters connected with
geographical research and a Dutch scholar, has undertaken the task of
preparing for the French press some important documents, said to have
been recently found, bearing on Dutch discovery in Australia. We do not
know whether the documents we refer to will throw any new light on the
much disputed and rather obscure claims of Dutch discovery, and we may
add that, to say the least, it is surprising to learn that, if the
anticipated light can be produced, it has taken all these years to bring
it forth:*

(*Footnote. It must be acknowledged however that those who should be the
most interested in matters connected with the early history of Australia
have shown hitherto but little interest in the subject. Over twelve
months ago now we were offered Tasman's original manuscript map of
Australia. We proposed the purchase of this valuable document at the time
by the New South Wales Government, then by the Free Public Library; our
proposition was not accepted, and subsequently Tasman's chart became the
property of Prince Roland Bonaparte.)

Thirty-five years ago, in 1859, R.H. Major, writing on this subject,
said*: "It is with pleasure that we indulge the hope that the veil which
has thus hung over these valuable materials is likely before very long to
be entirely removed. The archives of the Dutch East India Company, a yet
unsifted mass of thousands of volumes and myriads of loose papers, have a
short time since been handed over to the State Archives at the Hague,
where the greatest liberality is shown in allowing access to the
treasures they possess. Meanwhile the editor of the present volume need
hardly plead any excuse for not having attempted what no foreigner, be
his stay in Holland ever so long, could possibly accomplish; and he must
leave to those who will take up this matter after him the satisfaction of
availing themselves of materials the importance of which he knows, and
the want of which he deeply deplores."

(*Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia. Introduction page lxxiii.)

And further on*: "Of the discoveries made by the Dutch on the coasts of
Australia our ancestors of a hundred years ago, and even the Dutch
themselves, knew but little. That which was known was preserved in the
Relations de divers voyages curieux of Melchisedech Thevenot (Paris 1663
a 1672 fol.); in the Noord en Oost Tartarye of Nicolas Witsen (Amst. 1692
to 1705 fol.); in Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien (Amst. 1724 to 1726
fol.); and in the Inleidning tot de algemeen Geographie of Nicolas Struyk
(Amst. 1740 4to). We have however since gained a variety of information
through a document which fell into the possession of Sir Joseph Banks and
was published by Alexander Dalrymple, at that time hydrographer to the
Admiralty and the East India Company, in his collection concerning Papua.
This curious and interesting document is a copy of the instructions to
Commodore Abel Yansz Tasman for his second voyage of discovery. That
distinguished commander had already, in 1642, discovered not only the
island now named after him, Tasmania (but more generally known as Van
Diemen's Land, in compliment to the then governor of the Dutch East India
Company at Batavia), but New Zealand also; and, passing round the east
side of Australia, but without seeing it, sailed on his return voyage
along the northern shores of New Guinea. In January 1644 he was
despatched on his second voyage; and his instructions, signed by the
governor-general Antonio Van Diemen and the members of the council, are
prefaced by a recital, in chronological order, of the previous
discoveries of the Dutch. The document is reprinted in the present

"From this recital, combined with a passage from Saris, given in Purchas,
volume i. page 385, we learn that, 'On the 18th of November 1605 the
Dutch yacht, the Duyfhen (the Dove), was despatched from Bantam to
explore the islands of New Guinea, and that she sailed along what was
thought to be the west side of that country, to 19 3/4 degrees* of south

(*Footnote. The latitude given should read 13 3/4 degrees. George

"This extensive country was found, for the greatest part, desert; but in
some places inhabited by wild, cruel, black savages, by whom some of the
crew were murdered; for which reason they could not learn anything of the
land or waters, as had been desired of them; and from want of provisions
and other necessaries they were obliged to leave the discovery
unfinished. The furthest point of the land, in their maps, was called
Cape Keer Weer, or Turn Again. As Flinders observes: 'The course of the
Duyfhen from New Guinea was southward, along the islands of the west side
of Torres' Strait, to that part of Terra Australis a little to the west
and south of Cape York. But all these lands were thought to be connected,
and to form the west coast of New Guinea.' Thus, without being conscious
of it, the commander of the Duyfhen made the first AUTHENTICATED
discovery of any part of the great south land about the month of March
1606; for it appears that he had returned to Banda in or before the
beginning of June of that year."


Track of the Duyfken.

It appears then that the first Dutch craft sent out for purposes of
exploration in the vicinity of Australia was the Duyfhen, or Duyfken
(Little Dove*), as it should be written.

(*Footnote. The vessel named above Little Dove, Duyfken in Dutch, has
always been written erroneously Duyfhen by English writers.)

Now a yacht of that name accompanied the first expedition leaving Holland
for Java in 1595, and she was doubtless the same vessel. In the account
of the first voyage she is said to be a yacht of 30 tons. In the
expedition commanded by Steven Van der Hagen, equipped in 1603, a yacht
of the same name but of 60 tons came out to the East Indies. Is the
tonnage wrong, or is the Little Dove of Van der Hagen's expedition
another vessel? It is difficult to say, but Van der Hagen's Little Dove
is the yacht that was sent to New Guinea. She was commanded by Captain
Guillaume Yansz, and did good service for many years.

The account of the voyage is very short, and was first given in Tasman's
instructions for his second voyage. Father Tenison Woods says* that this
document was doubtless found by Sir Joseph Banks when all the old
archives were turned over at Batavia, on the occasion of Captain Cook's
visit to that place after exploring the east coast of this continent. The
document, in referring to the various voyages made by the Dutch before
Tasman's time, describes the voyage of the Duyfken in the following
terms: "First By order of the President, John Williamson Verschoor, who
at that time directed the company's trade at Bantam, which was in the
year 1606, with the yacht the Duyfhen, who in their passage sailed by the
islands Key and Aroum, and discovered the south and the west coast of
Nova Guinea, for about 220 miles (880) from 5 to 13 3/4 degrees south
latitude, and found this extensive country for the greatest part desert,
but in some places inhabited by wild, cruel, black savages, by whom some
of the crew were murdered; for which reason they could not learn anything
of the land or waters, as had been desired of them, and by want of
provisions and other necessaries they were obliged to leave the discovery
unfinished. The furthest point of the land was called in their map Cape
Keer-Weer, situated in 13 3/4 degrees south."

(*Footnote. The Australian Monthly Magazine page 440 volume 3 1866.)

It will be noticed that in the above paragraph the names of the
commanders of the expedition have been left out, hence the incomplete
form of wording. "With the yacht the Duyfhen, who in their passage," etc.
instead of "with the yacht, the Duyjhen, under command of so-and-so, and
so-and-so, who in their passage," etc. But this omission may be only
apparent and due to faulty translation. It is strange that R.H. Major,
generally so careful, did not make use of the Dutch text instead of
Dalrymple's faulty and incomplete translation, considering that the Dutch
text was available at the time, having been published in 1844 in Jhr G.A.
Tindal and Jacob Swart's Verhandelingen en Berigten betrekkelijk het
Zeewezen en de zeevaartkunde.*

(*Footnote. Amsterdam 1844 G. Hulst Van Keulen.)

As an example of the faultiness and insufficiency of Dalrymple's version
we draw the attention of our readers to the 6th paragraph referring to
the voyages performed in 1616, 1618, 1619, and 1622. Dalrymple's
paragraph, as given by Major, runs thus:

"But in the meantime, in the years 1616, 1618, 1619, and 1622, the west
coast of this great unknown south land, from 35 to 22 degrees south
latitude, was discovered by outward bound ships, and among them by the
ship Endraght; for the nearer discovery of which the governor-general,
Jan Pietersz Coen (of worthy memory) in September 1622 despatched the
yachts De Haring and Harewind; but this voyage was rendered abortive by
meeting the ship Mauritius and searching after the ship Rotterdam."

The Dutch account, given by Tindal and Swart, in the second half of the
5th paragraph, is as follows:...gelyck mede middelerwyle in den Yare
1616, 1618, 1619, en 1622, de west custe van het grote onbekende
Zuytlaent van 35 tot 22 graden by de uit 't vaderland comende scepen
d'Eendracht, Mauritius, Amsterdam, Dordrecht en de Leeuwin onvoordacht
ondect geworden is, om welck gelegentheden nader te vernemen, den
Gouverneur Generael Yan Pietersz Coch, losselycker gedachte in September,
Anno 1622, de Yachten Harnigh en de Hasewindt, derwaerts hadde uytgeset,
welcke reyse door 't bejegenen van 't schip Mauritius en 't Soecken van
't schip Rotterdam verhindert wiert, waerover op zyn Edisordre.

Now in the above paragraph the names of five ships are given as having
made discoveries during the years 1616, 1618, 1619, and 1622, whereas in
Major's paragraph only one ship, the Eendracht, is mentioned. These five
ships were the Eendracht, the Mauritius, the Amsterdam, the Dordrecht,
and the Leeuwin. It was a serious mistake to omit the names of these
ships, especially the Leeuwin, because the omission cast a doubt on the
authenticity of the discovery of that part of the south-west coast of
Australia which now bears the name of Cape Leeuwin, a doubt which is now
cleared up for the first time, as far as the English-speaking world is
concerned, by our more complete translation of the paragraph in question.

But, to return to the voyage of the Duyfken, it is necessary to elucidate
here the apparently contradictory versions of a passage from Saris given
by R.H. Major and F.T. Woods, two good authorities on Australasian
maritime discovery. Major says: "From this recital (the recital given in
the instructions to Tasman), combined with a passage from Saris, given in
Purchas, volume i. page 385, we learn that 'on the 18th of November 1605
the Dutch yacht the Duyfhen (the Dove), was despatched from Bantam to
explore the islands of New Guinea,'" etc.; whereas F.T. Woods* from the
same authority says: "We find this discovery mentioned in another work
besides Tasman's letter of instructions. In the Haklvytus Posthumus; or
Purchas, his Pilgrimes, containing a history of the World in Sea Voyages
and Land Trauells, by Englishmen and others, by Samuel Purchas, B.D.
(London 1625/1626 5 volumes) there is a passage from Saris (Purchas
volume i. page 385) telling us of the Duyfhen's voyage. But who was
Saris? He was, my dear reader, an English captain, whose Christian name
was John, and I would read you a useful example of the pursuit of
knowledge under difficulties in relating what trouble I have been at to
find out any more about him than is furnished by Purchas. He is one of
the 'Pilgrimes,' and has handed himself down to posterity as the hero of
the 'Eighth Voyage of the East India Society,' wherein were employed
three ships, under the command of Captain John Saris. His course and acts
to and in the Red Sea, Java, Moluccas, and Japan (by the inhabitants
called Niffoon), where also he first began and settled an English trade
factory with other remarkable varieties, from 1611 to 1614. Saris's
expedition will be better understood if it be remembered that the English
East India Company or Society was established in 1600, and was at first
confined to sending out a small squadron for the purposes of trade. A
settlement in India was not made until 1612; but Saris, from another work
of his, got his Australian information during his residence at Bantam
from 1605 to 1609. Among his 'observations of Occurrents which happened
in the East Indies during his abode' was the sailing of the Duyfhen in
November 1605, and her return in June 1606. This Duyfhen or Dove found no
rest for the sole of her foot during her eight months' cruise among the
islands and gulfs of Australia, and was not worthy of more than a mere

(*Footnote. The Australian Monthly Magazine 1866 volume iii. page 439.)

"Through the kindness of a friend I am able to supplement my notice of
Saris with the following extract from his Journal, as given in Purchas,
1606: A small vessel, called the Little Sun, being sent by the Dutch from
the Molucca Islands for the discovery of New Guinea, which country they
knew nothing of at that time, but where they imagined gold was to be
found. In the following year I was told by a Chinese captain, just come
from Bunda,* that the Dutch vessel had put in there on her return from
New Guinea.

(*Footnote. Banda. George Collingridge.)

The crew gave an account that, having made a descent on the coast in
order to learn something of the country, the natives received them with a
shower of arrows which had killed nine Dutchmen. They represent these
people as very barbarous, and even cannibals; and, very afraid to stay
longer on these inhospitable shores, they returned without doing
anything. Nothing is here said about Australia, and from the use of
arrows it must have been at New Guinea that the Dutch were killed. The
name of the vessel differs too, but this has been explained by supposing
Saris to have mistaken the word Duyfhen for another similar."

Why do not authors, especially historians, consult original documents for
themselves instead of trusting friends or relying on second-hand
information? How could Saris have mistaken the word Duyfhen or Duyfken
(Little Dove), for Zonneken or Zonnetje (Little Sun)?

If we consult Purchas we shall find that R.H. Major and F.T. Woods are
both wrong, for neither the Duyfken, Duyfhen, nor the Zonneken (or Little
Sun) are mentioned in that work as having been sent to New Guinea. This
is Purchas' text:

"Bantam, the thirteenth (November 1605), heere arrived a small ship of
the Flemmings, from the Moluccas, called the little sunne.

"The eighteenth, heere departed a small Pinnasse of the Flemmings, for
the discovery of the Iland called Noua ginnea, which, as it is said,
affordeth great store of gold.

"The fifteenth of June, heere arrived Nockhoda Tingall, a cling-man from
Banda, in a Jaua Juncke, laden with Mace and Nutmegs, the which he sold
heere to the Guzerats for an hundred and fiftie Rialls of eight the Bahar
Bantam...He told me that the Flemings Pinnasse, which went vpon discouery
for Noua Ginny, was returned to Banda hauing found the Iland; but in
sending their men on shoare to intreate of Trade, there were nine of them
killed by the Heathens, which are man-eaters, so they were constrained to
returne, finding no good to be done there."

F.T. Woods' friend should have left out the paragraph in the
"observations of Occurents" (our first paragraph) referring to the little
sunne. We have quoted it to show that that small ship arrived at Bantam
from the Moluccas five days before the departure from Bantam of the
vessel that made the voyage to New Guinea. It will also be noticed that
the passage from Purchas does not mention the name of that small vessel.

There is however another passage which has not been noticed by critics,
and which confirms the recital given in the instructions to Tasman. It
occurs in Commelyn's Begin ende Voortganh, the great Dutch collection of
voyages published at Amsterdam in 1646. We have not seen the original
work, and have been obliged to content ourselves with De Constantin's
translation, published at Rouen in 1725. In the 5th volume of that work*
page 212 Paul van Soldt, the author of the Journal that deals with
Etienne Van der Hagen's second voyage, says:

"Le 4, nous mouillames l'ancre sous le Fort sur 7 brasses de profondeur
n'aiant plus qu'une pipe & demie d'eau qui etoit corrompue. Nous y
trouvames le yacht Enchuise, qui avoit sa charge de clou de gerofle, & le
Pigeonnau qui etoit revenu de la Nouvelle Guinee."

(*Footnote. Voyages de la Compagnie.)

The context shows that the Fort where Paul van Soldt met the Pigeonnau
(Little Dove), which had returned from New Guinea, was the Fort of
Amboyna, and that the date was the 4th of March 1607. Nearly nine months
therefore had elapsed since Captain Saris had heard of the return of the
Pinnasse of the Flemings, and she was apparently still amongst the Spice
Islands in company with the Little Sun, as is also shown in the course of
Paul van Soldt's narrative.

We must now consider another phase of the question or controversy; for it
has been questioned whether the Duyfken ever coasted along the shores of

Ch. Ruelens, in the preface which he wrote to accompany the publication
of the valuable manuscript of Godinho de Eredia,* argued that on the
occasion of that memorable expedition the Duyfken never got further south
than 8 degrees 15 minutes, and consequently never discovered any part of
the shores of Australia. The chief points that led him to form such a
conclusion are: first That the Duyfken could not have followed the coasts
of New Guinea and Australia without noticing the opening at Torres'
Straits; second That the extreme point said to have been visited in 13
3/4 degrees south, and to which the name Keer-Weer was said to have been
given, does not bear that appellation on subsequent charts; whereas
another point on the coast of New Guinea does.

(*Footnote. MALACA, L'Inde meridionale et le Cathay. Manuscript originale
autographe de Godinho de Eredia, appartenant a la Bibliotheque Royale de
Bruxelles, reproduit en facsimile et traduit par M. Leon Janssen, membre
de la Societe de Geographie de Bruxelles. Avec une preface de M. Ch.
Ruelens conservateur a la Bibliotheque Royale, membre du comite de la
Societe de Geographie de Bruxelles 1882.)

Ch. Ruelens maintains that the Keer-Weer on the coast of New Guinea is
the extreme termination of the Duyfken's southern course, and in support
of his argument states that all maps from F. De Wit's of the end of the
seventeenth century down to the fine map which accompanied the memoire by
MM. Bennet and Van Wyk (1825) show Cape Keer-Weer on the west coast of
New Guinea, in the latitude of Frederick Henry Island, and north of
Valsche Kaep (False Cape), which is, according to MM. Bennet and Van Wyk,
in 8 degrees 15 minutes latitude, 138 degrees longitude.*

(*Footnote. Verhandeling over de Nederlandsche ontdekkingen in Amerika,
Australie, enz, door R.G. Bennet en J. Van Wyk, Utrecht 1827, in 80.)

Furthermore Ch. Ruelens says that Flinders, by using the narrative which
had fallen into Dalrymple's hands, a narrative which guided Flinders in
his attempts to trace the course of the Duyfken, is responsible for the
confusion that was brought about.*

(*Footnote. It is a known fact that Flinders gave several Dutch names to
the part of the coast of Australia alleged to have been visited by the

The question remains now to be ascertained, did the voyage of the Duyfken
extend to Australia or not? Did that yacht stop short at 8 degrees 15
minutes latitude south, or come on five or six degrees further south?

Since Ch. Ruelens arrived at the conclusion that she did not extend her
voyage to Australia other documents have turned up which tend to prove
that she did, and at the present stage the whole matter seems to resume
itself into the examination of the provenance or authenticity of the said

We have alluded to them in the beginning of this chapter. The principal
document however is the alleged original manuscript map of the two
voyages of Abel Yansz Tasman and Frans Yacobsz Visscher, the opper
piloot-majoor and second in command of the expedition of 1644.

In a copy of the original manuscript now before us Cape Keer-Weer is set
down in about 14 degrees 15 minutes south latitude, thus lending strength
to the argument in favour of a discovery extending to that locality.

CHAPTER 41. A.D. 1606 TO 1613.



When de Quiros appointed officers for the new colony in the Bay of St.
Philip and St. James, Don Diego de Prado y Tovar was made Depositario
General. He is the author of the four very remarkable and extremely
interesting maps which are here presented for the first time to the
English speaking world. Our copies are taken from those published in the
Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Madrid, Tomo iv. January 1878. They
have been reduced to three-eighths of the originals, and with each design
we give a modern map of the same locality for comparison. The originals
are now in the magnificent collections of the castle of Simancas, having
been restored to their rightful owners, together with other documents
appropriated by Napoleon the First.



Modern Map of Espiritu Santo.


MAP NUMBER 1. The Great Bay of St. Philip and St. James in the Island of
Espiritu Santo (New Hebrides).


(The Great Bay of St. Philip and St. James.)

Towards the end of April 1606 Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros
discovered in the New Hebrides group an island (Espiritu Santo), which he
called la Austrialia del spiritu Santo. Coasting along this island, his
two ships and the launch entered a bay on the feast of St. Philip and St.
James (1st of May), and gave the names of those saints to it.

On the 3rd of May they anchored in the south-east corner of the bay, and
named the port where they had decided to settle the young colony el
puerto de la vera cruz (Port of the true cross). The town in the new
colony was to be called the New Jerusalem, and one of the rivers that
flowed into the bay was called the Jordan. These two names are mentioned
in the narrative but not on the map. We shall now proceed to explain most
of the names on this map. Those of de Quiros, of his lieutenant (Luis
Vaez de Torres), and of D. Diego de Prado y Tovar, do not require any
explanation; they have been given to one cape, one port, and several
rivers in the Great Bay. The name of don Jun de espinosa, gaya,
fontiduena y Touar, given to the eastern capes are names of officers
belonging to the expedition, the last mentioned name being also the
second name of Don Diego de Prado. The Rio de la batalla records no doubt
the attacks made by the natives at that river. The punta de la aguja
(Cape or Point of the Needle) may refer to some local peculiarity. The
island of Santiago received its name through having been seen no doubt on
the 1st of May, and in the same manner the Rio de S. Pedro, the R. de San
antonio, and the cabo de S. J. bauta (Cape of St. John the Baptist),
referring as they do to feasts which occur in May and June, that is
during the stay that the Spaniards made in the Bay, were named no doubt
respectively on the days of the feasts of those saints. The name of San
damaso given to a river and those of santa escolastica and S. Ursula,
given to two capes, are not so easily explained, because the feasts of
those saints do not occur at a time corresponding to the stay made at the
place. They may however refer to some particular devotion, family record,
or other circumstance.

As the term AUSTRIALIA, or AUSTRALIA, given to these lands has been a
matter for discussion, and some have thought that there was an error, and
that AUSTRIALIA should be read AUSTRALIA, we shall note briefly the
reasons for one and the other opinion. In de Quiros' diary or journal,
where he speaks of the taking possession of this land, which he believed
to form part of a continent, he makes use of the term Australia. Formal
possession of the country was taken on the day of the Pasch of the Holy
Ghost, the 14th of May, and he says that he took possession of all the
lands, those seen and those to be seen, of all that part of the south as
far as the South Pole, that from that day was to be called AUSTRALIA DEL
ESPIRITU SANTO. His words are:... de todas las tierras que dejo vistas y
estoy viendo, y de toda esta parte del Sur hasta su polo, que desde ahora
se ha de Ilamar AUSTRALIA del Espiritu Santo.

An alteration however appears to have been made in the manuscript in the
Library of the Ministerio de Marina, which suggests that the word was
originally written AUSTRIALIA.

Gonzalez de Leza gives an account of the ceremony of taking possession
almost in the same words, but using the term AUSTRAL instead of
AUSTRALIA; he says:...que desde agora se ha de Ilamar la parte AUSTRAL
del Espiritu Santo.

Owing to the want of space on our maps we reproduce in these pages the
inscriptions contained in the originals. Those inscriptions fill, in the
originals, the four cartouches which may be noticed in our copies. The
first is as follows:

Ano de 1606, al postrero de abril descubrio el capan pero fernandez de
quiros esta isla y la llamo la austrialia del spiritu Santo. y
costeandola condos nauios y vn lancha entro en esta baya el capna luis
vaes de Torres su almirante el dia de S. philippe y santiago y assi le
pusieron este nombre el qual son dando la costa que esta norte sur. hallo
el puerto y Rios en ella contenidos y por auer surgido el dia de santa
cruz le pusieron por nonbre el puerto de la uera cruz. en las partes que
estan senaladas las ancoras es el surgidero my bueno y linpio con las
bracas numeradas. Lo demas es sinfondo ya cantilado--esta poblade de
gente negra q traen los bestidos que sacaron del bientre de sus madres
cubren sus berguencas con ojas de arboles. las armas con q pen son
flechas laemacas macanas y dardos arrojadizos con puntas de guesos. su
mantenimto es Raizes de names bafafas plantanos cocos y naranjas y
algunos puercos. aqui senos desaparecio la nao capna a los ii. de Junio y
no se hallo mas esta en altura de 15 grados 2/3 de la parte austral, etc.

In the above inscription the term used is unmistakably AUSTRIALIA
and--which appears to settle the question--in one of de Quiros'
memorials, the first no doubt sent to Philip III and printed probably in
October 1607, de Quiros says:

Por felice memoria de V. M. y por el apellido de Austria, le di por
nombre (a aquella tierra) la AUSTRIALIA del Espiritu Santo, porque es su
mismo dia tome posesion de ella. For the happy memory of Your Majesty and
for the sake of the name of AUSTRIA, I named it (the said land) la
AUSTRIALIA del espiritu Santo, because in your day (the anniversary of
your birth) I took possession of it.



MAP NUMBER 2. Ports and Bays of the Land of St. Bonaventure. (Extreme
south-east coast of British New Guinea.)


(Ports and Bays of the Land of St. Bonaventure.)

Our second map represents what is now known as Milne Bay, with the
various ports, islands, and headlands adjacent thereto. That part of the
extreme south-east coast of New Guinea, so admirably charted in 1606 by
the Spaniards, and which Torres so accurately describes as the "BEGINNING
OF NEW GUINEA," remained almost a terra incognita to Europeans up to
quite a recent date, and was represented on maps in a very rough and
incorrect manner prior to J. Moresby's visit and resurvey in 1873.

It is strange however that, before D. Diego de Prado's maps had been
found, a Frenchman, of remarkable ability it must be said, was able to
detect and point out, with the help of very inferior data, not only the
priority of Spanish discoveries in the locality we are considering, but
also the exact date of such discoveries. This was done by Dr. E.T. Hamy,
the Frenchman we refer to, in 1877, a few months after the publication of
Captain John Moresby's book.*

(*Footnote. New Guinea and Polynesia. Discoveries and Surveys in New
Guinea and the d'Entrecasteaux Islands. A Cruise in Polynesia and Visits
to the Pearl-shelling Stations in Torres Straits of H.M.S. Basilisk. By
Captain John Moresby, R.N., London 1876.)

Dr. Hamy's views on the subject were published in a small pamphlet* which
appeared in May 1877.

(*Footnote. Commentaires sur quelques cartes anciennes de la
Nouvelle-Guinee, pour servir a l'histoire de la decouverte de ce pays par
les navigateurs Espagnols (1528 a 1608) par Le Dr. E.T. Hamy. Paris Mai

In that monograph, with the help of a map which forms part of an atlas
published by Pierre Mortier,* at Amsterdam in 1700, and bearing the title
Suite du Neptune francois, ou Atlas nouveau des cartes marines, etc.,
etc., he followed Torres' track from the extreme south-east end of New
Guinea westward through Torres Straits and along the south coast to where
that navigator left it on his way to the Spice Islands and Manila.

(*Footnote. Suite du Neptune Francois on Atlas nouveau des cartes marines
levees par ordre expres des Roys de Portugal sous qui on a fait la
decouverte de l'Afrique, etc., et donnees au public par les soins de feu
M. d'Ablancourt, dans lequel on voit la description exacte de toutes les
cotes du monde, du detroit de Gibraltar, de la mer Oceane meridionale ou
Ethiopienne, de la des Indes orientales et occidentales, etc. Ou sont
exactement marquees les routes qu'il faut tenir, les bancs de sable,
rochers et brasses d'eau, et generalement tout ce qui concerne la
navigation, le tout fait sur les observations et l'experience de plus
habiles ingenieurs et pilotes. Amsterdam, Pierre Mortier 1700.)

We refer our readers to Dr. Hamy's Commentaires for a fuller description
of Mortier's map, and we return to the description of Map Number 2.

The inscription in the cartouch of the original map is as follows:

Ano de 1606 a los 18 dias del mes de Julio descubrio esta tierra y
puertos el capan ycano luis vaes de Torres y lepuso por nonbre la tierra
desan buena uentura auiendola costeado cinco dias antes y por causa de
los grandes arracifes muy peligrosos nosepudo tomar tierra astal dia
dcho. es poblada de gente blanca ban desnudos y cubren las berguencas
conpanillas de esteras de palma de cocos. sus mantentos son names cocos
yalgunos puercos pescados y mariscos. sus armas son macanas de madera
dardos pequenos arrojadizos y Rodelas esta en altura 10 gra. 2/3 por' la
parte austral. puedese dar fondo en todas partes de las bayas y puertos
quees linpio y sin mucaras ni Ratones solamte junto atierra tiene bajos
de mucaras con forme esta senalado en las dchas partes: tiena agua en
todas partes buena debeuer aunq no son Rios.--Por el capan don diego de
prado y Touar.


Esta baya tiene mas de 40 leguas de sircunferencia y llegando conel batel
mas adelante de cauo fresco q es lo que sepudo salir conel batel porla
parte del este no lebimos Remate sino algunos islotes porlo qual sejuzga
tiene bocas grandes y porla del oest nole bimos boca sino toda tierra
alta y cerrada y continuada al oest dejose de costear porno tener nauio
de Remos suficiente para esto. In the year 1606, on the 18th day of July,
Captain and Pilot Luis Vaes de Torres discovered this land and its ports,
naming it the land of St. Bonaventure, having coasted it five days
previously without being able to land before the said day on account of
the large and very dangerous reefs. It is inhabited, etc., etc.

Of the four maps the one we are now considering is undoubtedly the most
important because it proves that Torres discovered this part of the
south-east coast of New Guinea which is mentioned in Moresby's preface in
the following terms:

"It seems desirable to state, for the information of the general reader,
that the line of New Guinea coast, first placed on the chart by H.M.S.
Basilisk, had never been visited, and was actually unknown as to its
conformation (as far as I have been able to discover any record), up to
the period of her first visit in 1873, between the wide limits of Heath
Island and Huon Gulf."

The bay, called Jenkins' Bay by Moresby, which is closed in on three
sides by the island to which he gave the name of H.M.S. Basilisk, is
easily recognised as the bayo de san millan of the Spanish map and
Basilisk Island as the TIERA DESANBVENA VENTVRA. The great bay named
Milne Bay (after the senior Naval Lord of the English Admiralty) was not
thoroughly explored by Torres, otherwise, had he reached its
north-eastern extremity (East Cape), he would have steered his course for
the Philippine Islands by the north of New Guinea instead of proceeding
by the south-west passage. He does not appear to have extended his
surveys of Milne Bay in the north-east beyond cabo fresco, which
corresponds to Challis Head, and in the north-west, beyond the mainland
of New Guinea, in the vicinity of the Paples Island, which the Spanish
chart names isla de sanbenito.

The passage called Rocky Pass, between Hayter and Basilisk islands, is
set down as the boca de la batalla in the Spanish map, recording no doubt
an encounter with the natives; and a little island in the middle of the
pass, bearing no name in Moresby's map, had evidently suggested a
suitable place for building a fort, for it is called the fuerte de S.
Santiago. The bay within, not named in Moresby's chart, is called puerto
de na sa de Honga.

China Strait, discovered by C. Moresby, is not marked on the Spanish map.
It is evident that Mt. Haines masked its view to the Spanish and that
they did not penetrate in that direction as far as Head or Brewer
islands, for those islands are not marked on their chart.*

(*Footnote. Captain Moresby records his discovery of this channel in the
following terms: "...We continued to track Jenkins Bay round, and watch
for what it would develop; and the farther we went the more the formation
of the land led us to suppose that even now we had not found the real
terminating point of New Guinea. After pulling six or seven miles to the
west we found our conjectures verified by the discovery of a clear broad
blue channel two miles wide, leading fair from sea to sea, fit for a
fleet to pass through under sail. Our hearts filled with delight and
wonder as we looked. There and then I named it China Straits; the wish
being father to the thought that I had found a new highway between
Australia and China." Discoveries and Surveys in New Guinea, etc. page

Thus Hayter Island is marked as a peninsula on the Spanish map and the
southern portion of China Strait is set down as a port, the puerto santo
Torinio (Toribio). Blanchard Island is called isla de san facundo.
Didymus Island is the Spanish isla de manglares, and West Island isla de
san antonio. The cabo de casagun or cahagun is marked in the English map,
but bears no name. Bead Island is the isla de la palma.

Other islands, marked in both maps but bearing no names on the English
one, have the following Spanish nomenclature: isla de las altas palmas,
islands of the tall palm trees; isla de la sauana, Savanna Island; isla
de san bernardo, Island of St. Bernard. St. Bernard's feast occurs on the
23rd of July, but this name may also be intended in commemoration of Juan
Bernardo de Fuentiduena, an officer of the expedition, as also the cabo
de san diego may commemorate the name of D. Diego Barrantes y Maldonad.
isla de Ranedo, Island of Ranedo, or St. Ranedo. The puerto de san franco
(Francisco) is no doubt the port where Torres first sighted land on the
14th of July. On the 14th of July the Spanish celebrate the feast of S.
Buenaventura and also S. Francisco Solano.



Modern Map of Orangerie Bay.


MAP NUMBER 3. The Great Bay of St. Lawrence and Port of Monterey.
(Orangerie Bay, British New Guinea.)


(The Great Bay of St. Lawrence and Port of Monterey.)

Our third map represents the site known in modern maps as Orangerie Bay.
Bougainville, with the Boudeuse and l'Etoile, visited this easternmost
bay of the south coast of New Guinea in June 1768, one hundred and
sixty-two years after Torres and D. Diego de Prado. He called it the
Golphe de la Louisiade, and of the country at the back of the inner
portion of the bay, which he called the cul de sac de l'Orangerie, he
says: J'ai peu vu de pays dont le coup d'oeil fut plus beau. I have seen
few countries presenting a finer aspect.* His description throughout
corresponds exactly with D. Diego de Prado's map.

(*Footnote. Voyage autour du monde par la fregate du Roi La Boudeuse et
la flute L'Etoile, en 1766, 1767, 1768 et 1769. Paris 1772. Tom. II. page

The Spanish description is as follows: Esta baya de sanct lorenco y
puerto de monte Rey descubrio el capan y cauo luis vaes de Torres a 10 de
agosto del ano de 1606 y porser el puerto tanbueno lepuso este nombre.
dista del puerto de sanct franco beinte leguas mas. o. menos ala parte
del oest. es muy hermosa y agradable y de lindo y linpio fondo pues
sepuede seguramte surgir per todas partes la tierra delaparte del norte
es de lindas llanuras y bien cultiuadas con mucha cantidad de aguas y
palmeras de cocos. Raizes de names y camotes y mafafas plantanos y otras
frutas no conocidas y much os y buenos puercos. los naturales son de
color de mulatos. dispuestos de querpo y menbrudos y todos Retajados como
Judios. cubren los hombres las berguencas con panpanillas y las mujeres
las traen como ferdugadas asta las Rodillas. sus armas son dardos
arrojadizos macanas y Rodelas largas. esta enaltura de 10 gra. 1/6 es la
mejor tierra y mas fertil para poblar delas que sean descubierto.--por el
cappan don diego de prado y Touar. The captain and pilot* Luis Vaes de
Torres discovered this Bay of St. Lawrence and Port of Monterey on the
10th of August of the year 1606, and on account of the excellence of the
port he gave it this name.** This port is distant from the port of San
Francisco (Basilisk Island) 20 leagues, more or less, in a westerly
direction. It is very beautiful and pleasant with good and clean
anchorage. On all the north side, which is level country, there is good
and secure landing. The country is well cultivated, plentifully watered
and produces great quantities of cocoanut palms, etc., etc.

(*Footnote. cauo cabo, may mean also chief.)

(**Footnote. The Count de Monterey was the Viceroy of Peru, under whose
auspices de Quiros' expedition was sent out the year before.)

Twenty leagues is exactly the distance which separates the two ports
described in the Spanish narrative, and the configurations given on the
old Spanish map are more complete than those given either by Bougainville
in 1768, Dumont D'Urville in 1840, or Owen Stanley in 1848.

Whether the division of the land into allotments was suggested by actual
features of the place at the time of Torres' stay in this bay, or whether
it was the result of a special intention, is not shown in the documents
we are now dealing with. Recent knowledge of the locality goes to show
that the natives are rather apt to shift their dwellings and abandon
their plantations without much ado.*

(*Footnote. 1892 Queensland. Annual Report on British New Guinea, from
1st July 1890 to 30th June 1891; with appendices. Page 60 paragraph 15.)

We now come to the description of the nomenclature. The name of St.
Lawrence Bay was given to Orangerie Bay because it was discovered on the
10th of August, feast of St. Lawrence.*

(*Footnote. Just one hundred years before the name of St. Lawrence was
given to Madagascar by Joao Gomez d'Abreu, who discovered the west coast
of that island on the 10th of August 1506.)

The name given to Dufaure or Mugula (native appellation) Island is isla
de santa clara; the feast of St. Clair occurs on the 12th of August. The
bay known under the name of Mullens' Harbour (uncharted in Moresby's map)
is well laid down in the Spanish chart, and is called the baya de n. s.
dela assumpcion, the Bay of Our Lady of the Assumption, corresponding to
the 15th of August. Three rivers flow into this bay; they bear no names.
The latest surveys give names to two of these rivers--the larger, to the
north-west, is called the Tarasa river, and the smaller one, to the east,
is named Jones River.

Sir William Macgregor, who explored some portion of the Tarasa river a
few years ago, and described it in his despatch reporting his visit to
this eastern part of New Guinea,* says that he found it to be a saltwater
inlet running up into a great mangrove swamp. This level delta, with its
mangrove islands, is well indicated in D. Diego de Prado's map. The
channel between the mainland and Mugula Island (Isla de Santa Clara) is
called the estrecho de S. Roque, Straits of St. Roch (16th August). This
name at least should be retained by modern usurpers, as this channel does
not bear any name that we are aware of to the present day.**

(*Footnote. Despatch from Samaria, 12th of June 1891.)

(**Footnote. The Admiralty chart, published June 9 1886 and corrected up
to 1888, leaves this strait nameless, as also Sir William Macgregor's
sketch map of this part of British New Guinea, published two years ago.
Apart from the pre-emptive right which the Spanish have, without a doubt,
the preservation of a few Spanish names would only be fair--they would
sound well and relieve the monotony of the Joneses, Mullenses, and

The islas des timoteo, Islands of St. Timothy (22nd August), include
evidently the promontory which forms the eastern entrance to Port
Glasgow. This promontory is almost separated from the mainland by a
creek, and was, with the two islands alongside it, set down as islas des
timotes (Islas de S. Timoteo).

The islas bartolome, Island of St. Bartholomew (24th August) which, with
the previous nomenclature, indicates the progression of Torres'
navigation towards the west, corresponds to Toulon Island (Mairu) of
French nomenclature.

Other names, such as isla berde, Green Island; cauo alto, High Cape; cauo
de cocos, Cocoanut Cape; cauo llano, Level Cape; la enfaidora
(embaidora), The Deceitful; las encubridores, The Hidden; isla llana,
Level Island; and isla de la Madera, Wooded Island; indicate
peculiarities borne out by the evidence of modern charts. For isla berde
is the beautiful little green island situated at the eastern entrance to
Orangerie Bay; cauo alto is the elevated land or high cape at the south
entrance to Mullens' Harbour; cauo de cocos is the cape covered with
cocoanut trees to this day; cauo llano is the low land which forms a cape
at the northern entrance into Mullens' Harbour, i.e. Debana Point.

The island that stands alone at the western extremity of Orangerie Bay,
and named la enbaidora in the Spanish map, is easily identified as Imsa
of modern charts. The islets called las encubridores are the two small
rocky islets at the eastern entrance to Millport Harbour. The coral reefs
marked dry at low water between Mairy Bay and Amazon Bay correspond with
the isla llana, Level or Low Island of the Spanish map, and the isla de
la madera, or Wooded Island, with the wooded island of Ainioro. The very
small island at the north-eastern extremity of Dufaure island marked on
the Admiralty chart, but without a name, might, if thoroughly searched,
reveal some traces, well worth looking for, of Spanish occupation. This
island is called la guardia on Tovar's map, and was probably the camping
ground of Torres' party, the garrisoned stronghold of the expedition
during its stay in this bay.

Baibara and another island in its neighbourhood are marked on the Spanish
map as isla de don diego barrantes and islas de mayorga. D. Diego de
Barrantes was one of the principal officers of the expedition. The little
bay where now stands the native village of Gobubu at the back of Baibara
Island is named in the Spanish chart the cala de helvires, recording a
name from Spain, as do also such names as ualdetuexar or Valdetuejar,
mayorga, villada, villabonillos, and nogales.

The puerto de ualdetuexar is the port now known as Millport Harbour, the
Losoa Don-Don of the natives. villada is an island marking the entrance
of the above port. It is well charted with its eastern prolongation of
reefs dry only at low water. The native name of villada is Eunauro or
Euna, and the reef is called Bonuanawa. The native name for isla de
villabonillos, the south-westernmost island of our map, is Koikoi, and
the isla de nogales corresponds no doubt with the Boioro Peninsula. The
harbour between the mainland and Mugula Island is called the puerto de
monte Rey, Port of Monterey, after the Count of Monterey, Viceroy of



MAP NUMBER 4. The Bay of St. Peter of Arlanza. (Dutch New Guinea.)


(The Bay of St. Peter of Arlanza.)

The locality represented in our fourth map and named the Bay of St. Peter
of Arlanza is situated on the south-west coast of New Guinea in Dutch

Torres left Orangerie Bay towards the end of August, passed between
Australia and New Guinea, and, still continuing his course along the
coasts of New Guinea, put in at this bay now known as Triton Bay, having
received that name in 1828, when the Dutch ships Triton and Iris made a
visit to it.

The Spanish description of the place as contained in the cartouch on the
map is as follows:

Esta baya de sanct pedro de arlanca y puerto de sanct lucas y el de sanct
Juan del prado hallo el capan luis vaes de Torres a 18 dias de octubre de
1606 es tierra. de los papuas distante del puerto de s. franco 270 leguas
Tiene mucho fondo portodas partes y sea de surgir junto atierra. la qual
es muy montuosa y aspera con grandes arboledas y sin llanuras. la
poblacion es de gente negra y muy poca por dcha aspereza y entrellos
alguna parda y bien dispuesta y menbruda. la comida es muy poca porq no
tienen sino pocos cocos y Raizes el mayor mantenimto es pescado y marisco
sus armas son dardos arrojadizos y flechas con arcos de cana y puntas de
guesos y paueses de madera largos siete palmos y anchos tres muy bien
labrados de talla de medio Relieve traen panpanillas en las berguencas
como los demas esta en altura de 3 grados y 2/3 aqui sehallo hierro
labrado en anzuelos y fisgas y fuelles decanes con toueras de barro. conq
labran cosillas de hierro--no se hallo agua en abundancia sino en la dcha
fuente de argales q nace debajo de un cerro muy alto de penas.--fecha a
13 de xbre de 1606 1606--Por el cappan don Diego de prado y Touar. This
bay of St. Peter of Arlanza (Alcantara), port of St. Luke, and that of
St. John del Prado, were discovered by Captain Luis Vaez de Torres on the
18th day of October 1606. It is in the Land of the Papuas, distant 270*
leagues. There is great depth all along this shore, and you have to get
out close up to the land, which is very mountainous and rough, with big
trees and no plains. The people are, etc., etc.

(*Footnote. Should read probably 370 leagues.)


Modern Map of Triton Bay.

By following the same method as that used with the other charts the
nomenclature is as easily explained. The feast of St. Luke the Evangelist
falls on the 18th of October, that of St. Peter of Arlanza on the 19th of
the same month, and these are the names given to the two principal bays.
The island of Aidoema was named isla del capan luis vaes de Torres after
the commander of the expedition. The names of puerto de s. Juan delprado
and cauo de S. antonio de padua were no doubt records of some particular
devotion. The island named la piedra fuerte may refer to a place
fortified during the stay made in these parts. las tres hermanas, the
Three Brothers, are three islands not shown in the Dutch chart of 1876,
nor in the map of Dutch New Guinea published with Prince Roland
Bonaparte's Les derniers voyages des Neerlandais a la Nouvelle-Guinee,
1885, not because they do not exist but more probably because the Dutch
survey at this particular point is far less accurate than the Spanish
one. el sonbrero (sombrero) verde, the Green Hat, is the name given to a
little round island, and records no doubt the circumstance of resemblance
as the word suggests.

Other names refer in the same way either to local peculiarities or family
records, such are: la peninsula, la fuente de argales, cauo del entredos,
la enpanada, islas de Sta leocadia, cauo de s. lucas, punta de
fontiduena, las entretexidas and cauo hondo.



The two following letters of D. Diego de Prado to the King of Spain (the
first addressed to the king's secretary, and the second addressed to the
king) respecting de Quiros' expedition and Torres' discoveries in New
Guinea do not appear to be generally known. In these letters New Guinea
is referred to as the Magna Margarita, a name which does not appear on
the four maps which we have considered in this chapter.

The name is easily explained, for Torres took formal possession on the
20th of July, i.e. on the day of the feast of St. Marguerite, one week
after his arrival at the east end of New Guinea.

In his first letter Prado speaks of a map which must have been the
principal document relating to the discoveries made during the
expedition. This map has not yet been found although diligent research
has been made and is still being made for it at Simancas and elsewhere.

A 24 DE DICIEMBRE DE 1613: RECIBIDA EN 12 DE OCTUBRE DE 1614. Archivo de

Secretaria de Estado. Leg. o 252.

Por bia del senor birrey de la India enbio a su magd el mapa del
descubrimiento que acabo Luis Vaes de Torres, capitan de la nao Almiranta
de Pero Fernandez de Quiros, guardando la horden que le dio el conde de
Monterrey, que es la isla llamada por nos la Magna Margarita, que tiene
680 leguas de costa. Como vera v. m. por el dicho mapa lo que descubrio
Pero Fernandez de Quiros el embustero, fueron aquellos escollos e islas
pequenas, porque se le amotino la gente dentro de la baya de la isla del
Spiritu Santo. Yo venia por capitan de la nao Capitana y fuy sabidor de
lo que se iba hordenando en la nao; dile parte dello, y como hera el
mayor sobre gueso que tenia, por decirle lo que conbenia al seruicio de
su magd no me podia tragar y assi me desembarque en Taumaco y me fuy a la
Almiranta, de que hubo mucha alegria en la nao. Para mejor efectuar su
negocio, a los 11 de Junio de 1606 estando en la baya, que beniamos de
una isla que estaba cerca, bino a las ocho de la noche el viento Sul algo
fresco, conque los amotinados pusieron por hobra su mal intento, y siendo
de noche, y lejos de nosotros alsaron en popa, sin berlo ese hablador por
estar en su camara de popa. Por la manana no parecio la tierra de do
hauian salido. no hoso hablar, antes le dixeron que se metiese en su
camara y callase la boca, por lo qual le salbaron la uida y le
desenbarcaron en Acapulco; sus proprias camaradas, dijeron al marques' de
Montes claros quien hera, y como le podian atar por loco, el qual le
trato como quien hera. Yo no se que rrespecto auian de tener los
espanoles del Piru, a uno que ayer hera escribano de vna nao de
mercaderes y portugueses; si lo conociesen como le conoce el capitan
Alonzo Corco, acabarian de entender esos senores del Estado, que de tan
baxos honbres y mentirosos no auian de hacer caso.

Yo partire para Ormuz a los 8 de Febrero del ano que biene, plaziendo a
Dios, para hirme por tierra hasta el puerto de Leppe (Alepo) y de alli a
Benencia, y no parar asta llegar a esa corte, a besar las manos de su
magd y de v. m. Enbio vn indio de los de la tierra que se descubrio para
testigo de abono, el qual lleba a su cargo el senor Rui Lorenco de
Tabora, birrey que fue desta India, con horden de no entregarle a
ninguno, si no fuere por horden de v. m. o. mia. La muerte del senor
secretario Andres de Prada, me a dado mucha pena; pero como es camino que
todos hemos de azer, encomendarle a Dios, el qual de a v. m. la salud que
este su serbidor desea. De Goa 24 de xbre 1613.=D. Diego de Prado.

Letter of D. Diego de Prado to the secretary, Antonio de Arostegui, dated
Goa, 24th December 1613; received 12th October 1614.*

(*Footnote. Our translation is from the Hakluyt Society's edition of De
Morga's Philippine Islands.)

I send to His Majesty, by means of the Viceroy of the Indies, the map of
the discovery which was effected by Luis Vaez de Torres, captain of the
Almiranta, of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, who followed the instructions
given by the Conde de Monterrey, which discovery was the island called by
us La Magna Margarita, which has 680 leagues of coast, as your worship
will see by the said map. That which was discovered by Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros, the liar, were those rocks and small islands, because his crew
mutinied at the bay of the island Espiritu Santo. I came as captain of
the flag-ship, and had knowledge of what was being arranged in the ship.
I informed him of it, and, as it was a most difficult and delicate matter
to tell him of, and of what was best for His Majesty's service, he could
not stand me. So I disembarked in Trumaco (Taumaco), and went on board
the Almiranta, at which there was great joy on the flag-ship, as they
could better carry out their design. On the 11th of June of 1606, being
in the bay as we were coming from an island which was near, there came a
rather fresh wind from the south at eight in the evening, upon which the
mutineers carried out their evil designs; and as it was night and far
from us they put the ship about, and the prattler did not see it as he
was in his cabin in the stern; and in the morning the country from which
they had come out did not appear. He did not venture to speak; on the
contrary he was told to get into his cabin and hold his tongue, on which
account they spared his life and landed him at Acapulco. His own
companions told the Marquis of Montesclaros who he was, and how they
might as well tie him up as mad, and he treated him as such a man as he
was. I do not know what respect the Spaniards of Piru were to have for a
man who yesterday was a clerk of a merchant ship and a Portuguese; if
they knew him as Captain Alonzo Corzo knows him those gentlemen of the
state would end by knowing that they ought not to take account of such
low and lying men. I shall leave for Ormuz on the 8th of February of next
year, if it please God, to go by land to the port of Leppe (Aleppo), and
thence to Venice, and I shall not stop till I reach the court to kiss the
hands of His Majesty; and, your worship, I send an Indian of the country
which was discovered as a witness to certify it, who is taken at the
charge of Senor Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora, the ex-Viceroy of India, with
directions not to give him up to anyone unless by order of your worship
or mine. The death of the secretary, Andres de Prada, has given me much
sorrow, but as it is the journey we all have to take I recommend him to
God. May He give to your worship the health which your servant desires
for you. From Goa, 24th December 1613.





SENOR.--Enbio a V. magd el descubrimiento de la Magna Margarita, tierra
austral, que hizo Luis Vaez de Torres, almirante de Pero Fernandez de
Quiros, porque ya es tiempo que llegue a manos de V. magd; cuya tardanca,
ha sido por causa del gobernador de Manila, don Juan de Silua, que mas
mira su propio interez, que lo que conbiene al seruicio de V. magd, de
que dare quenta a su tienpo. Por no tener con que enbarcarme en la nao en
que ba el birrey Ruy Lorenco de Tauora, por auerlo perdido con la nao San
Andres, he determinado hirme a Ormuz y de alli, por tierra, con la cafila
de los mercaderes benecianos, y peregrinando poco a poco asta Alepo, y de
alli a Benencia y otras partes, asta llegar a esa Corte y besar las manos
a V. magd y darle quenta de todo muy en particular, y que entienda V.
magd que todo lo que dice Pero Fernandez de Quiros, es mentira y
falsedad, porque por su culpa no se descubrio lo que mas estimaua el
conde de Monterrey, que es la coronilla del polo antartico, pues
estubimos tan cerca della. Y no de V. magd credito a honbre, que sufris
en su nao vn motin tal qual hicieron sus marineros, auiendo sido auisado;
y assi, le trataron como quien es, que basta ser de la Ruanoua de Lisboa,
in cujus hore, no ay sino enbuste, mentira y deslealtad. Y assi, abiso a
V. magd que fie del como de vn escribano de nao de mercadez, y que fue
este honbre causa que el adelantado Auendano se perdiese con su armada;
esto dicho por el capitan Felipe Corso justicia mayor de la punta de
Cabite de Manila.

Abiso esto a V. magd porque no gaste su hazienda con semejantes. Cuya
persona Nuestro Senor guarde largos anos, como este su fiel criado
desea.--De Goa, 25 de xbre de 1613.--DON DIEGO DE PRADO.

De Prado's first letter was dated from Goa, December 24. The one above
was written apparently the next day, and dated from the same place,
December 25. In it he repeats what he wrote in his first letter, saying:
"I send to Your Majesty the discovery of the Magna Margarita, Southern
Land, which discovery was made by Luis Vaez de Torres, de Quiros'
Almirante, etc." He blames Don Juan de Silva, the Governor of Manila, for
delaying his despatches, refers to the route he intends to take on his
return to Spain, and reiterates his warnings concerning de Quiros,
blaming him for not having discovered the southern continent, porque por
su culpa no se descubrio lo que mas estimaua el conde de Monterrey, QUE
because through his fault he did not discover that which the Count of
Monterrey considered the most worthy of discovery, THAT IS THE CROWN OF

In these two letters de Prado shows a decided antagonism to de Quiros,
yet he does not blame him for leaving Torres and returning PURPOSELY to
New Spain. This he appears to have been accused of by Juan de Iturbe,*
his accountant, who also blames him for having disobeyed instructions

(*Footnote. See De Morga's Philippine Islands. Notes by Lord Stanley of
Alderley, page 406 et sequit.)

Had de Quiros obeyed the instructions referred to by Juan de Iturbe,
Torres, and others he would certainly have discovered New Zealand and
perhaps Australia. He discovered neither the one nor the other, but the
report spread abroad nevertheless that he had discovered the southern
continent, and this accounts for the strange manner in which his New
Hebrides discoveries are joined to the eastern coast of Australia in many
maps up to the date of Lieutenant James Cook's arrival and re-survey of
the eastern coast of Australia.

The expedition of de Quiros and Torres closes the period of Spanish
activity; it is true that de Quiros still urged the King of Spain to send
him out again in order to continue his discoveries, but, owing to want of
money, and no doubt to intrigues, his propositions were not entertained
as in earlier days. Torres' discoveries, charted in such a remarkable way
by de Prado, were however not to be abandoned so easily. The Spanish
evidently intended to make some settlement in the localities surveyed by
them in New Guinea. We have come across a passage in Constantin* which
bears out this fact.

(*Footnote. Constantin, Voyages de la Compagnie, 1725. Rouen. Tome vii.
pages 189, 190, 191, 192.)

It is there stated on the authority of two Dutchmen, five years after
Torres' voyage, that the Spaniards intended to colonise that country and
that they were constructing ships in New Spain to carry out the scheme,
because there was every likelihood of great profits to be derived from
the undertaking. It is further stated that several Spaniards had been
left in New Guinea in order to explore the inland parts. These projects
were nevertheless abandoned; besides, the Spanish were at the time losing
their power and influence in Austral-Asia, although they retained it in
the Philippine Islands. At the time Don Diego de Prado was writing home
to the King of Spain the Dutch were rapidly gaining ground in the East
Indian Archipelago. In 1610 Paul Van Caerden was proclaimed Governor of
all the Spice Islands. The Dutch had at Ternate Fort Melaia or Malaie,
and Fort Tacomma or Willemstadt. At Machian they had three forts,
Tassaso, Noseckia or Fort Maurice and Tabilola. At Mortir or Motier they
had Fort Nassau. At Bachian or Labova, which was comprised under Bachian,
they had Fort Barneveldt.

CHAPTER 42. A.D. 1616.



The second Dutch discovery was made, according to the Instructions, in
the year 1616. The paragraph in the Instructions which refers to this
claim is rather vague; it mentions the names of several ships without
particularising the discoveries they made, giving the dates 1616, 1618,
1619, and 1622 as the years during which the western coasts were visited
from 22 degrees [North-west Cape] to 35 degrees [Cape Leeuwin].

But in 1801 the French found a plate with an inscription on it recording
a Dutch discovery made in 1616.

The document was picked up by one of a party of three men that had been
sent ashore during the stay of the Naturaliste on that coast. After a
copy of the inscription had been taken the plate was reverentially and
carefully fixed on a new post occupying the position of the old one at
the foot of which it had been found.

The inscription, that is faulty copies of it, are well known to writers
on Australian maritime discovery, but few if any have taken the trouble
to inquire about its origin and the actual existence of the plate.

A plate, tin, pewter, or lead, the versions vary, found on an island
which bears the name of the alleged discoverer.

We have made particular enquiries about this plate, thinking that its
proper place should be the Sydney Museum or Public Library. We were
guided to a certain extent in our researches, because the locality where
the plate was found by the French expedition that so carefully charted a
great portion of our coasts in the early days of the mother colony is a
well determined point, since named Cape Inscription. That locality was
searched by a friend of ours, but without any result.

Meanwhile our attention was drawn to a passage in Mr. E. Favenc's History
of Australian Exploration, page 436. Favenc says, speaking of this plate:
"In 1819, M. L. de Freycinet, while on his voyage round the world, took
it home with him, and placed it in the Museum of the Institute, Paris."

Mr. E. Favenc is a careful and scrupulous writer, and, although he could
not inform us where he had obtained his information, nor could we procure
in Australia at the time a copy of Freycinet's voyages* in order to
verify it, we thought nevertheless that Mr. Favenc's information was
worth acting upon.

(*Footnote. L. Claude de Freycinet. Voyage autour du monde. Uranie et
Physicienne de 1817 a 1820 Paris 1823 14 volumes.)

We wrote to our friend, Dr. E.T. Hamy, himself a member of the French
Institute in question, and one of the best informed scientists in matters
relating to Australasian maritime discovery. Dr. Hamy's answer was: J'ai
vainement cherche la relique rapportee par Freycinet; l'indication de son
depot a l'Institut que j'avais prise dans Rienzi,* est malheureusement
inexact. I have sought in vain for the relic brought back by Freycinet;
the mention of its deposit at the Institute, that I had found in Rienzi,
is unfortunately inexact. E.T. HAMY, Ministere de l'Instruction Publique
et des Beaux-Arts, Palais du Trocadero, Musee d'Ethnographie, Paris, le
10 Mai 1892.

(*Footnote. Oceanie. Tome iii. page 477.)

This was perplexing, but we did not give up our search, and we found
other inexactitudes in connection with Dirck Hartog's plate.

The French account of the finding of it is given in Peron's work,* volume
1 page 194. Peron, the author of the narrative, was on board the
Naturaliste when the plate was brought back by the chef de timonnerie,
who with two others had been sent ashore to signal the Geographe in case
she appeared at the entry of the bay. In his description of the plate
Peron does not give the Dutch but the French translation of the
inscription only, as follows:

(*Footnote. Voyages de Decouvertes aux Terres Australes, execute par
ordre de Sa Majeste l'Empereur et Roi, sur les corvettes le Geographe, le
Naturaliste, et la Goelette le Casuarina, pendant les annees 1800, 1801,
1802, 1803, et 1804, etc. A Paris 1807.)


Le 25 octobre est arrive ici le navire l'Endraght, d'Amsterdam: premier
marchand, GILLES MIEBAIS VAN-LUCK; capitaine DIRCK-HARTIGHS, d'Amsterdam;
il remit sous voile le 27 du meme mois: BANTUM etoit sous-marchand;
JANSTINS, premier pilote; PIETER ECOORES VAN-BU...Annee 1616.

The French translation as given above appears to be faulty. Major has
pointed out that, owing to an error in punctuation, "a droll mistake is
made," and "that Bantam, in Java, for which they set sail, is transformed
into the under-merchant, and the person who really held that post is
converted into chief pilot, while poor Pieter Dockes,* whose name,
perhaps more feebly scratched at the close of the inscription, had become
obliterated by more than a century's rough usage, is deprived of the
honour of holding any post whatever."

(*Footnote. Ecoores in Peron's account. Doore, according to Rienzi,
quoting Freycinet. George Collingridge.)

But Major's transcription is faulty also;* after Gilles Mibais he leaves
out five words, which, in Rienzi, are given thus: "Luick, schipper
Dirck-Hatichs, van."

(*Footnote. See Introduction page lxxxi. Early Voyages to Terra
Australis. R.H. Major.)

Why does Major say "more than a CENTURY'S rough usage," when, in the
preceding page, translating Peron's words, he says: "Captain Hamelin had
a new post made, and sent back the plate to be refixed on the same spot
from which it had been taken; he would have looked upon it as sacrilege
to have kept on board this plate, which for NEARLY TWO CENTURIES had been
spared by nature and by those who might have observed it before him."

We do not believe it is a lapsus on Major's part because, as we shall
see, he knew that the plate found by the French expedition was not the
original one placed there by Dirck Hartog, but one containing a copy of
Dirck Hartog's inscription and which had been placed at the spot whence
Hartog's original plate had been taken away by Vlamingh on the 3rd of
February 1697.

But then, why does he not say so? And another question might be asked
also at this juncture: Where did Major get his Dutch text of the
inscription? Not from Vlamingh's narrative, a copy of which Major tells
us* he "deemed himself fortunate in procuring." The account of this
voyage, which was printed in Amsterdam in 1701, 4to, is exceedingly
scarce. We have however a copy of it in our Sydney Public Library, and it
does not give the inscription. Major gives a translated extract of the
journal in question, together with some other particulars relating to the
same voyage, extracted from manuscript documents at the Hague. It must be
from those particulars relating to the voyage of Willem de Vlamingh that
Major translated his inscription.

(*Footnote. Early Voyages to Terra Australis. Introduction page cviii.)

According to that narrative it appears evident that Dirck Hartog's plate
was not treated with the same consideration which prompted the French
captain to replace what he considered to be a relic dating from the year
1616; for the extract, after giving the inscription, with slight
variations from the one given in Major's Introduction, the variance being
in the orthography of the names, runs thus:

"This old plate, brought to us by Willem de Vlamingh, we have now handed
over to the commander, in order that he might bring it to Your
Nobilities, and that you may marvel how it remained there through such a
number of years unaffected by air, rain, or sun. They erected on the same
spot another pole, with a flat tin plate, as a memorial, and wrote on it
as to be read in the journals."

The second inscription, relating to Vlamingh's arrival and departure,
which was found added to the first on the plate described by Peron,
corresponds with the one published by Major, and is no doubt the one
referred to above as a memorial TO BE READ IN THE JOURNALS.

We have therefore to look to Vlamingh's account for the authenticity of
the claim. We must take his word for it that he really did carry away a
plate placed on that island in 1616 by Dirck Hartog.

But we come now to the most mysterious part of the whole transaction. In
Vlamingh's journal we find the following entries:

"On the 1st of February (1697), early in the morning, our little boat
went to the coast to fish. Our chief pilot, with De Vlamingh's boat,
again went into the gulf, and our skipper went on shore TO FIX UP A
COMMEMORATIVE TABLET..." The commemorative tablet was fixed up on the 1st
of February. We pass over the doings of the 2nd, which do not refer to
the subject, and we arrive at the 3rd. "On the 3rd Vlamingh's chief pilot
returned on board; he reported that he had explored eighteen leagues, and
that it was an island. HE BROUGHT WITH HIM A TIN PLATE, which in the
lapse of time had fallen from a post to which it had been attached, and
on which was cut the name of the captain, Dirck Hartog, as well as the
names of the first and second merchants, and of the chief pilot of the
vessel, De Eendragt, which arrived here in the year 1616, on the 25th
October, and left for Bantam on the 27th of the same month."

Of course several plates may have been fixed up IN LOCALITIES DISTANT
FROM EACH OTHER. It is not probable that two would be placed in the same
locality. Then, how could the first commemorative tablet, fixed up two
days before, contain the information said to have been found on another
tablet two days later? Besides, there is something suggestive in
Vlamingh's voyage to the coast of New Holland so soon after Dampier's
visit and the publication of various voyages relating to Australia.* Were
the Dutch afraid that the English would claim New Holland as having been
discovered by them?

(*Footnote. An Account of Several Late Voyages and Discoveries to the
South and North, towards the Straits of Magellan, South Seas, the Vast
Tracts of Land beyond Hollandia Nova, etc. By Sir John Narborough, etc.;
was published in 1694, the year before Vlamingh's expedition was first

The avowed object of Vlamingh's expedition was to search for the
Ridderschap Van Hollandt, lost between the Cape of Good Hope and Batavia
in 1685. This searching for a ship and survivors, lost eleven years
before, looks very much like an excuse for the furtherance of some other
object; one other object of the expedition being apparently the fixing up
of claims of discovery. The authenticity of one of these claims--the one
founded on Dirck Hartog's discovery in 1616--was, according to the Dutch
account, only obtained a couple of days after the erection of one of
their memorials.

The authenticity however of Dirck Hartog's discovery would be perhaps
better established from a manuscript chart by Eessel Gerrits, of
Amsterdam, 1627, if it were to be found. According to Flinders* it is
referred to by Dalrymple in his collection concerning Papua, note page 6.
Major also mentions this reference in Dalrymple's work, but quoting
Flinders, we believe. We have neither seen Dalrymple's collection
concerning Papua nor Eessel Gerrit's manuscript chart, or even a copy of

(*Footnote. Flinders, Introduction page xlix.)

Vlamingh's replica of Dirck Hartog's or Hatich's plate must be lying
perdu in some corner of the French Institut. It must have been deposited
there by Freycinet. The other day in the Sydney Free Library we had
occasion to go once more into this matter more thoroughly, as that
institution now possesses Freycinet's magnificent work, Vlamingh's
narrative in Dutch, and Rienzi's compilations. Referring to the plate,
and to the chances of its being lost for ever if he did not take it away,
Freycinet says, very clearly*:

(*Footnote. Freycinet volume 1 page 449. Voyage autour du monde, etc.)

Je la destinais en consequence au cabinet de l'Academie Royale des
inscriptions et belles-lettres de l'Institut de France, et J'AI EU

But the plate we should like to see when found, if it is ever to be
found, indeed if it ever existed, is the one said to have been taken away
by Vlamingh and entrusted to their Nobilities the Gentlemen Seventeen of

What Major said in 1859 with reference to a considerable number of Dutch
voyages still remains true with regard to Dirck Hartog's. A document
"immediately" describing it has not yet been found.

CHAPTER 43. A.D. 1617 TO 1623.



According to the Instructions the next voyage in chronological order "was
undertaken with a yacht in the year 1617, by order of the Fiscael d'
Edel, with little success, of which adventures and discoveries, through
the loss of their journals and remarks, nothing certain is to be found."

If we make use of the above scanty information and apply it to the
examination of old Dutch charts we shall find that a discovery mentioning
the name Edel was made on the western coast of the southern continent,
somewhere between 31 and 33 degrees of south latitude, i.e. between Wedge
and Rottenest Island of modern charts. That discovery is recorded on the
oldest Dutch chart we have come across, a map of the assigned date of
1630, by the legend, I. de Edels Landt det. 1619. The date 1619, as will
be noticed, does not agree with the one given in the Instructions, but
there may be a lapsus somewhere, or bad reading may account for the date
of either the chart or the Instructions.

The next visit to the west coast was made in the year 1618, but no
corroborative evidence of any discovery made that year can be found on
old Dutch charts.

The Dutch recital mentions next a voyage to the west coast made in 1619.
The only discovery made on the west coast of the Great South Land in 1619
is, according to old Dutch charts, the discovery already referred to,
made "by order of the Fiscael d' Edel." The Instructions mention also
another discovery made that year but on the south coast of New Guinea.
The statement runs thus: "A ship named 't wapen van Amsterdam (the Arms
of Amsterdam) destined to Banda, drove past that place and touched at the
south coast of Nova Guinea, where some of the crew were murdered by the
savage inhabitants, wherefore they acquired no certain knowledge of the




Abraham Goos' Globe, A.D. 1621.

We must now interrupt the course of Dutch recital of voyages of discovery
in order to consider a Dutch globe which was published at Amsterdam in
1621, and is therefore in its proper chronological order here.

The globe we refer to is Abraham Goos', published by Joh. Jannssonius. We
might expect to find marked on a globe of that period some of the Dutch
discoveries described in the Instructions. Dirck Hartog's discovery, made
in the year 1616, should at least be recorded. Such however is not the
case, although a Latin legend on the globe in question indicates that ALL
Globi hydrographica, et geographica, non tantum ea quae a majoribus, sed
et omnia jam noviter detecta, singulariquz studio collecta, benevolis
inspectoribus liberali manu offeruntur, valete et frujmini. ANNO 1621.

Abraham Goos' globe shows a southern continent, occupying the position of
Australia, called TERA AUSTRALIS INCOGNITA, without the slightest
intimation of any Dutch discovery whatsoever; it is in fact nothing else
but the Terra Australis that is represented there, discovered and charted
before the arrival of the Dutch in Australasian regions. Nova Guinea
nevertheless, detached from the Terra Australis Incognita, bears the
Dutch nomenclature that obtained after Schouten and Lemaire's expedition
of 1616.

Continuing now the Dutch recital we arrive at the discovery made in the
year 1622. The Dutch lay claim to the discovery in that year of 't Landt
van de Leeuwin, and would have us believe, according to the inscriptions
on their charts, that that part of the south-west coast of Australia, so
clearly marked on Jean Roze's chart of Portuguese origin dating as far
back as 1542, was discovered by one of their captains in the ship
Leeuwin. It was a re-discovery no doubt, and is only suggested in the
Instructions; but as we have said an inscription on all old Dutch charts
clearly records a discovery made in the year 1622. One strange feature of
the oldest of these charts--which we shall consider further on--is that
it still preserved among comparatively modern Dutch inscriptions the
older half Portuguese and half Spanish appellation for Australia, i.e.
TERRA DEL ZUR, Great Land of the South.

According to the Instructions the next voyage "was undertaken in the
month of January 1623, with the yachts Pera and Arnhem, out of Amboina,
under the command of Jan Carstens, with orders to make a nearer
friendship with the inhabitants of the islands Key, Arou, and Tenimber,
and better to discover Nova Guinea and the south lands, when an alliance
was made with the said islands and the south coast of Nova Guinees nearer
discovered. The skipper, with eight of the crew of the yacht Arnhem, was
treacherously murdered by the inhabitants; and, after a discovery of the
great islands Arnhem and the Speriet [by an untimely separation], this
yacht with very little success came back to Amboina.

"But the yacht Pera, persisting in the voyage, sailed along the south
coast of Nova Guinea to a flat cove on this coast, situated in 10 degrees
south latitude, and ran along the west coast of this land to Cape
Keer-Weer, from thence discovered the coast farther southward so far as
17 degrees south to Staten River (from this place what more of the land
could be discerned seemed to stretch westward), and from thence returned
to Amboina. In this discovery were found everywhere shallow water and
barren coast, islands altogether thinly peopled by divers cruel, poor,
and brutal nations, and of very little use to the company. The journal of
this voyage is not now to be found; but the discovered countries may be
seen in the maps which were made of them."

In the above description the passage "and after a discovery of the great
islands Arnhem and Speriet," deserves notice. The conclusion one
naturally comes to in reading that passage is that one of those islands
was named after the yacht Arnhem; as to Speriet no reason is given for
giving that name to the other island said to have been discovered.
Speriet is written differently on Dutch charts, and in the translation of
the Instructions published by Alex. Dalrymple it is given as Spult and
Speult. Speriet is the orthography used in Swart's black letter copy from
the original manuscript document once in the possession of the Van
Keulen's of Amsterdam. It does not appear to be a lapsus because it is
repeated in the 14th paragraph of the Instructions, where mention is made
of the Sperietrivier.

We have contended elsewhere that the word Speult and Spult, to be found
on Dutch charts in the locality of Torres Straits, were words corrupted
from the Spanish words Spiritu Santo, written Spu St., in its abbreviated

The Dutch contend that Spult, or Speult, is the name of a Dutch official
who resided at the Spice Islands for some time.

There certainly was a governor of that name who rendered himself
notorious in the Spice Islands by destroying all the clove trees the
produce of which the Dutch could not monopolise; but we do not see that
the fact of there being a governor named Speult proves that it was his
name that was first applied to the discovery made in the Gulf of
Carpentaria. If however Governor Speult sent out the expedition that gave
rise to his name being applied to the localities where it is to be found
(which remains to be proved), how is it that his name is spelt Speriet in
the most authentic printed Dutch document that we possess? Tasman's
original manuscript chart, now in the possession of Prince Roland
Bonaparte, might throw some light on the subject. The copy we possess of
that document does not; for in it those words are not recorded, although
the nomenclature in the Gulf of Carpentaria is in other respects the most
extensive we know of in print.

As to the other word, Arnhem, there is apparently greater likelihood that
Arnhem River and Arnhem Land were named after the second yacht of the
expedition than there is with regard to Speult River and Island being
named after the Dutch governor of Amboina. One fact however renders
caution necessary and militates against a rash conclusion on the subject,
and that is that an island in older charts than the Dutch ones occupies
the site of the island called Arnhem Island and bears the name Arnim. We
refer to the Henry II mappamundi of 1546, in which the Arouw Islands are
set down in that locality under the name Arnim.

CHAPTER 44. A.D. 1624 TO 1629.



A close rivalry existed at this time between the Dutch and the English
with regard to the trade in the Spice Islands. In 1621 a treaty between
these two nations was signed. It prevented war for a time, but did not
put an end to the disputes or animosities of the rival English and Dutch
companies which culminated in the well-known massacre of the English at
Amboina in 1622. The English notwithstanding continued to send out ships
to the Australasian regions, and in 1624 a petition for the "privilege of
erecting colonies" in Terra Australis was presented to King James the
First by Sir William Courteen. We reprint here from E.A. Petherick's
publication The Torch this interesting document, concerning which Mr.
Petherick remarks*: "Sir James Lancaster, who had made voyages to the
East Indies, frequently proposed to have a ship sent through the Strait
of Magellan to the Solomon Islands, but without result. James the First
was not favourable to colonies.

(*Footnote. The Torch, March 1888 page 89.)

"In the last year of his reign however an eminent London
merchant--probably the most enterprising English merchant of his
time--Sir William Courteen, desiring to extend his trade to the Terra
Australis, petitioned the king for the privilege of erecting colonies
therein. Sir William, who was joint owner of more than twenty ships of
burden, employing four or five thousand seamen, already carried on an
extensive trade on his own account to Portugal, Spain, Guinea, and the
West Indies. The following is a copy of his petition, now printed for the
first time:

"To the King's most Excellent Matie. The humble peticon of Sr William
Courten, knt, Most humbly showeth unto Your Matie.:

That all the lands in ye South parts of ye world called Terra Australis,
incognita, extending Eastwards and Westwards from ye Straights of Le
Maire, together with all ye adjacente Islands, etc., are yet
undiscovered, or, being discovered, are not yet traded unto by any of
your Maties subjects. And your petitioner being very willing, att his
owne charges, which wil be very greate, to endeavour ye discovery thereof
and settle collonies and a plantation there which he hopeth will tend to
ye glory of God, ye reducing of Infidells to Christianity, ye honour of
your Matie, ye inlargemt of your Mat's Territories and Dominions, ye
increase of your Maties' customes & revenue, & ye Navigation and
imployment of your Maties' subjects.

"Your petr therefore humbly desireth yr Matie to bee pleased to grante to
him, his heires and assignes, all ye said lands, islands, and
Territories, with power to discover ye same, to erecte Colonies & a
plantation there, and Courts of Justice, officers and Ministers for ye
setling and governinge of ye said Colonies and plantations and those
which are or shall inhabit or be there, and power to administer justice
and to execute Marshall law by land and sea, and for your petr and those
whom hee shall imploy to defend themselves and offend such others as
shall oppugne or hinder the said discovery or plantation of your petr's
shippes in going or returning; and with such other grantes and landes and
privileges as in cases of discovery or setlinge of Colonies or
plantations is usuall or shall be fitt. And to directe your Matie's
Attorney generall to prepare a grante accordingly fitt for your Matie's
Royal Signature. And your petr (as in duty bound) shall ever pray for
your Matie's long and happie raigne."

Mr. Petherick adds the following: "Having lent large sums of money to the
King, Sir William Courteen had some claim upon His Majesty's
consideration. But it does not appear that 'ALL YE SAID ISLANDS AND
TERRITORIES' were granted to him. He appears to have been satisfied with
a bad title to the island of Barbadoes, where he sent (1626) fifty
settlers, who built a fort (1627), and remained there till it was taken
from them (1628). He then sent eighty men to the island and re-took it in
the name of the Earl of Pembroke. Sir William died in 1666. His son's
claim to the title was not deemed a good one, and was disallowed in



A portion of the south coast of Australia is shown for the first time on
old Dutch charts, where it appears under the name of 't Landt van
P[ieter] Nuyts. The Dutch inscription further indicates that the
discovery was made in the Gulde Zeepaert (the Golden Sea-horse), and the
date varies according to the chart consulted. In the Mar di India chart
it is 26 January 1627. In Pieter Goos' chart it is 26 January 1625. In
Tasman's chart, published in Amsterdam in 1859, the legend reads as

't Landt van p. Nuys opgedean met gulden Zeepert van middelburch. Ano.
1627 den 26 Februaris.

The passage in the Instructions refers to this discovery in the following

"...but in the interim, in the year 1627, the south coast of the great
south land was accidentally discovered by the ship 't Gulde Zeepaert
(comende uit 't Patria) for the space of 250 miles." The date 1625, on P.
Goos' chart, must be wrong, for the announcement of the arrival of the
Golden Seahorse at Batavia on the 10th of April 1627 is to be found, says
P.A. Leupe,* in the daily register of that town amongst the entries made
from January to September 1627. We gather also from that author that the
skipper's name was Franchois Thysz, and that Pieter Nuyts of the Counsel
of Seventeen was on board, with a despatch for the Counsel of India: Aan
boord van dit schip bevond zich PIETER NUYTS, door de Vergadering van
Zeventienen aanges teld tot Raad Extraordinair van Indie.

(*Footnote. De Reizen der Nederlanders naar het Zuitland of Nieuw-Holland
in de 17de en 18de eeuw, door P.A. Leupe. In the Verhandelingen volume 27
page 149 Anno 1867.)

The names of the islands on the south coast of Australia, I. St. Peter
(or Pieter), and I. St. Francoys, appear to have been given in
commemoration of the Christian names of the skipper, Franchois Thysz, and
Peter Nuyts.



"And again, accidentally," says the Instructions, "in the year following,
1628, on the north side, in the latitude of 21 degrees south, by the ship
Vianen, homeward bound from India; when they coasted about 50 miles
without gaining any particular knowledge of this great country, only
observing a foul and barren shore, green fields, and very wild, black,
barbarous inhabitants."

The involuntary visit of the Vianen to the north-west coast of Australia
is recorded on Dutch charts, with slight variation, by the following
inscription: G.F. de Witts Landt ontdeckt 1628. It appears that the
commander's name was Gerrit Fredericsz De Witt,* which accounts for the
initials and name found on Dutch charts. The skipper was Cornelis
Schouten--De Schipper was Cornel is Sthouten, daar hij op den 13 Januarij
1628 het cognossement van de lading teekent.

(*Footnote. See Verhandelingen etc. vol 27 page 151.)

In the second part of the Introduction to the Voyages of the Dutch East
India Company, volume 1 page 51, a short account is given of the wreck of
the Vianen, which, it is stated, had sailed from Batavia in January 1628,
in the hopes of passing the Straits of Bali in the good season, but not
having succeeded she was driven out of her course to the shores of the
Austral lands of the unknown Magellanica. There it was found necessary to
jettison a quantity of precious merchandise, and at last the ship was set
afloat again, not without great risk.



In 1629, in the month of June, the Batavia, commanded by Captain Francis
Pelsart, on his passage from Holland to Java, was separated in a storm
from the fleet with which he was sailing and driven on the reef known as
Houtman's Abrolhos (western coast of Australia). The coast was found to
be very rocky and full of shoals. They resolved however to run the risk
of landing, as the ship was breaking up. They therefore exerted
themselves to get bread and other provisions on deck, but did not take
the same care of the water. On the first day, which was the 5th of June,
they landed one hundred and eighty persons, twenty barrels of bread, and
some small casks of water. Subsequently several parties were landed on
various islands, where they expected to find water; but no water could be
found. The captain, with a few of the crew, resolved to go in a small
boat in search of water. They explored the coast of the mainland for
several days without success. The wind was blowing from the south-east,
and they discovered that the current was carrying them north, whereupon
the captain resolved to steer for Java. Having arrived there safely he
sought for help, and returned to the Abrolhos in the Sardam to save the
remainder of his shipwrecked passengers and crew.

During his absence a shameful conspiracy had been set on foot, and he was
obliged to execute some of the ringleaders and maroon others on the
mainland before his return to Java with the remnant of his charge.

For further particulars of this event we refer our readers to R.H.
Major's Early Voyages to Australia, where a full account of The Voyage
and Shipwreck of Captain Francis Pelsart, in the Batavia, on the coast of
New Holland, and his succeeding Adventures, will be found.

Shortly after the wreck of the Batavia another Dutch ship was near coming
to grief in the same locality. She belonged to Admiral Jacques Specx's
fleet that set sail a little more than a month after the fleet of eleven
vessels to which the Batavia belonged.

On the 19th of August 1629, says Rechteren,* one of the passengers, we
ran close to the South Land, or Land of Concord (Eendraght Landt), where
we found bottom in 40 fathoms, and we ran north.

(*Footnote. Voiages de la Compagnie. Tom. ix. page 131.)

It was on this coast, continues Rechteren, that the ship Batavia was
lost, etc. La nuit du 17 (sic. for 19) nous fumes proche de la Terre du
Sud, ou de la Terre de Concorde, ou nous trouvames fond sur 40 brasses &
nous courumes la bande du Nord. C'etoit sur cette cote que le vaisseau
Batavia s'etoit perdu. J'ai parle moi meme, etant a Batavia au Pasteur
qui y etoit, de qui la femme & les enfants furent egorgez par nos propres
gens, a la reserve d'une fille que ces scelerats violerent; ce qui n'est
qu'un echantillon des barbaries qu'ils commirent. Ce malheur arriva en
cette maniere. Le Batavia etant echoue, les gens se sauverent dans des
Isles ou il n'y avoit point d'eau douce. Le Maitre ayant offert d'aller
avec la chaloupe en chercher au Continent, prit la route de Batavia, &
laissa tout son equipage dans ces Isles. La mesintelligence se mit entre
eux: ils se separerent en diverses troupes. Ce qu'il y eut d'honnetes
gens se joignirent ensemble, & les autres commirent toutes les
mechancetez qu'il leur fut possible de commettre, & dont ils se purent
aviser. Le Commis et ses adherans, apres avoir fait beaucoup de mal, se
rendirent a Batavia, ou ils furent supliciez, sur les plaintes & les
temoignages du reste de ceux qu'ils avoient outragez, qui s'y etoient
aussi rendus.

CHAPTER 45. A.D. 1630 TO 1640.




We acquired some time ago an engraved hand-coloured, curious old Dutch
map of the Indian Ocean, in which a large portion of the Australian
continent as said to be known to the Dutch prior to Tasman's first and
second voyages is delineated. It belongs to a folio printed in black
letter, apparently one of Blaeu's early atlases.

The pagination of the verso, which describes the Mar d'India, Oder Das
Ost-Indische Meer, is 69 & 70. The paper bears no watermark and is gilt
on all the edges. The size of the map is 1 foot 10 inches by 1 foot 6
inches. The title is Mar di India. This map bears no date, but various
discoveries marked on the Australian continent enable one to fix the date
approximately. For instance Peter Nuyt's discovery of the south coast of
the Southern Land is recorded for the year 1627. De Witt's discovery is
also marked, which brings the date of the map to the year 1628. The
discoveries made in the year 1636, when "the coast of Arnhem, or Van
Diemen's Land, in 11 degrees south latitude," and "the unknown island of
Timor Laut," were discovered, are not charted.

The inference is that it dates from between 1629 and 1636. In 1631 Blaeu
and Hortensius were sent by the Dutch to Florence to study under Galileo,
who was at the time applying his discoveries in astronomy to practical
purposes in navigation and geography. The probabilities are therefore in
favour of the supposition that this map, if compiled by Blaeu, was
designed before his departure for Florence with Hortensius. We are aware
that maps of the same regions published in Blaeu's atlases were drawn at
a much later period; they are however most of them totally different to
this one, inasmuch as they show Tasman's discoveries made in the years
1642 and 1644.

The name given to Australia is the most important feature of this map. It
bears the half Portuguese and half Spanish name of TERRA DEL ZUR--the
Land of the South. Originally this name must have been given either by
the Portuguese or the Spanish. It is not at all likely that the Dutch
would give such a name to Australia suggesting a discovery made by their
rivals; and the only other way of explaining its presence is to consider
it as the result of Portuguese or Spanish naming and as a remnant of an
earlier and more extensive nomenclature.



The next Dutch discoveries were made in the Gulf of Carpentaria, when the
bottom of the gulf was visited and Arnhem Land discovered.

This was an expedition sent out from Banda in the year 1636, with Gerrit
Thomasz Pool in command of the yachts Amsterdam and Wesel. They set sail
in the month of April to discover the EAST and SOUTH LANDS; "when they
first discovered the coast of Nova Guinea in 3 1/2 degrees south
latitude, and coasted about 60 miles to the eastward to 5 degrees south,
when the Commodore Pool, with three of the crew (by the barbarous
inhabitants), was murdered, at the same place where the skipper of the
yacht Arnhem was killed in the year 1623.

"Notwithstanding which the voyage was assiduously continued under the
supercargo, Pieter Pietersz, and the islands Keij and Arouw visited. By
very strong easterly winds they could not reach the west coast of Nova
Guinea, but, shaping their course very near south, descried the coast of
Arnhem, or Van Diemen's Land, in 11 degrees south latitude, and sailed
along the coast for 30 miles without seeing any people, but many signs of
smoke; when, turning towards the north, they visited the unknown islands
of Timorland,* and the known islands of Tenimber, Kauwer, etc., but
without ever being able to converse with the inhabitants, who were a very
timid people; when, after three months' cruising, they returned in July
to Banda, without (in this voyage) having done or discovered anything of
consequence; which may be seen by the journals and maps."

(*Footnote. A corruption of Timor Laut.)

In reading Major's translation of the Instructions, and especially his
Introduction (see Early Voyages to Australia page xcii.), it would appear
that three yachts were sent instead of two, for, referring to Pool's
expedition, he says: "Gerrit Tomaz Pool, or Poel, was sent in April of
this year (1636) from Banda, with the yachts Klyn, Amsterdam, and Wezel."

In Tindall and Swart's account (see Verhandelingen en Berigten volume 4
page 73) the names of two yachts only are given, the Amsterdam and Wesel.
We are inclined to believe that Klyn in Major's translation is derived
from klein or kleen, which in Dutch means little, small, and that it
qualified the word Amsterdam in the original text. We have come across
two other original references to the above voyage. The first is in
Valentyn's Beschryvinge van Banda. In that account, given also by Major,
the Amsterdam and the Weasel are the only "two shallops" mentioned.

The second reference is to be found in the Voiages de la Campagnie,
volume 7 page 377. It occurs in a passage where mention is made of the
massacre of "Pierre Pauvelz" and two soldiers, who had come from Kei,
beyond Banda, in a junk.



HOEIUS' MAP, Circa 1640.

We have already remarked that none of the early discoveries which the
Dutch claim to have made on the shores of the Great South land were
marked on a map published at Amsterdam in the year 1621. It appears
strange that those early discoveries, and later ones, extending over a
period of 30 years, from 1606 to 1636, should not be recorded on the map,
the Australasian portion of which we reproduce here. Especially as this
map, published for the first time in 1600, was republished at Amsterdam
circa 1640, recording discoveries that had been made in other parts of
the world since the year 1600.

Franciscus Hoeius, apparently the engraver, and Hugo Allardt, the
publisher, appear to be not only ignorant of Dutch discovery on
Australian shores, but ignore also that part of Schouten and Lemaire's
voyage and discoveries made along the north coast of New Guinea in 1616,
although the Fretum le Maire between Staten landt and Tierra del Fuego,
which belongs to the nomenclature of the same voyage, is set down.
Instead of the Dutch nomenclature that obtained after Schouten and
Lemaire's voyage the earlier nomenclature of Inigo Ortiz de Retez, Juan
Gaetan, and Gaspar Rico, will be noticed on the north coast of New
Guinea, and to the east of New Guinea Mendana's Solomon Islands.

What is probably a rough indication of some portion of the north-west
coast of Australia receives on this map the name of BEACH, a fictitious
name, to which we have already referred. There appears to be an
indication of the Gulf of Carpentaria, and the separation between New
Guinea and York Peninsula is also indicated, although not very
apparently, owing to the scales of latitude which, in the original, form
the margin of the map.

In joining, as we have done, the eastern margin with the western, NOVA
GUINEA does not show the separation from Australia that one is led to
expect to see from the indication on the side of the Gulf of Carpentaria.
The eastern coast of Australia is very roughly indicated, but is not
connected in the south with the Antarctic continent.

CHAPTER 46. A.D. 1642 TO 1658.



Captain T. Bowrey's map, showing Tasman's tracks in his first and second
voyages. Date circa 1687.


In the month of August of the year 1642 Anthonie Van Diemen, the
Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies and the council of the East
India Company, availing themselves of the noted ability of Abel Jansz
Tasman, ordered a more extensive exploration of the South Land, t'
Zuytland, than had hitherto been attempted. Their intention was
principally to find out the extent of the Great South Continent, and
ascertain whether a passage to the south of it led into the South Sea.

Two ships were equipped for the voyage, the Heemskerk and the Zeehaen.
Besides Tasman, as commander of the expedition, there went, as pilot
major, Fransz Jacobsz alias Vissher, and the skippers Yde Tjerksen and
Gerrit Jansz. They set sail for Mauritius. In October they left
Mauritius, and, steering south, reached the latitude of 54 degrees; they
then steered east by north, with the intention of gradually gaining north
until the Solomon Islands should be reached.

In this course they made the south coast of a land which they believed
formed part of the Great South Land.

They named it Anthonie Van Diemen's Land. Having examined the southern
shores of this land they continued their course in a north-easterly
direction, and discovered another important land, which they called New
Zealand. Then, steering north, they visited several islands of the
Pacific, and returned to Java by the north of New Guinea. In the course
of this extensive voyage of circumnavigation Australia was not touched


Tasman's second voyage was undertaken in the beginning of the year 1644.
Its main object was to ascertain whether New Guinea and new Van Diemen's
Land (Tasmania) were connected with the South Land (Australia) or not.
Three ships were equipped for the expedition, the Limmen, the Zeemeuw,
and the Brack. They sailed into the Gulf of Carpentaria with the
intention of reaching new Van Diemen's Land; but, failing to find the
strait through which Torres had passed in 1606 and which now bears his
name, they steered along the northern and north-western coasts of
Australia and returned to Java. The track which Tasman followed in his
two voyages will be found traced in Captain T. Bowrey's map, which we
give here (Illustration 7).

Captain Bowrey's map bears no date, but was probably made in 1687, says
Major, from whose work (Early Voyages to Australia) we take it. Since
Major published that map Tasman's original chart has been found, and
Tasman's route is traced on it in a similar manner, showing that our copy
is correct.

No new discoveries of any importance were made, strictly speaking, in
Tasman's second voyage; nevertheless after 1644, when the first maps in
which his track is laid down made their appearance, the outline of this
continent assumed for the first time a relatively true position and a
more accurate delineation of form. Whether, between the time of Tasman's
return (which, according to the Instructions, was fixed for July 1644),
and the publication of the first map, new expeditions were made it would
be difficult to say. None are spoken of, and Dutch discoveries may be
said to have ended with Tasman's second voyage and the death of A. Van
Diemen, which happened on the 19th of April 1645.

About this time the Dutch, in addition to calling Australia 't Groot
Zuidlandt, the Great South Land, which was only the translation of the
previous name, Terra Australis and Terra del Zur, began calling it Nova
Hollandia and Nieuw Holland, a name transferred by them to the southern
continent from the icy regions they had explored in the Arctic Seas when
attempting to reach India and the Spice Islands by a north-east passage.

The maritime power of the Dutch nation was now reaching its climax. Eight
years after Tasman's last voyage, in 1652, Holland was the most powerful
maritime state in Europe. Her preponderance however was soon to give way
to that of England. In 1653 Van Tromp's fleet was beaten by Blake's.
Another and more decisive battle, in which Monk had the command and in
which Van Tromp was killed, dealt a death blow to the supremacy of the
Netherlands. After this the Dutch seem to have lost all interest in
connection with Australian discovery, and the occasions on which they
sighted this continent seem to have been mostly when their ships were
driven out of their course by storms or contrary winds and currents.

In 1656 the ship Vergulde Draeck* (Golden Dragon) was wrecked on the same
coast as Pelsart in 1629, but a little further south. She had sailed on
the 4th of October from Holland, on her way to the East Indies, with a
rich cargo, including 78,600 guilders in cash, in eight boxes; she was
wrecked very suddenly on the 28th of April, at night, on a reef
stretching out to sea about one mile and a half, latitude 30 2/3 degrees.

(*Footnote. In the Voyages of Gautier Shouten, published at Amsterdam in
1708 duod. volume 1 page 41 et seq., there is a curious account of the
wreck of the Vergulde Draeck. P.P. King, in his narrative of a survey of
the inter-tropical and western coasts of Australia, gives this account in
French, page xviii. volume 1.

Of one hundred and ninety-three souls only seventy-five, amongst whom
were the skipper, Pieter Aberts, and the under-steersman, reached the
shore alive. The news was brought to Batavia on the 7th of June by one of
the ship's boats, with the above-mentioned steersman and six sailors. The
General and Council resolved to get ready without delay the Witte Valck
(White Falcon). She was ordered to join company with the yacht Goede Hoop
(Good Hope), then cruising in the Straits of Sunda, and to proceed with
her towards the coast of the South Land. Apart from the rescue work they
were sent to perform they were ordered to explore the coast with
particular attention near the part where the ship had been wrecked, and
to lay it down on a map.

These two vessels returned without having succeeded in their object, the
White Falcon on the 14th of September, and the yacht Good Hope a month
afterwards, having been forced by a severe storm to part company on the
18th of July, on their way south. According to the captain's journals
lying at Batavia they had reached the coast just in the winter time,
during which season the sea is so boisterous there that an approach to
the coast is a matter of extreme danger.

Thus, as these documents inform us, they were compelled, after
experiencing great dangers and exhausting every effort, to put off from
the coast and return to Batavia, leaving behind them eleven men of the
yacht Good Hope--three having wandered too far into the bush eight others
were sent in search of them, but not one of the number returned. As the
boat in which they had rowed to land was found dashed to pieces on the
shore the whole number most probably came to an untimely end. According
to the reports which were made some men or some signs of the wreck of the
Golden Dragon had been noticed, although the Good Hope, which had been at
the place when the ship was supposed to have been wrecked, gave a
different statement.

Subsequently the commander at the Cape of Good Hope, according to
instructions sent to him, gave orders in the year 1657 to the fly-boat
Vinck, bound thence to Batavia, to touch en passant at the same place
where the above-mentioned disaster had occurred, that search might be
made for the unfortunate men. But his vessel, also having arrived at the
unfavourable season, found no means of landing either with fly-boat or
boat so as to make a proper search. Having sighted land in 29 degrees 7
minutes south latitude, on the 8th of June 1657, they continued to coast
along it until the 12th, when they stood out towards Batavia, where they
arrived on the 27th.

Although the rescue of these men seemed hopeless the General and Council
resolved to despatch, for a third time, two galliots, the Waeckende Boey
and Emeloort, the former with a crew of forty, the latter with
twenty-five men, provisioned for six months. They set sail from Batavia
on the 1st of January 1658. They had at last taken due consideration of
the necessity of approaching these inhospitable shores in the proper
season of the year. On the 19th of April they returned to Batavia, having
each of them separately, after parting company by the way, sailed
backwards and forwards again and again, and landed parties at several
points along the coast. They had also continually fired signal guns night
and day, without however discovering either any Dutchman or the wreck of
the vessel. The only things seen were some few planks and blocks, with a
piece of a mast, a taffrail, fragments of barrels, and other objects
scattered here and there along the coast and supposed to be remnants of
the wreck. The crew of the Emeloort also saw, at different points, five
black men of extremely tall stature, without however daring to land
there. Thus this expedition also failed in its object. On their return
they left the cliff Tortelduyf on the starboard side. On the 14th of
April they made for the west point of Java, and there fell in again with
the Waeckende Boey, which had lost its boat and schuyt and fourteen men,
and had got some timber from the Golden Dragon, at 31 degrees 15 minutes
south latitude, without having perceived anything else. The Waeckende
Boey had on March 31 passed at five miles' distance from Dirck Hartog's
Reede. The following is a description of the west coast of Australia by
Captain Volkersen of the Waeckende Boey:

"The south land has on its coasts downs covered with grass and sand so
deep that in walking one's foot is buried ankle deep, and leaves great
traces behind it. At about a league from the shore there runs a reef of
rock, on which here and there the sea is seen to break with great force.
In some places there is a depth of from one, one and a half, to two
fathoms, so that a boat can pass, after which the depth becomes greater
up to the shore; but it is everywhere a dangerous coral bottom, on which
it is difficult to find holding for an anchor. There is only one spot,
about nine leagues to the north of the island, and where these rocks are
joined by a reef that shelter is afforded for a boat, and there one can
effect a landing, but the ground is everywhere rocky. Further from the
coast there is a raised ground, tolerably level, but of dry and barren
aspect, except near the island, where there is some foliage. In nearly 32
degrees south latitude there is a large island* nearly three leagues from
the continent, with some rather high mountains, covered with wood and
thickets which render it difficult to pass across.

(*Footnote. Named afterwards Rottnest (Rat's Nest) Island.)

It is dangerous to land there on account of the reefs of rock along the
coast; and moreover one sees many rocks between the continent and this
island, and also a smaller island somewhat to the south. This large
island, to which I have not chosen to give a name myself, thinking it
right to leave the choice of name to the Governor-General, may be seen
from the sea at seven or eight leagues distance on a clear day. I presume
that both fresh water and wood will be found there in abundance, though
not without considerable trouble."*

(*Footnote. Translated from a Dutch manuscript in the Royal Archives at
the Hague. See Major's Early Voyages to Australia page 89.)

CHAPTER 47. A.D. 1660 TO 1669.



Peter Goos' Map of Hollandia Nova, Circa 1660 TO 1669.


The map of Hollandia Nova by P. Goos, which we reproduce here
(Illustration 34), is a reduced copy of an engraved map published at
Amsterdam between the years 1660 and 1669. It bears no date, but belongs
to one of the numerous atlases published in Holland during the
above-mentioned period.

In it Tasman's discoveries are duly recorded, and the name Hollandia
Nova, written across the Australian continent, is followed by the legend
detecta 1644, which is the date of Tasman's second voyage. This map
differs slightly from the engraved copy of Tasman's original manuscript
chart published in 1859 by G. Hulst Van Keulen, of Amsterdam: Owing no
doubt to its smaller size, the nomenclature is less complete. The
delineation of the discovered portions of coastline are similar. Unlike
Goos' map the map published by G. Hulst Van Keulen shows a connection,
albeit fictitious, of the south coast of Australia with the west coast of
Tasmania, and the east coast of Tasmania is connected with a fictitious
east coast of Australia running north beyond New Guinea, then connecting
with New Ireland and New Britain, those islands being linked in the same
erroneous way with New Guinea and Australia.

The strange consequence of this combination is that New Guinea is
deprived of its name. Australia is called the COMPAGNIS NIEV NEDERLANDT,
and the following legend is placed immediately under that title: Int
osten het groote landt van nouo guinea met het erste bekende Zuijt lant
weesende een landt end altesaemen aen malkanderen vast als by deese
gestippelde passagie by d'Jachten Limmen. Zeehmeeuw end het quel d'
bracq-kan worden. Ano 1644.

In P. Goos' map New Guinea bears the legend, le Maire dicta Nova Guinea,
and the name for Australia is HOLLANDIA NOVA; detecta 1644.

The other comparative nomenclature of these maps as far as Australia and
Tasmania are concerned is as follows:


New Zealand, which is not charted in our copy of P. Goos' map, is named
STAETE LANDT in Tasman's map; then follows a legend relating to its
discovery thus: dit is beseylt ende ondeckt met schepen hemskerck ende
Zeehaen onder het commande van de E. abel Tasman. In de yare Ano 1642 de
13 desembre.

The few names inscribed along the sea coast are the following:

't dry Koningen Eylant
cabo maria van diemens
cabo pieter borels
Zeehaen boecht
abel tasman Reede
clyppen hoeck

It will be noticed that P. Goos' map represents the western shores of
Cape York Peninsula as a separate land from Australia and New Guinea,
tinted in yellow, and bearing the name CARPENTARIA.

The discoveries supposed to have been made during the government of
Speult in the Spice Islands, and bearing his name on some charts, are not
recorded in Tasman's chart, neither do we notice the Portuguese or
Spanish inscription Pedra branca which occurs in P. Goos' map, and is
written also Piedra blanca in other maps.

It is difficult to explain the presence of these words on maps supposed
to be copies of Tasman's original chart. Other words, evidently of
Portuguese or Spanish origin, appear also even on Tasman's chart in
combination with his nomenclature. These names suggest an earlier
discovery and the possession by the Dutch of maps relating to those

Explorers and navigators who make discoveries give, as a rule, the
reasons for naming the various places they discover. Tasman's journal
makes no exception to this rule, and, while he mentions Pedra branca as
resembling another Pedra Branca on the coast of China, he does not say
that he named those rocks off the south coast of Tasmania.

CHAPTER 48. A.D. 1688 TO 1700.



W. Dampier.


The dawn of the English period of dominion in Australasia was heralded by
the arrival of W. Dampier thirty years after the last recorded Dutch
voyage, and precisely one hundred years before the arrival of our first
English Governor.*

(*Footnote. Phillip sighted land on the 3rd of January 1788; Dampier on
the 4th of January 1688.)

Dampier's first visit was to the north-western coast, which was
approached from Timor. His narrative runs thus: "The 4th day of January
1688 we fell in with the land of New Holland, in the latitude of 16
degrees 50 minutes, having, as I said before, made our course due south
from the shoal* that we past by the 31st day of December. We ran in close
by it, and, finding no convenient anchorage, because it lies open to the
north-west, we ran along shore to the eastward, steering north-east by
east, for so the land lies. We steered thus about twelve leagues, and
then came to a point of land from whence the land trends east and
southerly for ten or twelve leagues; but how afterwards I know not. About
three leagues to the eastward of this point there is a pretty deep bay,
with abundance of islands in it, and a very good place to anchor in or to
hale ashore. About a league to the eastward of that point we anchored,
January the 5th 1688, two miles from the shore, in twenty-nine fathoms
good hard sand and clean ground.

(*Footnote. Great Sahul Shoal.)

"New Holland is a very large tract of land. It is not yet determined
whether it is an island or a main continent, but I am certain that it
joins neither to Asia, Africa, nor America. This part of it that we saw
is all low, even land, with sandy banks against the sea, only the points
are rocky, and so are some of the islands in this bay.

"The land is of a dry sandy soil, destitute of water except you make
wells, yet producing divers sorts of trees; but the woods are not thick,
nor the trees very big. Most of the trees that we saw are dragon trees,
as we supposed, and these too are the largest trees of anywhere. They are
about the bigness of our large apple-trees, and about the same height,
and the rind is blackish and somewhat rough. The leaves are of a dark
colour; the gum distils out of the knots or cracks that are on the bodies
of the trees. We compared it with some gum-dragon, or dragon's blood,
that was aboard, and it was of the same colour and taste. The other sorts
of trees were not known by any of us. There was pretty long grass growing
under the trees, but it was very thin. We saw no trees that bore fruit or
berries. When we had been here about a week, we hal'd our ship into a
small sandy cove, at a spring-tide, as far as she would float; and at low
water she was left dry, and the sand dry without us near half a mile, for
the sea riseth and falleth here about five fathoms. The flood runs north
by east, and the ebb south by west. All the neaptides we lay wholly
aground, for the sea did not come near us by about a hundred yards. We
had therefore time enough to clean our ship's bottom, which we did very
well. Most of our men lay ashore in a tent, where our sails were mending;
and our strikers brought home turtle and manatee every day, which was our
constant food.

"While we lay here I did endeavour to persuade our men to go to some
English factory, but was threatened to be turned ashore and left here for

"This made me desist, and patiently wait for some more convenient place
and opportunity to leave them than here, which I did hope I should
accomplish in a short time, because they did intend, when they went from
hence, to bear down towards Cape Cormorin.

"In their way thither they designed to visit also the island Cocos, which
lieth in latitude 12 degrees 12 minutes north, by our drafts, hoping
there to find of that fruit, the island having its name from thence."

From Dampier's description it seems easy enough to determine the part of
the coast visited by him, for although he gives no longitude this is
indicated by his statement concerning the shoal that he fell in with to
the south of Timor. Dampier, it must be remembered, was only a common
sailor on this trip, and the captain of the Cygnet, the ship he was in,
had no intentions of discovery. Their visit at New Holland was to see
what that country "would afford" them. They did not give any names to the
places where they stayed, nor did they know whether they had made any
discoveries or not. The nomenclature that commemorates their visit was
given in 1821 by P.P. King, who had no difficulty in fixing the locality
described by Dampier, for, alluding to Dampier's description, he says*:
"From this description, I have little hesitation in settling Cape Leveque
to be the point he passed round. In commemoration therefore of his visit
the name of Buccaneer's Archipelago was given to the cluster of isles
that fronts Cygnet Bay, which was so called after the name of the ship in
which he sailed. The point within Cape Leveque was named Point Swan**
after the captain of the ship, and to a remarkable lump in the centre of
the archipelago the name of Dampier's monument was assigned."

("Footnote. Narrative of a Survey of the Intertropical and Western Coasts
of Australia, performed between the years 1818 and 1822, by Captain
Phillip P. King, R.N. London 1827 volume ii. page 38 line 20.)

(**Footnote. At the time of the visit of the Cygnet to Australia Captain
Reade was in command. Captain Swan and thirty-six of his men had
abandoned the Cygnet at Mindanao, being heartily weary of buccaneering.)



Wilhem de Vlamingh's voyage is the next in chronological order. The
avowed object of Vlamingh's visit to the South Land was to search for the
Ridderschap Van Hollandt, lost between the Cape of Good Hope and Batavia
in 1685. The little fleet of three vessels composing the expedition set
sail from Holland on May 3 1696. It was composed as follows: The frigate
De Geelvink, Commodore Wilhem de Vlamingh; the hooker De Nyptang, Captain
Gerrit Colaert; the galiot Weseltje, Captain Cornelis de Vlamingh, son of
the Commodore.

The few extracts that we shall give are taken from The Journal of a
Voyage made to the unexplored South Land, by order of the Dutch East
India Company, in the years 1696 and 1697. Printed at Amsterdam in 1701.

"On the morning of the 29th December 1696 at half-past two o'clock we
discovered the South Land...They cast anchor in from fourteen to fifteen
fathoms. At nearly half a league from the island, on the south side, they
had good holding ground.

"There are very few birds there and no animals except a kind of rat as
big as a common cat, whose dung is found in abundance over all the

(*Footnote. The island mentioned above is the one seen thirty-eight years
before by Captain Samuel Volkersen, and which he did not name, "thinking
it right to leave the choice of name to the Governor-General." It
received a name after Vlamingh's sojourn there (Rottnest), which was
suggested no doubt by Vlamingh's description.)

On the 4th (January) de Vlamingh's boat made sail for the mainland. On
its return a council was held with the view of making an expedition on
shore on the morrow.

"At sunrise on the morning of the 5th the resolution which had been taken
was put into execution, and I, in company with the skipper, pushed off to
the mainland with the boats of the three South land navigators. We
mustered, what with soldiers and sailors, and two of the blacks that we
had taken with us at the Cape, eighty-six strong, well armed and
equipped. We proceeded eastwards; and after an hour's march we came to a
hut of a worse description than those of the Hottentots. Further on was a
large basin of brackish water, which we afterwards found was a river, on
the bank of which were several footsteps of men, and several small pools
in which was fresh water, or but slightly brackish. In spite of our
repeated searches however we found no men.

"Towards evening we determined to pass the night on shore, and pitched
our camp in the wood, in the place where we found a fire which had been
lighted by the inhabitants, but whom nevertheless we did not see. We fed
the fire by throwing on wood, and each quarter of an hour four of our
people kept watch.

"On the morning of the 6th at sunrise we divided ourselves into three
companies, each taking a different route, to try if we could not by this
means find some men. After three or four hours we rejoined each other
near the river without discovering anything beyond some huts and
footsteps. Upon which we betook ourselves to rest. Meanwhile they brought
me the nut of a certain fruit tree, resembling in form the drioens,
having the taste of our large Dutch beans, and those which were younger
were like a walnut. I ate five or six of them, and drank of the water
from the small pools; but after an interval of about three hours I and
five others who had eaten of these fruits began to vomit so violently
that we were as dead men; so that it was with the greatest difficulty
that I and the crew regained the shore, and thence in company with the
skipper were put on board the galiot, leaving the rest on shore.

"On the 7th the whole of the crew returned on board with the boats,
bringing with them two young black swans. The mouth of the said river
lies in 31 degrees 46 minutes, and at eleven, nine, and seven gunshots
from the mainland are five and a half fathoms of water on good bottom.
Between the river and Rottenest Island, which is at nearly five leagues
distance, Captain de Vlamingh had the misfortune to break his cable."

On the 10th and 11th they renewed their exploration of the river where
they had found the black swans (since called the Swan River), ascending
it six or seven leagues (some thought it was ten).

They then continued their course along the coast in a northerly
direction, landing at various places, finding footsteps of men, dogs, and
cassowary (emus). On the 23rd and 24th they passed through the channel
now known as the Geelvinck Channel, landing now and again. On the 25th
and 26th they were on shore searching for water, which they discovered
near a little hut. They were now in the latitude of Hutt Lagoon and Port
Gregory of modern charts. On the 28th they put to sea again. On the 30th
they cast anchor in "an extensive gulf, which probably must have been
that named Dirk Hartogs Reede." On the 31st two boats entered the gulf to
explore it, and two others to go fishing, which brought back in the
evening a good quantity. The same evening the chief pilot reported that
they had been in the gulf but had seen nothing further to show whether
the part to the north of the gulf were an island or not. They saw there a
number of turtles.

The narrative then runs thus: "On the 1st of February, early in the
morning, our little boat went to the coast to fish. Our chief pilot, with
de Vlamingh's boat, again went into the gulf, AND OUR SKIPPER WENT ON

(*Footnote. We have italicised the above passage, which should be
compared with another further on, equally italicised by us, both being
worthy of some consideration. See also above.)

"On the 2nd we took three great sharks, one of which had nearly (sic)
thirteen little ones, of the size of a large pike. The two captains (for
de Vlamingh had also gone on shore) returned on board late in the
evening, having been a good six or seven leagues up the country. Our
captain brought with him a large bird's head, and related that he had
seen two nests, made of boughs, which were full three fathoms in

"On the 3rd Vlamingh's chief pilot returned on board. He reported that he
had explored eighteen leagues, and that it was an island. HE BROUGHT WITH
HIM A TIN PLATE, which, in the lapse of time, had fallen from a post to
which it had been attached, and on which was cut the name of the captain,
Dirk Hartog, as well as the names of the first and second merchants, and
of the chief pilot of the vessel De Eendraght, which arrived here in the
year 1616, on the 25th of October, and left for Bantam on the 27th of the
same month."

From the above we observe two items of importance: first, that they went
on shore on the 1st of February to fix up a commemorative tablet; and
secondly, that Dirk Hartog's tin plate was brought on board by de
Vlamingh's chief pilot on the 3rd. These two occurrences, as related by a
member of de Vlamingh's expedition, are difficult to reconcile unless we
admit that two commemorative tablets were erected at Dirck Hartog's
Island, which does not appear probable and is not recorded in the

(*Footnote. See above.)

Dirck Hartog's plate was taken away by Vlamingh and another one erected
in its place commemorating Hartog's visit in 1616 and Vlamingh's in 1697,
"as to be read in the journals," says the narrative.

To conclude the description of this voyage: They now shaped their course
in a northerly direction. Whether they passed between Dirck Hartog's
Island and the mainland is not very clear. Having reached North West Cape
they report having sailed up that bogus river known on old Dutch charts
as Willems' River. They then steered their course for Batavia.




Dampier's Map of Shark's Bay.


Conyza Nova Hollandia angustis Rorismarini foliis.

The next voyage to Australia was directed to the same shores by W.
Dampier, now captain of the Roebuck and on a voyage of discovery.

At a time when Englishmen barely credited the existence of a continent
south of the East Indies it is noteworthy that amongst Dampier's patrons
was Edward Harley, Earl of Oxford, one of the principal Lords of the
Admiralty, and possessor of that valuable document, the Dauphin chart.
He, at least, believed in the existence of a southern continent.

Dampier fell in with the coast of Australia to the north of the Abrolhos,
"an appellative name for shoals" as he calls it, and "strove to run in
near the shore to seek for a harbour to refresh us after our tedious
voyage; having made one continued stretch from Brazil hither of about 114
degrees; designing from hence also to begin the discovery I had a mind to
make on New Holland and New Guinea. The land was low and appeared
even"..."with some red and some white cliffs; these last in latitude 26
degrees 10 minutes south, where you will find fifty-four fathoms within
four miles of the shore...

"When I saw there was no harbour here, nor good anchoring, I stood off to
sea again, in the evening of the second of August...I made sail and stood
to the north; and at eleven o'clock the next day, August 5th, we saw land
again at about six leagues distance. This noon we were in latitude 25
degrees 30 minutes.

"The 6th of August, in the morning, we saw an opening in the land, and we
ran into it...The mouth of this sound, which I called Shark's Bay, lies
in about twenty-five degrees south latitude.

"Twas the 7th of August when we came into Shark's Bay, in which we
anchored at three several places, and stay'd at the first of them* till
the 11th. During which time we searched about, as I said, for fresh
water, digging wells, but to no purpose.

(*Footnote. On the south-west side of the bay, vide map (Illustration

"On the 11th about noon I steered farther in, with an easy sail, because
we had but shallow water...Then we saw the land right ahead that in the
plan makes the east of the bay. We could not come near it with the ship,
having but shoal water; finding by the shallowness of the water that
there was no going out to sea to the east of the two islands* that face
the bay, nor between them, I returned to the west entrance. going out by
the same way I came in at, only on the east instead of the west side of
the small shoal to be seen in the place; in which channel we had ten,
twelve, and thirteen fathoms of water, still deepening upon us till we
were out at sea.

(*Footnote. Dorre and Bernier Islands.)

"It was August the 14th when I sailed out of this bay or
sound...designing to coast along
to the north-east till I might commodiously put in at some other part of
New Holland...The 20th we were in latitude 19 degrees 37 minutes, and
kept close on a wind to get sight of the land again, but could not get to
see it...The 21st we did not make the land till noon...There were three
or four rocky islands about a league from us...and we saw many other far as we could see either way from our top-mast head; and
all within them to the south there was nothing but islands of a pretty
height, that may be seen eight or nine leagues off. By what we saw of
them they must have been a range of islands of about twenty leagues in
length, stretching from east-north-east to west-south-west, and for aught
I know as far as to those of Shark's Bay, and to a considerable breadth
also (for we could see nine or ten leagues in among them) towards the
continent or mainland of New Holland, if there be any such thing
hereabouts, and by the great tides I met with awhile afterwards more to
the north-east, I had a strong suspicion that here might be a kind of
archipelago of islands, and a passage possibly to the south of New
Holland and New Guinea into the great south sea eastward, which I had
thoughts also of attempting on my return from New Guinea (had
circumstances permitted), and told my officers so; but I could not
attempt it at this time because we wanted water, and could not depend
upon finding it there.

"This place is in the latitude of 20 degrees 21 minutes, but in the
draught that I had of this coast, which was Tasman's, it was laid down in
19 degrees 50 minutes, and the shore is laid down as all along joining in
one body or continent, with some openings appearing like rivers, and not
like islands, as really they are...There grew here two or three sorts of
shrubs, one just like rosemary,* and therefore I called this Rosemary

(*Footnote. See Illustration 18 where Dampier's design of the Australian
rosemary is given.)

Dampier was then amongst the islands which afterwards received the name
of Archipel de Dampier on the occasion of the visit to them made on the
29th of March 1803 by the commander of the French ship le Casuarina.*

(*Footnote. See Peron volume 2 page 234.)

He was greatly in need of fresh water and a better place to ride in; he
consulted with his officers; "they all agreed to go from hence."

"Accordingly, August the 23rd at five in the morning we ran out...On the
25th of August we still coasted along the shore that we might the better
see any opening...The 30th day, being in latitude 18 degrees 21 minutes,
we made the land again...The 31st of August, betimes in the morning, I
went ashore with ten or eleven men to search for water. We went armed
with muskets and cutlasses for defence, expecting to see people there
(they had seen 'smoaks' near the shore), and carried also shovels and
pickaxes to dig wells." They had an encounter at this place with the
natives, of which Dampier says: "These New Hollanders were probably the
same sort of people as those I met with on this coast in my voyage round
the world,* for the place I then touched at was not above forty or fifty
leagues to the north-east of this...Upon returning to my men I saw they
had dug eight or nine feet deep, yet found no water. So I return'd aboard
that evening, and the next day, being September 1st, I sent my boatswain
ashore to dig deeper, and sent the sain with him to catch fish."

(*Footnote. See volume 1. page 464 etc. Dampier's Voyage Round the

The passage to the South Sea still haunted Dampier's mind. Such a passage
was not indicated on the Dutch charts, which were those that Dampier
used, but he may have had also a draught of the Dauphin chart, on which a
passage is indicated. It will be borne in mind that Ed. Harley, the Earl
of Oxford and one of the principal Lords of the Admiralty, had been
instrumental in sending Dampier out on this expedition of discovery, and
that Harley was the possessor of the Dauphin chart, which has also been
called the Harleyan chart by some cartographers.

The "passage to the South Sea" was suggested to Dampier by the tides at
the place where he was, for he says: "By the height and strength and
course of them hereabouts it should seem that, if there be such a passage
or straight going through eastward to the great South Sea, as I said one
might suspect, one would expect to find the mouth of it somewhere between
this place and Rosemary Island, which was the part of New Holland I came
last from."

After all their trouble, the only water they could get was brackish.

"And thus, having ranged about a considerable time upon this coast
without finding any good fresh water, or any convenient place to clean
the ship, as I had hoped for, and it being moreover the height of the dry
season, and my men growing scorbutick for want of refreshments, so that I
had little encouragement to search further, I resolved to leave this
coast, and accordingly in the beginning of September set sail towards
Timor." From Timor, where Dampier made a lengthy stay, a straight course
was made for New Guinea, which was sighted on January 1 1700.

CHAPTER 49. A.D. 1700 TO 1717.



Five years and twenty-three days after we left W. Dampier in sight of New
Guinea three Dutch vessels left Batavia--the fluyt Vossenbosch, the sloop
the Wajer, and the phantiallang or patsjalling Nova Hollandia. These
three vessels were commanded by Martin Van Delft. The journals appear to
have been lost, as usual, but a report has been preserved which was
addressed to the Governor-General and Council. The three Dutch ships
remained some considerable time at Timor, then in April 1705 proceeded to
the north-west corner of Van Diemen's Land. This north-west corner of Van
Diemen's Land is what is now known as Cape Van Diemen, Melville Island,
Northern Territory. They were instructed to survey with care a large bay
that, owing to the flow of water and other signs, was believed to run
right through to the South of New Holland. They only visited however "a
very small portion of that great bay, which it was recommended to them to
sail over and explore as much as possible." The great bay in question is
Van Diemen's Gulf, which retained on old Dutch charts the term Baya,
given to it no doubt by the Portuguese, who must have been there before.*

(*Footnote. In 1818, when P.P. King was on a surveying expedition to the
locality, and determined the insularity of Melville Island, the natives
"repeatedly asked for axes by imitating the action of chopping," and
invited the white men to land, one in particular, a native woman,
frequently repeated the words "Ven aca, Ven aca," come here, come here,
"accompanied with an invitation to land." P.P. King volume I. pages 111
and 113.)

Having reached Cape Van Calmoerie, Croker Island, the expedition returned
home. A map of the surveys made during that expedition was published at
Amsterdam in 1868 in Jacob Swart's Verhandelingen en Berigten. The above
expedition is the last one recorded in which discoveries were made before
the arrival of our illustrious Cook.



The publication of Dampier's voyages, in which New Holland is described
as the BARRENEST SPOT UPON THE GLOBE, seems to have damped the ardour for
Australian exploration, for the several schemes of colonisation that were
projected about this time met with no encouragement. The great Australian
Continent was a drug in the market. None would have it. One of these
schemes is worth recording because it appears to have been suggested by
Dampier, who, after his return to England, viewing the profession of the
sea with the old yearnings of the buccaneer, started on a privateering
expedition to despoil the Spaniards.

On this occasion Dampier commanded the St. George, and a certain John
Welbe, author of the scheme we refer to, accompanied him, it appears, for
he mentions having done so in his petition. Welbe does not mention
however that most of his information came from Dampier; in fact he
pretends to ignore that others had visited the regions in which he
proposes to settle colonies. Burney (volume iv. page 517) gives the
following account of John Welbe's proposal, which is to be found among
the Sloane Manuscripts in the British Museum:

"In 1713 John Welbe, a person who had been in the South Sea with Captain
Dampier, offered a plan to the British Ministry for a voyage to make a
full discovery of Terra Australis. Welbe was an ingenious but distressed
projector, and, it appearing that his proposals were made principally
with a view to his own relief, they obtained little attention. They were
referred to the Admiralty, and afterwards to the South Sea Company, a
committee of which company examined and 'found the matter out of their

The heads of Welbe's scheme were, to give them in his own words, as

"For a good fourth-rate ship of the navy to be equipped for the voyage,
to carry 180 men, having only her upper tier of guns mounted, leaving the
rest ashore for the convenience of storing additional provisions, and for
the ease of the ship; the cooking copper to be hung like a still so that,
when water is wanted, we can distil salt water and make fresh. Also a
brigantine tender to be provided. To go round Cape Horne to the island
Juan Fernandez, thence to the Solomon Islands, discovered 150 years ago
by the Spaniards. But the Court of Spain did not think fit to settle them
by reason they had not entirely settled the main land of Peru. On
arriving, to search and discover what that country abounds in, and to
trepan some of the inhabitants on board and bring them to England, who,
when they have learned our language, will be proper interpreters."

Welbe proposes afterwards to sail to New Guinea, which he believed to
form part of Terra Australis, and there to make the like examination. He
renewed his proposals several times. His plan and application have been
preserved in the Sloane collection of manuscripts, and his last
application is dated in the latter part of the year 1716, from
Wood-street Compter, where he was then confined for debt. He complains in
it that he presented three petitions to the king, besides petitioning the
Treasury and the Admiralty Board, without receiving any definite answer.*

(*Footnote. History of New South Wales, from the Records. By G.B. Barton
page 569.)

It will be noticed that Dampier's experience was made use of, and that
the absence of fresh water on the coasts of Australia was to be provided
against. In the above proposal Welbe acknowledges that he had been in the
South Sea with Dampier, and also that the Spaniards had discovered the
Solomon Islands; but in a later proposal made in 1716, just after
Dampier's death, he boastfully states that "from the coast of Peru West
to the East Indies is upwards of 2,500 leagues, which to the south of the

Only one copy of the original of this second proposal, which we give
here, is known to exist, and that is in the Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris. Mr. G.B. Barton remarks, "That in the light of present knowledge,
this document is of great interest, especially in connection with the
reference to the gold and silver mines, and the name of New Wales."

CAPTAIN JOHN WELBE'S PROPOSALS for Establishing a Company, by the name of
the London Adventurers, for carrying on a Trade to (and settling Colonies
in) TERRA AUSTRALIS, and Working and Improving the Gold and Silver Mines
which there abound.

"Whereas 'tis well known that there is no nation that do Trade from the
South Seas to the East Indies but the Spaniards, whose India trade is
from Acapulco (on the coast of Mexico, in the South Seas), to the
Philippine Islands in the East Indies, which ships in going keep always
to the North-East Trade Wind; and in coming back they run to 40 or 45
Degrees North, to meet with a Westerly Wind, to run them to the Eastward,
for which Reason those Southern parts are not yet fully discovered, nor
any part of them settled by any European whatsoever, they lying out of
the way of all Trading Ships.

"If we look back and trace the Course of those European Ships Voyages
that have sailed round the Globe it may easily be seen how far they were
from making any Discoveries in those Southern Parts, the Course of their
Voyages not giving them any Opportunity for so doing.

"Magellanus, the Discoverer of the Streights called after his Name, the
first that sailed West from the South Seas to the East Indies, sailed
along the Coasts of Peru and Mexico till he came to California, and
thence took his Departure for India, keeping in the North-East Trade

"Sir Francis Drake, said to be the first Commander that sailed round the
Globe (Magellanus being kill'd by the Indians of Mindanos Island) kept
the Coast of Peru and Mexico on board, and sailed West for India in the
North-East Trade Wind.

"Sir Thomas Cavendish the same.

"Captain Swann, one of the Buccaneers of America, with whom Captain
Dampier sailed the first time round the Globe, kept in the North-East
Trade Wind from California to India, and was killed at Mindanos, as
Magellanus was.

"Captain Rogers, in the Duke and Duchess, with the Acapulco ship, kept
likewise in the North-East Trade Wind.

"It is here to be observed that from the Coast of Peru West to the East
Indies is upwards of 2,500 Leagues, which to the Southward of the Line is
undiscovered to any European (Captain Welbe excepted), who, in the course
of his Voyage round the World with Captain Dampier, in the years 1703,
1704, 1705, and 1706, having many extraordinary Opportunities of
satisfying and informing himself what Discoveries had been made, by Order
of the Viceroys of Peru, for 150 Years past, Was thereby well assured
that the Islands named (by the said Captain Welbe) St. George's Islands
and New Wales, and some other Islands thereabouts, which abound with
Mines of Gold and Silver, belong to no European Prince or State, and are
therefore free for the first Discoverer to take Possession of, which
Mines the Undertaker doubts not to prove, will enrich the British Nation
upwards of 50,000,000 sterling if taken Possession of and Colonies
settled, which is not half what the Kingdom of Peru has produced to the
Spaniards since their first Settlement there under Francisco Pizaro, the
first Viceroy.

"It is therefore proposed that a Joint Stock, not exceeding 2,500,000, be
raised to fit out Ships and settle Colonies forthwith, that the
Improvements and Advantages of such Valuable Discoveries may not be lost.
And in order thereto the said Captain Welbe is now ready to grant Permits
to such Persons who are willing to be Proprietors and Adventurers in this
said Undertaking. On Grant of which Permits the Proprietors are to pay in
1 shilling on every Share, namely 10 shillings for every 1000 pounds, to
enable the Undertaker to apply for and obtain a Patent, and defray other
charges; and no more is to be paid in until at a General Meeting of and
by the Proprietors Directors and Treasurers be chosen; and then no more
on each Share than what the Directors at such Meeting shall agree on and
find necessary for carrying on effectually so valuable and advantageous a

"N.B. The proposer has no Sinister Ends nor Self-Interest In View, and
expects no Pay nor any Reward but such Part of the neat Produce of
Profits as the Directors shall think fit and agree to allow him."*

(*Footnote. From E.A. Petherick's valuable publication, The Torch. Number
3 page 91.)

CHAPTER 50. A.D. 1717 TO 1770.



A year after Welbe' s proposal, in 1717, Jean Pierre Purry, a Swiss born
at Neuchatel, addressed a memoir to the Governor-General of the Dutch
East India Company, proposing the settling of a colony in the Land of
NIGHTS (Nuyts Land).

Neither this memorial nor another which accompanied it were well
received, and a friend of Purry's told him privately that he had better
get out of the way, for that some things had been observed in both
memorials which ought not to be made public. P. Purry took the hint and
went to France. "It was supposed by some," says Major (Early Voyages to
Australia, page cxvi.) "that the voyage of Roggeween to the South Seas in
1721 was a result of this application (Purry's), but it is distinctly
stated by Valentyn that it was an entirely distinct expedition. In 1699
Roggeween's father had submitted to the West India Company a detailed
memoir on the discovery of the Southern Land; but the contentions between
Holland and Spain prevented the departure of the fleet destined for the
expedition, and it was forgotten. Roggeween however, who had received his
father's dying injunctions to prosecute this enterprise, succeeded at
length in gaining the countenance of the directors, and was himself
appointed commander of the three ships which were fitted out by the
company for the expedition. According to Valentyn the principal object of
this voyage was the search for certain "islands of gold," supposed to lie
in 56 degrees south latitude; but the professed purpose was distinctly
avowed by Roggeween to be directed to the South Lands. Although the
expedition resulted in some useful discoveries it did not touch the
shores of New Holland."

The survivors of the wreck of the Zeewyk were apparently the last
Europeans to catch sight of Australian shores before the arrival of the
English on the eastern coast. Relics from this vessel, which was lost in
1727, are constantly turning up on the guano islands known under the name
of Houtman's Abrolhos. Messrs. Broadhurst, Macneil, and Company have been
exporting guano from the Abrolhos the last eight years, the total output
in 1893 amounting to some 3,500 tons, and the trade is still a very
profitable and prosperous one. In shifting the guano relics from
shipwrecked vessels are uncovered, and no doubt when the lower stratas
are reached older relics of the Portuguese period will be found.

We give here a short account of the wreck of the Zeewyk because it is
interesting, and in this document we have an example of the marvellous
sagacity of the Hollanders for Netherlandising expressions that otherwise
would not be Dutch to anyone. The original Venetian expression,
Apri-l'occhio, used by mariners as a warning to have a good look out,
literally to keep their eyes open, and which became Portuguese under the
modified form of Abrolhos, is in the following document corrupted to

(*Footnote. Our extract is from Major who is responsible for the
orthography of Ambrollossen.)

"To His Excellency and the Noble Councillors of the Netherlandish India:

"We take the liberty of informing you that, in sailing from the Cape of
Good Hope to Batavia with the company's late ship Zeewyck, we were
wrecked on a reef on the ninth of June 1727 at seven o'clock in the
evening, in the first watch.

"The reef against which the vessel struck is surrounded by a very high
and heavy surf, and runs in the shape of a half-moon. On the inner side
lie many small islands, called Frederick Houtman's Ambrollossen
(Abrolhos), which we gained on the eighteenth of June, and upon which we
remained from that day until we had fetched from the wreck everything
that seemed to us necessary for the preservation of our life--spars,
ropes, timber, and provisions. As soon as we had got these materials on
shore our carpenter at once set to work with his men, by order of the
officers, and by the help of the common people, to build a vessel, so
that we might save our lives, if it pleased God. We called it the Slopie,
that is the little sloop, made up from the wreck of the Zeewyck. When it
was ready for sea we made sail with a south wind and fair weather on the
twenty-sixth of March, having with us the money chests of the company as
well as provisions for the voyage. We continued to enjoy favourable
weather throughout the voyage, and so arrived by God's blessing, on the
twenty-first of April 1728, in the Straits of Sunda, eighty-two souls, of
whom we herewith subjoin a list for the information of your nobility and

"We beg to wish you and the council, from the bottom of our heart, every
prosperity and happiness, and present respectfully our humble services.
Yours, etc.,



England was now coming to the front. In 1762 Admiral Cornish and General
Draper reduced the Philippines, and after the siege of Manila Dalrymple
became the possessor of the document which revealed Torres' passage
through the straits that bear his name.

After the peace of Paris England became the greatest maritime and
colonial power in the world.

We have reached the period of great expeditions, sent out no longer for
piratical purposes but in the interests of science and
commerce--Bougainville's, Byron's, Wallis', Carteret's, Crozet's,
Kerguelen's, and Cook's.


R. De Vaugondy's Map of New Holland, A.D. 1752.

The map which closes the series of maps of Australia, which we have given
in this work, shows the idea that the world possessed of the
configuration of this continent prior to the arrival of Lieutenant Cook.
It is by Robert de Vaugondy, the geographer to the King of France.
Corrected and published in 1752 it is a fair specimen of the maps of New
Holland of that date. It will be noticed in it that the early discoveries
of Mendana, de Quiros, and Torres are set down as forming part of the
Australian continent. Torres Straits are indicated, although with some
hesitation. Such is not the case in many maps of the same period, the
Australian continent being decidedly joined to New Guinea, whereas in
another map by the same cartographer, published in 1756, New Guinea is
quite separate from New Holland. Indeed the ignorance of the geography of
New Holland was such that we find English maps assuming the very same
outline as this one even after the world-famed voyage of Lieutenant Cook.
We have one now before us in which the inscription New South Wales,
discovered 1770, takes the place of the French Cotes conjecturees,
without the slightest alteration in the outline of this eastern coast,
which runs north to the New Hebrides, with the legend Espiritu Sancto,
and, as the Straits of Torres are blocked, Lieutenant Cook was supposed
by the cartographer to have reached Batavia by the north of New Guinea.



In conclusion we feel inclined to say with Alexander Dalrymple that
"there is nothing new under the sun," and that Australia must have been
known from the remotest antiquity.

As far as its cartography is concerned the first appearance of something
less problematical than the Terra Australis of the ancients is the
outline of the Western coasts of that Terra Australis on the British
Museum mappamundi of 1498.

Then comes a long period of uncertainty, and the Portuguese and Spaniards
find their way to these seas. No mention however of any positive
discovery of Australian shores is made by them, and the Lusitano-French
maps of the Dieppese School of Hydrography are the only documents which
prove conclusively that Australia had been discovered, since those
documents bear witness to the charting of at least the western and
eastern coasts of this great South Land. Concerning the southern coasts
the cartography of the period does not furnish any absolute proof of
discovery, and with reference to the northern coasts some hitherto
impenetrable mystery envelops the history of their discovery by

It would perhaps be rash to conclude that those northern coasts had been
charted at the period we refer to--1511 to 1550--although they must have
been known to the Portuguese and Spaniards shortly after they came to
settle in the Spice Islands. The natives of the Spice Islands and of the
East Indian Archipelago, having from time immemorial held a constant
intercourse with traders from China, the Philippines, New Guinea and
islands in close proximity to Australia, must have known all the
countries that those traders were acquainted with. The Chinese and Malays
were acquainted with the northern coasts of Australia, where they came to
fish for trepang. Whatever facts concerning the Great Southern Continent
those traders became acquainted with must have soon been known to the
Portuguese and Spaniards, always on the look out for fresh information
and the discovery of new territory.

With regard to the northern coasts of Australia we wish to draw
particular attention to the following facts:

1. That on certain early charts New Guinea is shown as an island.*

(*Footnote. See Illustration 32, the F. Monachus Mappamundi of 1526/1527.

2. That on other charts of the same period* (actually only 3 or 4 years
later in point of date) that part of the Australian Continent which is
nearest to New Guinea--Cape York--is shown as it should be, i.e.
unconnected with New Guinea.

(*Footnote. Dauphin and other charts, 1530 to 1550. See Chapter 30 et


Portion of Dauphin Chart.


Adaptation of portion of Dauphin Chart showing the process of distortion
resorted to.

Now, although in the former charts no Australian Continent is
represented, and in the latter only a portion of New Guinea bearing the
name of Papuas, yet the fact remains that an open sea is shown between
New Guinea and Australia in the two classes of maps referred to. This
points to the fact that the straits now known as Torres Straits were
known at an early date.

Nevertheless there remains some strange mystery, as we have said, in
connection with this matter which has not yet been solved. The mystery,
if cleared up some day, will be found to relate to the peculiar
distortion to which the charts of the Desceliers type have been subjected
to. We have seen that the Portuguese and Spaniards must have known of an
open sea between Timor and Sumbawa, yet on all the charts of the
Desceliers type, which, it must be remembered, are charts of Portuguese
origin, Sumbawa forms part of Australia, since it is shown as attached to
and forming one with York Peninsula. Timor* is so situated (off the coast
of Queensland) that Sebastian del Cano, with the remnant of Magalhaens'
expedition, could not have left that island to reach the Cape of Good
Hope on a south-westerly course without coming into immediate contact
with Australia.

(*Footnote. See map, Illustration 38.)

Java, Bali, Lomboc and Sumbawa form the northern coasts of Australia on
the Desceliers maps. Bali and Lomboc, being represented as detached
islands, are either in the Gulf of Carpentaria or in their correct and
respective positions with regard to Java and Sumbawa.*

(*Footnote. See note above.)

The two preceding woodcuts (Illustrations 2 and 65) will illustrate the
process of distortion that has been adopted in the compilation of the
Lusitano-French charts of Australia.

The small woodcut is a facsimile outline of a portion of the Dauphin
Chart, showing part of Java, Madura, Bali, Lomboc, and Sumbawa through
which protrudes Cape York Peninsula. A few names have been left by us for
purposes of identification, they are: Amadura (Madura Island, north-east
coast of Java), Asaerm (Gresic, also on the north-east coast of Java),
Sorabaia (the well-known modern Surabaya), fin de Java (end of Java, a
much repeated indication found on numerous old charts), Araaram (Kamara?
a native village in Sumbawa, probably a bad reading or an elliptical form
of Aramaram in F. Rodriguez' Portolano 1511/1512, see above; or it may be
a corruption of Masaram or Massaram, another name for Bramble Bay, an
island situated at the extreme north end of Cape York). Symbana (the name
of the island, the modern Sumbawa).

The larger woodcut is an adaptation of ours for the purpose of showing
the process of distortion we refer to. The exterior (coastline) outline
is from the Dauphin Chart, as will be noticed by comparing it with the
smaller woodcut. In it will be seen a dotted outline showing a portion of
the rectified line of the south coast of Java, eastern and portion of
more south-eastern coast of the Gulf of Carpentaria.

This woodcut illustrates at a glance how the seaway was blocked between
Java and Australia, although a river communication, that of the Rio
Grande, was left. Coste Dangereuse belongs to the nomenclature of the
Dauphin Chart; the other names belong of course to the modern
nomenclature of Queensland. The cape which forms the apex of York
Peninsula, i.e. Cape York, divides Sumbawa in two, and the islands of
Bali and Lomboc may be considered as either belonging to the hydrography
of the Gulf of Carpentaria or to the eastern prolongation of islands from
Java to Sumbawa.


Cavendish's track, as it would appear on the Dauphin Chart.


Drake's and Cavendish's tracks, as shown on Jodocus Hondius' Map. See




A few French writers* on Australasian maritime discovery have attempted
to set up a claim in favour of a discovery of Australia by one of their

(*Footnote. D'Avezac is the principal French geographer who has written
about de Gonneville's Voyage, and the result of his investigation was
that de Gonneville landed in South America.)

It is said by them that the Sieur de Gonneville discovered Australia in
the year 1503. This claim having been endorsed by certain English writers
it is necessary to point out here that such a claim is untenable on the
following grounds:

1. That the country discovered does not correspond with Australia

2. That the country discovered does not correspond with Australia
ethnographically; and

3. That the term Terre Australle, Austral Land, would apply at the time
to any land south of the equator--Madagascar or South America for

Mr. E. Marin La Meslee, who was the first and last to deal exhaustively
with this claim as far as Australia is concerned, fails to convince one
that J.B. Paulmier de Gonneville actually landed in Australia.

We need not enter into all the details of Mr. La Meslee's lengthy
dissertation, in which he tries to explain such difficulties as those
which refer to a people carrying bows and arrows, and wearing "mantles
either of skins or of woven mats, and some of them made of feathers, with
a kind of apron just above the haunches, which the men wear down to the
knee, and the women to the calf of the leg."

The first part of de Gonneville's narrative, relating to the place where
he landed, may be summarized as follows:

Soon after the Portuguese had discovered the way to the East Indies some
French merchants, having formed the design of following the steps of
Vasco da Gama, and invited by a prospect of sharing the gains of the
Portuguese trade, fitted out a ship, which was entrusted to de
Gonneville. He left Honfleur in the month of June of the year 1503 in the
good ship L'Espoir, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and, being on his way
to the East Indies, was driven out of his course into calm latitudes by a
furious storm, which left him uncertain in what part of the world he was.
Being in want of water, and his ship having suffered much by storm, the
sight of some birds from the south induced him to hold his course that
way, when he soon discovered a large country to which he gave the name of
Austral India and Terre Australle, naming the inhabitants Australians.

Now it must be remembered that, prior to the discovery of Madagascar in
1505, the route followed by the Portuguese, once the Cape of Good Hope
rounded, was along the African coast to Sofala, leaving Madagascar to
their right.

There are no degrees of longitude or latitude mentioned in de
Gonneville's narrative, and we have only his statement that he was on the
"true course to the East Indies" when (in about October) he met with
adverse winds.

We must suppose therefore that he was somewhere between the coast of
Zanzibar and the Seychelles Islands, and that by going south he landed on
the coast of Madagascar.

The periodicity of the monsoons in this part of the Indian Ocean would
explain de Gonneville's statement with regard to the "tempestuous weather
and calm latitudes," and give colour to the following theory, which we
venture for the consideration of our readers:

De Gonneville, on his way to India, passed through the Mozambique
Channel, and arrived towards October within a few degrees of the equator
with a fair south-easterly monsoon.

At this time of the year however in these latitudes the wind changes and
blows from the north-east. De Gonneville therefore must have been driven
out of his course by a head wind into calm latitudes; then, falling in
with the north-easterly monsoon, between 3 to 10 degrees south of the
line, he was carried to the coast of Madagascar.



There is an account of a voyage by Gomez de Sequeira that is worth while
considering, because it is quite possible that Sequeira's discovery of
some islands near Australia led to its discovery as suggested by Mr
Barbie du Bocage.

The celebrated French geographer of that name, commenting on the
Desceliers Lusitano-Spanish charts,* was led to believe that the
Portuguese had discovered Australia between the years 1512 and 1542, but
that they kept the matter secret because the Spanish at the time claimed
all territories lying under the meridian of the Spice Islands. Of this
discovery Barbie du Bocage says**:

(*Footnote. In the Magazin Encyclopedique 12ieme annee, tome iv. 1807,
and also Major, Early Voyages to Australia, page xxxv.)

(**Footnote. Major's translation.)

"There is however no mention made of it in the voyages of the time, which
would sufficiently prove that the Portuguese had suppressed, or at least
concealed, the account of it. But I propose to endeavour to supply this
defect from the narrative of two of their historians.

"Castanheda, a Portuguese author, who had been in India, tells us that in
the beginning of July 1525 the Portuguese of Ternate, one of the
Moluccas, dispatched a vessel to the Island of Celebes to traffic there;
that this vessel on its return was driven by violent winds and currents
into an open sea between the Straits of Magellan and the Moluccas; that
the Portuguese found themselves thrown more than three hundred leagues
out of their route, and were several times nearly lost. One night their
rudder was carried away, and they beat about till the morning, when they
discovered an island thirty leagues in circumference, on which they
landed, with thanks to God for affording them this asylum. The islanders
gave them an excellent reception; they were of a tawny colour, but well
made and good looking, both men and women. The men had long black beards.
The Portuguese remained four months in this island, not only for the
purpose of refitting but because the winds were contrary for the return
to the Moluccas. At length they departed and reached Ternate on the 20th
January 1526.

"Such is the narrative of Castanheda. The Jesuit Maffei, who has given us
a history of India, has supplied us with less details, but his account is
not less valuable inasmuch as he gives us the name of the captain who
commanded the ship. He says: Some Portuguese of the Moluccas, having gone
to the islands of Celebes to seek for gold, but not having been able to
land, were driven by a fearful tempest upon an island which is distant
therefrom three hundred leagues, when they went ashore. The inhabitants,
who were simple people, received them very well, and soon became familiar
with them. They comprehended their signs, and even understood a little of
the language spoken at the Moluccas. All the inhabitants were
well-looking, both male and female; they were cheerful, and the men wore
beards and long hair. The existence of this island was previously
unknown, but, in consideration of the account given of it by the captain,
whose name was Gomez de Sequeira, AND OF THE MAP WHICH HE DREW OF THIS

(*Footnote. We have italicised this passage referring to a map that was
made because we have found the name on a map which we give further on.
George Collingridge.)

"From the details supplied to us by these two authors it is evident that
the island on which Gomez de Sequeira was thrown was to the eastward of
the Moluccas, because, in returning, the Portuguese had to sail westward.
Now three hundred Portuguese leagues, starting from the Moluccas or the
Island of Celebes, lead us to within a trifle of Endeavour Straits; we
may therefore conclude that it was upon one of the rocks in this strait
that Gomez de Sequeira lost his rudder, and that the island on which he
landed was one of the westernmost of those which lie along its western
extremity. The Portuguese did not advance far into this strait, for it is
plain that they met with no obstacle in returning to the Moluccas. I
think therefore that the island on which Gomez de Sequeira landed was one
of those which were called Prince of Wales Islands by Captain Cook, and
which are inhabited, because this navigator states that he saw smoke
there. What confirms me in this opinion is the agreement of our two
authors in stating that the men of Gomez de Sequeira's Island had long
and black hair and beards. We still find this characteristic
distinguishing the natives of New Holland from those of New Guinea, whose
hair and beards are crisped. This island therefore was nearer to New
Holland than to New Guinea, which is in fact the case with the Prince of
Wales Islands." And Mr. Barbie du Bocage adds: "The Portuguese having
discovered in 1525 an island so near as this to New Holland, we must
believe that the discovery of that continent followed very soon after
that of this island. It was at that time that the controversies between
the Courts of Portugal and Spain were at their highest; the Portuguese
therefore needed to be cautious respecting their new discoveries; they
were obliged to conceal them carefully. It will not therefore be
surprising that no mention was made in their works of the discovery of
New Holland."

Major does not agree with Barbie du Bocage, and points out that he
appears to have neglected to consult de Barros, the most distinguished of
all early Portuguese historians. It is certainly strange that Barbie du
Bocage does not mention that author; but, had he availed himself of the
minute description of the voyage in question, to which de Barros devotes
the 5th chapter of the 10th book of his 3rd Decada, he would not have
been any wiser than Major, who may be said to be equally at variance with
any of the three authors' descriptions quoted, as Barbie du Bocage is.
For Major, in refuting Barbie du Bocage's opinion, lays stress on the
passage in de Barros, where it is said that they were driven INTO AN OPEN
SEA, with not a single island in sight, BUT CONSTANTLY TOWARDS THE EAST.
Yet, notwithstanding this passage, Major is inclined to believe that the
island to which Gomez de Sequeira had drifted is Tobi or Lord North's
Island, which lies to the north of New Guinea in a latitude which
precludes the possibility of the voyage having been accomplished in a
direction CONSTANTLY TOWARDS THE EAST, since the island in question lies
to the north-east of Celebes and Ternate, and only at SIXTY LEAGUES
instead of THREE HUNDRED, which is the estimated distance to which they
had drifted. Furthermore Tobi Island cannot be said to lie "between the
Straits of Magellan and the Moluccas." Yet Barbie du Bocage's suggested
route is not IN AN OPEN SEA, and the Prince of Wales' Islands lie at
considerably more than three hundred leagues from the Moluccas.

Thus a careful examination of Barbie du Bocage's and Major's theories
shows them to be both faulty. We were hesitating between the conflicting
evidence of these two authorities when we came across an additional bit
of information afforded by those "eyes of history" not sufficiently
consulted, called maps.


Portion of Gastaldi's Map, showing Gomez de Sequeira's Islands.

The evidence of the particular map we refer to--Gastaldi's remarkable map
of the world, published in Venice by Tramezini in 1554--is decidedly in
favour of Barbie du Bocage's ideas. The portion of Gastaldi's map which
we reproduce here shows a group of islands named Insul de gomes des
queria, Islands of Gomez de Sequeira. They lie in about 8 degrees of
south latitude and in the longitude of the Northern Territory of
Australia; the only Australian continent represented on the original map
being the Terra incognita of the Circulus Antarcticus. New Guinea and
Celebes are left out also, and therefore, in order to arrive at some kind
of identification of Gomez de Sequeira's Islands, we must consider them
in relation to the other landmarks which this map affords. These are:
Timor, which is well charted to the south-east of Java (IAVA MAIOR) and
Sumbawa (IAVA MINOR). Booro (Burro), Ceram (Selamia) and Banda (Bandan)
which are equally well charted. Islands relating to New Guinean
discoveries, such as: Insul de Don lorge (Islands of Don Jorge de
Menezes), Insul das Papuas (Islands of the Papuas), which are
recognisable. Apem insul? seems to correspond with either Adi Island or
the Arru Islands. Ins des hobres blancos (Islands of the White Men)
correspond, as far as locality is concerned, to the Arru Islands. It
would appear then that Gomez de Sequeira's Islands, which are the
south-easternmost of those represented, must correspond with the Timor
Laut group.

These islands however are not sufficiently far from the Spice Islands to
answer exactly, and if we look further east we must look a little south
to find any other island or islands which would correspond with the
distance given. The Australian islands known as Wessel Islands are the
nearest to the distance specified, and they would be reached in the
latter part of the voyage through an open sea--the Sea of Arafura. These
difficulties however are not the only ones which require elucidation with
reference to Gomez de Sequeira's discovery.

Galvano reports a discovery made by Gomez de Sequeira, albeit under
different circumstances, but the same year. Therefore the question
arises, did Gomez de Sequeira make two voyages that year, or is the
voyage reported by Galvano the same as the one which, according to Barbie
du Bocage, led to the discovery of Australia?

With reference to the voyage in which Gomez de Sequeira was driven three
hundred leagues out of his course Castanheda tells us that it was
undertaken in the beginning of July, and that they returned to the
Moluccas in the year 1526. The voyage referred to by Galvano may
therefore have been accomplished during the first five months of the year
1525. It was directed to the north of New Guinea for purposes of
discovery when some islands in 9 or 10 degrees latitude were discovered
and named Islands of Gomez de Sequeira, but Alvaro de Saavedra two years
afterwards in 1527 came across the same islands, it appears, naming them
the Islas de los Reyes (Galvano, page 174).

Galvano mentions that Gomez de Sequeira went afterwards on an Indian
voyage. A voyage to the Celebes would be called an Indian voyage, and
this appears to settle the question. Gomez no doubt made the two voyages
that year--the one to the north of New Guinea being made during the first
five months of the year.

The following is Galvano's account which we take from the Hakluyt
Society's edition, page 168:

"In this yeere 1525 Don George de Meneses, captaine of Maluco, and with
him Don Garcia Henriquez, sent a foyst to discouer land towards the
north, wherein went as captaine one Diego de Rocha, and Gomes de Sequeira
for pilot, who afterwards went as pilot on an Indian voyage. In 9 or 10
degrees they found certaine islands standing close together, they passed
among them, and they called them the Islands of Gomes de Sequeira, he
being the first pilot that discouered them. And they came backe againe to
the fort by the Island of Batochina do moro."



In the year 1861 the learned and indefatigable Major read a paper on the
discovery of Australia by the Portuguese. He had come to the conclusion
that this continent was discovered by the Portuguese Godinho de Eredia in
the year 1601.

Some years after however, having come across fresh data, he altered his
views and wrote again as follows:

"In the year 1861 I laid before the Society of Antiquaries, and thereby
made known to the world for the first time, the apparently important fact
that the great continental island of Australia had been discovered in the
year 1601 by a Portuguese navigator named Manoel Godinho de Eredia. Up to
that time the earliest AUTHENTICATED discovery of any part of the great
southern land was that made a little to the west and south of Cape York
by the commander of the Dutch yacht the Duyfhen, or Dove, about the month
of March 1606. Thus the supposed fact which I announced in 1861 gave a
date to the first authenticated discovery of Australia earlier by five
years than that which had been previously accepted in history, and
transferred the honour of that discovery from Holland to Portugal. The
document on which this assumption was based was a manuscript mappemonde
in the British Museum, in which, on the north-west corner of a country
which could be shown beyond all question to be Australia, stood a legend
in Portuguese to the following effect: Nuca Antara was discovered in the
year 1601 by Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by command of the Viceroy Ayres de
Saldanha. This mappemonde had the great disadvantage of being only a
copy, possibly made even in the present century, from one the geography
of which proved it to be some two centuries older. Still the mere fact of
its being a copy laid it open to a variety of possible objections, which
fortunately I was able to forestall by arguments that I believed to be
unanswerable, but which need not be repeated here. I need now merely say
that I had the good fortune at the time to find an apparently happy
confirmation of what was stated in the map in a little printed work which
described the discoverer as a learned cosmographer and skilful captain,
who had received a special commission from the Viceroy at Goa to make
explorations for gold-mines, and at the same time to verify the
descriptions of the southern islands. The Viceroy thus mentioned was the
immediate predecessor of Ayres de Saldanha, under whose viceroyalty the
map declares the discovery to have been made.

"The map, as I afterwards discovered from a letter addressed to Navarette
by the Vicomte de Santarem in 1835, was a copy by a foreign hand from one
in a manuscript Atlas made in the seventeenth century by one Teixeira.
The name Nuca Antare is shown in Sir Stamford Raffles' Java to apply also
to the land of Madura, north-east of Java, but as that island was
distinctly laid down in this very mappemonde, it seemed clear that no
mistake was involved on that account; and that the country delineated was
really Australia was proved by a second legend in Portuguese below the
first to this effect: 'Land discovered by the Dutch, which they called
Endracht or Concord.' Eendraghtsland, as we all know, was the name given
to a large tract on the west coast of Australia, discovered by the Dutch
ship the Eendraght in 1616. The reader then will see that in 1861 I had
before me in a map (the original of which was made two centuries and a
quarter ago) a distinct and unequivocal declaration of the actual
discovery of a country which the map itself showed to be Australia, by a
man whose contemporary history described as a distinguished cosmographer,
and at a time which corresponded with the periods of office of the two
viceroys mentioned respectively in the printed document quoted, and in
the map. The viceroyalty of Francisco de Gama, from whom Eredia first
received his commission to make similar explorations, extended from 1597
to 1600, and the asserted discovery was made in 1601 under the
viceroyalty of Ayres de Saldanha, the immediate successor of Da Gama. I
am not ashamed that I accepted the declaration as sound. It was so
accepted by all who had the above evidence before them, and became
recognised as an historical fact. Being so recognised, it carried back,
as I have said, the first discovery of Australia by ANY KNOWN SHIP OR
NAVIGATOR from 1606 to 1601, and transferred the honour of such discovery
from the Dutch to the Portuguese. One thing of course remained to be
desired, namely: that the original report of the discovery might some day
be found. That day at length arrived. In the year 1871 M. Ruelens, the
librarian of the Royal Burgundian Library at Brussels, discovered among
the manuscripts there the original report of Eredia to Philip III of all
his doings in the South Seas, and his excellency the Chevalier d' Antas
was good enough to have a transcript made for me of all that portion
which related to my subject. I no sooner looked into this more ample
statement than I detected the work of an impostor, and as, in the
preparation of my work on Early Voyages to Terra Australis, my memory had
become charged with all the details of the subject, I was able to trace
not only the documents which, as he was not a discoverer in reality,
supplied him with the materials for being a discoverer on paper, but also
blunders in those documents of which I was cognizant, but he had not
been, and which, as he had been himself deceived, clearly betrayed the
utter falsity of his statements. Believing, for reasons which I shall
presently explain, that there were wealthy countries in the south which
had never been explored, Eredia procured for himself the appointment of
official Discoverer in those regions, an ambiguous and misleading title
which implies by anticipation the credit due only to success. The
delusion which the ambiguity of that title rendered possible became a
reality, for we have seen that on the map which came before me in 1861
the declaration was distinct and absolute, 'Nuca Antara was discovered in
the year 1601 by Manoel Godinho de Eredia,' whereas the pretended
discoveries described in the report are not professed to have been made
by Eredia in propria persona.

"Before giving the translation of the words of Eredia's report I will
merely premise that the reputed country in the south, about which he
treats, has received from him the name of India Meridional, a designation
which I will retain in preference to Southern India, for the sake of
avoiding confusion with the country to which the latter name more
properly belongs. I shall presently explain how this country received its
existence on maps, became a subject of ambitious thought to Manoel
Godinho de Eredia, and finally became identified with the genuine
Australia, of which he really had no knowledge whatever."

"The India Meridionale [or Southern India]," says Eredia, "is that
continent which extends from the Promontory of Beach, the province of
gold, in 16 degrees of south latitude, to the tropic of Capricorn and
Antarctic circle, with many large provinces, such as Maletur, Locach, and
others as yet unknown in that sea, in which lies the island called Java
Minor, so celebrated by the ancients and so unknown by the moderns, with
other adjacent islands, such as Petan, Necuran, Agania; and nearly all
these produce a great quantity of gold, cloves, mace, nutmegs,
sandalwood, and spices not known or seen in Europe, as is testified by
Ptolemy and Vartomannus in their writings, and by Marco Polo from
eye-witness, for he lived a long time in Java Minor." [Here follows a
learned dissertation on Marco Polo and Java Minor which need not be
quoted until he approaches the part which concerns our subject]. "The
annals of Java Major," he says, "make mention of the India Meridional and
of its commerce and of the ancient navigation from Java Major to Java
Minor, where was the greatest emporium in the world for gold and spices.
This commerce was subsequently stopped by wars for the space of 331 years
until the year 1600, when by chance a boat from Luca Antara, in the India
Meridional, driven by weather and currents, arrived in the harbour of
Balambuan in Java Major, where the king of the province, who was present
at the time with some Portuguese, gave them a good reception and
entertainment. These strangers of Luca Antara, although in form and
features like the Javanese of Bantam, differed from them in language, and
showed themselves to be Javanese of another race. This novelty caused so
much pleasure to the Javanese and satraps of Balambuan, and especially to
Chiaymasiuro, King of Damuth, that the latter, being a prince, resolved
for curiosity's sake to venture on the discovery of Luca Antara.
Embarking with some companions in a calaluz or rowing-boat provided with
necessaries, he left the port of Balambuan for the south, and after
twelve days' voyage arrived at the said harbour of Luca Antara, a
peninsula or island of 600 leagues in circumference, where he was well
and hospitably received by the Xabandar of the country; and, while
Chiaymasiuro was enjoying the freshness of the country, he took note of
its wealth, for he observed in it much gold, cloves, mace, nutmegs,
sandalwood, both white and coloured, with other spices and aromatics of
which he took samples. With the south monsoon he returned safely to the
harbour of Balambuan, where he was received by the king in presence of
the Portuguese and particularly of Pedro de Carvalhaes, overseer at
Malacca, who will bear witness to his arrival and to his voyage from Luca
Antara to Balambuan in the year 1601. According to the roteiro or log of
Chiaymasiuro's voyage Luca Antara must be the general name of that
peninsula in which are the harbours of the kingdoms of Beach and Maletur,
because between the sixteen degrees of latitude of Beach and the nine
degrees of Balambuan is a space of eight degrees, which amount to the 140
Spanish leagues of Chiaymasiuro's twelve days' voyage from Balambuan to
Luca Antara. This shows that Luca Antara cannot be the Java Minor of
Marco Polo, because it is in a higher latitude of the tropic of
Capricorn, namely in 23 degrees 30 minutes. And for this enterprise was
Manoel Godinho de Eredia at the same time despatched in the said year
1601 and provided with the habit of the Order of Christ and the title of
Adelantado of the India Meridional, to pass to the southward in order to
carry out the southern discoveries and to take possession of these lands
for the Crown of Portugal. But this did not take place because, being in
Malacca ready to make the voyage of the India Meridional, there
supervened the wars of that fortress with the Malays and Dutch, which
prevented the discoveries, as the people were wanted for the defence of
Malacca, the Governor of which was Andrea Furtado de Mendoca."

Major adds: "This is Eredia's report, and it is followed by a statement
to the same effect written by Chiaymasiuro, King of Damuth, to the King
of Pam, but embodying the following additional facts: The king of the
country presented Chiaymasiuro with handfuls of gold coin, such as that
of Venice. The natives wore their hair long, down to the shoulders, and
had the head bound with a fillet of wrought gold. They wore kreeses
adorned with precious stones, and with curved blades like the kreeses of
Bali. Their common pastime was cock-fighting. This letter of
Chiaymasiuro's is followed by a like statement, agreeing in all
particulars with the two preceding, indicted by the Portuguese, Pedro de
Carvalhaes, who declares that he received it from the lips of
Chiaymasiuro and his companions whom he met in Surabaya. This document
contains one statement in addition to the foregoing, namely: that Luca
Antara contained many populous cities and towns. At the close of the
document Carvalhaes swears on the Holy Gospels to the truth of his
statement, and signs it with his name. Accompanying the extract which I
received from Brussels were two maps, also by Eredia, the one of Luca
Antara and its surroundings, the other a map of the world in which Luca
Antara is placed on the north-west of that part of the great southern
land, which, if it represented a truth, COULD only tally with what we
know to be Australia. Now it does not require much knowledge of geography
to see that the Luca Antara of Eredia thus described would in no way
agree with what we know of Australia. Here therefore I might stop; but,
when I reflect how many thousands have been led by my means erroneously
to connect the name of Eredia with the first authenticated discovery of
Australia, I think it likely that some may look to me for the completion
of the story.

"Not being Australia, then, what was Luca or Nuca Antara? Finding that in
Sunda Nusa is the ordinary, and in Java the ceremonial, word for island,
while to the eastward and northward not Nusa, but Pulo and other
equivalents are used for that word, and, remembering that Luca Antara was
an alternative name for the Island of Madura, which lies close to the
east coast of Java itself, I reverted to the description of Luca Antara
given by the native prince Chiaymasiuro and by P. Cavalhaes, and found
that it tallied with Madura to a nicety. The men of Luca Antara who were
driven by stress of weather into the port of Balambuan are described as
in figure, face, and complexion like the Javanese of Bantam, but
differing somewhat in their language, insomuch as they showed themselves
to be Javanese of another species or race. Crawford, in his History of
the Indian Archipelago, t. 2, page 69, says that the language of the two
islands are scarcely more like than any other two languages of the
western portion of the Archipelago. The long hair down to the shoulders,
the fillet of cloth of gold round the head, the kreese adorned with
precious stones and with the blade curved, the cock-fighting, the gold
and spices and sandalwood, all bear their abundant testimony to the
fitness of the application of the description to the Island of Madura.
The island itself was described as six hundred leagues in circuit, and
containing well-peopled cities and towns, which is all in accordance with
the real description of Madura, nor can we find any other island
presenting such elements of identity. Here then we come to the first
stage of the great falsehood. The Javanese prince reports himself to have
made a voyage of twelve days to the SOUTH from Balambuan to reach an
island whose name and description in every particular belong to an island
lying NORTH of Balambuan. The distance from Balambuan to the coast
assumed to be reached by the southward course, namely Australia, would be
about six hundred miles; that by the northern course to Madura would be
barely ninety, and the time occupied in accomplishing the voyage with
oars, namely twelve days, would apply much more reasonably to the former
distance than the latter. The question then naturally arises, how came
Eredia, having elected the Island of Madura, under its little known Malay
name of Luca Antara, as the source from which to draw the materials for
circumstantial description in his report to Philip III to apply that
description to a locality which corresponds, as our map shows, with a
country which, had he been speaking truth, COULD be no other than
Australia? A fact of which he was utterly ignorant, but which had come to
my knowledge in the elaboration of my Early Voyages to Terra Australis
for the Hakluyt Society in 1859, laid bare to me the whole machinery of
this impostor's process of deception, and showed how, in attempting to
deceive the king, he himself was deceived by the blunders of others who
had gone before him. The facts are as follow: In the seventh chapter of
the third book of Marco Polo's travels we read these words:

"'When you leave Java and sail for 700 miles on a course between south
and south-west you arrive at two islands, a greater and a less. The one
is called Sondur and the other Condur. As there is nothing about them
worth mentioning let us go on five hundred miles beyond Sondur, and then
we find another country which is called Locach. In this country the
brazil which we make use of grows in great plenty, and they also have
gold in incredible quantity. They have elephants likewise and much game.
In this kingdom too are gathered all the porcelain shells which are used
for small change in all those regions.'

"Now although all the manuscripts and texts of Marco Polo read as above
'when you leave Java,' Marsden has shown that the point of departure
should really be Champa, a name in old times applied by Western Asiatics
to a kingdom which embraced the whole coast between Tongking and
Cambodia, including all that is now called Cochin China. Colonel Yule has
shown that the country meant by Locach was Lo-Kok, or the Kingdom of Lo,
which previous to the middle of the fourteenth century formed the lower
part of what is now Siam. Sondur and Condur are the Pulo Condore Islands.
The introduction of the word Java into the text instead of Champa was a
digression, the retention of which inevitably led geographers to place
Locach in the Southern Ocean. So much for blunder number one, of which
Eredia knew nothing; we now come to blunder number two, of which he was
equally unconscious. In the Basle edition of Marco Polo in 1532, the
printer unluckily altered the L into a B, and the first c into an e, so
that the word Locach became Boeach.*

(*Footnote. See above with reference to Locach and Beach.)

"This was afterwards shortened into Beach, and the blunder was repeated
in books and on maps with so much confidence that we find it even
occurring on a semi-globe which adorns the monument of the learned Sir
Henry Savile in Merton College Chapel, Oxford; and strangely enough it is
the only geographical name thereon inscribed. As however some editions of
Marco Polo retained the word Locach and others Beach both names came to
be copied on to maps, and, the point of departure being Java, the
mapmakers, following the course indicated in Marco Polo, laid these
countries down as forming part of the great southern land which was
supposed to occupy the entire south part of the globe. This was the India
Meridionalis of Eredia's dreams and ambition. It will have been observed
that Luca Antara was said to be also reached by Chiaymasiuro after a
voyage of twelve days SOUTH from Java, and accordingly it is domiciled by
Eredia on this same southern land with Locach and Beach, a thought
evidently suggested by Marco Polo's text.*

(*Footnote. It must be understood that, long before Eredia's time,
Mercator, in his map bearing date 1569, had already set down the
countries of Beach and Locach. See above. George Collingridge.)

"But it will also have been noticed that in this Locach, mis-spelt Beach,
there was gold in considerable quantity. And the result was that Beach
was specially described on many of the maps of that time as provincia
aurifera, and Eredia at the commencement of his report speaks of it as
'the province of gold.' Let us now trace the effect which this produces
on Eredia's geography. In the first place he lays down BOTH Locach and
Beach, showing in common with the other geographers his ignorance of the
misprint. To these he adds Luca Antara with an elaborate and complex
outline, even with the rocks and shoals minutely laid down, which I fear
he never derived from the surveying skill of his friend Chiaymasiuro, but
in the same manner as the Portuguese named the Cape Verde Islands from
the promontory off which they lay; so also off the coast of Beach Eredia
lays down an island to which he gives the name of Luca Veach. In Spain
and Portugal the B and V are interchangeable. 'The island,' says Eredia,
'is called Luca Veach, because among the natives of Ende, Sabbo, and Java
Luca signifies an island, and Veach of gold. The printer's devil in
Basle* in 1532 little dreamed that he was inventing a Javanese word, nor
does Crawford, the great Malay authority, corroborate that he did so. So
far is it otherwise that, in a list of all the words representing gold
throughout the Archipelago, not one in the slightest degree approaches to
either Beach or Veach. Nevertheless the next chapter in Eredia's report
consists of a certification from our friend Pedro de Carvalhaes, captain
of the fortress of Ende, in which he swears on the Holy Gospels that it
is all true, and affixes his signature thereto under date of Malacca, 4th
of October 1601; the same date as his other certificate.

(*Footnote. See above footnote.)

"In one of the chapters of Eredia's report, entitled Of Discovery by
Chance, he tells us that a vessel from Malacca was carried to the south
by the Bali currents between Java and Bima, and discovered the Islands of
Luca Tambini* peopled only by women, like Amazons, who with bows and
arrows prevented anyone from landing. 'These women,' he says, 'must have
their husbands from another separate island.'

(*Footnote. According to E. Modigliani (the Italian author of L'Isola
delle Donne, viaggio ad Engano) the island to the south-west of Sumatra,
which the Portuguese Diego Pacheco called Engano (the Deceitful) in 1520,
appears to have been known previously under the name of the Island of
Women by the inhabitants of Sumatra. Early Italian authors who gathered
their information from the Arabs place the Male and Female islands in the
Indian Ocean, near Socotra Island. Rottenest Island, near Perth, Western
Australia, was called Meisjes Eylandt (Island of Girls) on old Dutch
charts, and Isle des Filles on French charts. See Vaugondy's map 1756.
The origin of Isle des Filles is to be traced to Martin Behaim's Globe,
A.D. 1492. George Collingridge.)

"Everyone has heard of the fable of the Male and Female Islands. It has
existed from time immemorial, and was repeated by Marco Polo, but I doubt
if the noble Venetian would have sworn on the Holy Gospels, as of his own
knowledge in the character of a local and official authority, that a
vessel from Malacca went there. This however Pedro de Carvalhaes did in
his last mentioned certification, and I am glad that he tells us that
after having discovered the island of women (Pulo Tambini) they then came
in sight of Luca Veach. The one statement deserved to be made in the same
breath with the other. I need not weary the reader with any further
details from the utterances of these vile accomplices. Suffice it that
there are plenty more falsehoods in them, built up on the basis of the
low country maps, the conjectural or imaginary portions of which are
dressed up by Eredia as solid realities, confirmed by all the
circumstance of detail. That Eredia received a commission from the
Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha to make discoveries of supposed islands in the
south is pretty certain. The Alvara, or patent, signed 5th of April 1601,
accompanies the report. It constitutes him Governor-in-Chief of any such
islands falling within the limits of the Crown of Portugal, promises him
the Order of Christ, and engages that, in the event of his death being
ascertained, provision should be made for the honourable marriage of his
daughter, to whom the extreme recompense and honours would be accorded as
the services of her father might merit. He was to receive also the
twentieth part of the profit of his discoveries, or what his majesty was
in the habit of giving to discoverers of mines in his own kingdoms. It is
very clear that he occupied a responsible position, and that much might
be expected from him. Carvalhaes in both his certificates uses the words,
'The discoverer, Manoel Godinho de Eredia, asked me for this information
for the good of his voyage and for the accomplishment of the service of
the king.' It was evidently requisite that he should be a discoverer on
paper, since fate had not made him a discoverer at sea. In the map of the
world which accompanies his report, and which is itself a reduction from
a map by Ortelius, he writes on the southern land, India Meridional
descoberta anno 1601. The mapmaker who followed him, and from whose
handiwork was made the copy which I brought forward in 1861, had a
constructive mind. On a country which bore a legend which proved it to be
Australia he with unflinching positiveness grouped into one distinct
declaration the reputed discovery, the date, the name of Eredia, and the
name of the Viceroy. 'Nuca Antara was discovered in 1601 by Manoel
Godinho de Eredia, by order of the Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha.' I repeat
that I am not ashamed that with the amount of evidence that then lay
before me I believed him; but I am very happy in the thought that, so
soon as the field of evidence was enlarged, it was I, who alone had been
responsible for its promulgation, that had the good fortune at once to
detect the imposture."*

(*Footnote. From Major's Prince Henry the Navigator 1877.)

Some years after the publication of Major's altered views in connection
with Godinho de Eredia's alleged discoveries Mr. Leon Yanssen published
in French a translation of Godinho de Eredia's original manuscript.* Mr.
Ch. Ruelens wrote a preface to that work, in which he seeks to defend
Godinho's character against Major's perhaps somewhat hasty remarks. At
all events he shows that the title descobridor (discoverer) was a term
often given in advance to a person that received a commission to make

(*Footnote. Malacca L'Inde Meridionale et le Cathay. Manuscript originale
autographe de Godinho de Eredia, appartenant a la Bibliotheque Royale de
Bruxelles reproduit en facsimile et traduit par M. Leon Yanssen, membre
de la Societe de Geographie de Bruxelles. Avec une preface de M. Ch.
Ruelens, conservateur a la Bibliotheque Royale, membre du Comite de la
Societe de Geographie de Bruxelles 1882.)

Mr. Delmar Morgan, in his paper on the Early Discovery of Australia, read
at the Geographical Congress at Berne and printed in 1891, says (page 7
note 1), speaking of Godinho de Eredia:

"This explorer and his discoveries have been discussed by M. Ruelens, Dr.
Hamy (Bulletins de la Soc. de Geographie, vime serie tome 15), and by Mr.
Major (Archaeologia volume xliv.), all of whom leave the matter in some
doubt. The general inference to be derived from a study of their writings
is that Godinho's claims to rank as a discoverer rest wholly on his
surveys in Malacca, not on any presumed discovery by him of Australia."



Corona d' Italia,
Via Palestro 4.
Florence, March 28 1890.


Your very kind letter and accompanying number of the Centennial Magazine,
sent to my address in London, have just reached me here, and I beg you to
accept my best thanks for them.

I have read your article with great interest, and, seeing that great
obscurity surrounds the actual explorations on which the early sixteenth
century French maps of Australia are founded, minutely critical
observations on individual expressions occurring on them are of great
interest, and, in the endeavour to progress from the unknown into the
known, one is never sure what fresh stepping-stone may not be gained
sight of by means of any the slightest glimmer of new light. Another
interesting problem lies before you, if you care to follow it out, in
tracing the value of the word on the west coast, QUABESEGMESCE. At
present my own mind is fully occupied with another subject; but in the
event of your happily lighting on any fresh tracks it would always be a
great pleasure to me if you would do me the favour to let me hear of

Faithfully yours,


George Collingridge, Esq.


Since the receipt of the above letter we have followed out R.H. Major's
suggestion, and have been fortunate enough to trace the meaning and
origin, to a certain extent, of the word Quabesegmesce, or Quabe se
quiesce as it should read. It will be noticed on the Dauphin chart, and
refers, we have not the slightest doubt, to Calmia on Martin Behaim's
globe. (See above.)




See also the special nomenclature of the Lusitano-French and Dutch
Charts, given above.

Abaie a Besse:
a name on J. Roze's chart Number 1.

Abaie bressille (Brazil Bay):
a name on J. Roze's chart Number 1.

Abaie de:
a name on J. Roze's chart Number 1.

Abbey of All Saints:
an extraordinary mistake.

Abrolhos group:
on the western coast of Australia.
Dampier fell in with the coast of Australia to the north of the.

Suakem in.

an island near Inuagana, reached by Magellan.

an expedition sent out from by Cortez.
De Quiros landed by his mutinied crew at.
Trade from.

Zenith of the Heaven over.

Acheen Head:
referred to by Couto.

Captain Lancaster went to.

Gulf of, on Turin mappamundi.
Envoys go via.
Covilham embarked at.


Africa limited to the northern hemisphere in Copenhagen mappamundi.

belongs to the Great World according to the School of Pergamos.
Asia and Europe surrounded by the sea.
Canary Islands on the west coast of.
Terra incognita connected with, in Ptolemy's map.
On an early mappamundi.
Southern coasts of, bent round on maps so as to almost join the Malay
Stretches beyond the equator in third type of map.
The coasts of, visited.
The southern extremity of, called Cavo di Diab.
Voyages along the west coast continued.
Western coast of.
The eastern parts of, supposed to be under the sway of Prester John.
Sofala on the eastern coast of.
Southern extremity of, rounded.
Coast of China connected with the eastern extremity of.
A coastline in the latitude of the southern parts of.
With reference to Columbus' arguments.
A work on the Discoveries of the Portuguese in.
Position of Zanzibar with reference to, explained.
The protuberant part of the south-east coast of.
Dauxety Island some distance from.
New Holland does not join.


Agama (Angaman):
in Ruysch's mappamundi.

in Eradia's description.

Aidoema Island (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
named Isla del Capan luis Vaes de Torres, discovered by Torres.

Aimoey Bay:
in China, mentioned.

Ainioro Island (south coast of New Guinea):
named by Torres isla de la madera, or wooded island.

mentioned by Homer.

Albans, St.:
the knight of (see Mandeville).

Albert Nyanza:
on Turin mappamundi.

Al Camar:
another name for Madagascar.
Corrupted on charts.

Alcacer Quibir:
the battle of, a death-blow to Portugal.

a map found in the study of.

centre of eastern and western commerce of the world.
Erathosthenes, the chief librarian of.
Meridian of.
Envoys go via.

and of Mauritania, Dom Joao II, named King of Portugal of the.

Algoa Bay:
an island in, reached by Dias.

Strait of, mentioned.

Dom Pedro goes to.

Alter Orbis:
referred to by Santarem.

island (same as Madura), north-east coast of Java.

Amberno River:
in Papua, discovered by Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico, and named
the St. Augustin River.

Amboina (same as Amboyna):
written Amboino in Galvano's account.
Serrano escaped to.
Mentioned by Torres.
A voyage to Australia from.
Jan Carstens' expedition returned to.
The yacht Pera returned to.
Massacre of the English at.

Amboyna (same as Amboina):
Paul Van Soldt met the Duyfken at the fort of.

a corruption of Abrolhos.

International Exhibition held in, to commemorate the 400th anniversary of
her discovery.
Revealed to the world.
Sighted by John and Sebastian Cabot.
Early intercourse with.
"Did the Phoenicians discover."
Discovery of, due to Italians.
Novel objects brought from.
Regions between Bay of Bengal and, omitted on Cosa's map.
The Arabs and Rodriguez's map with reference to.
A strait to the south of, in Schoner's gores.
Mendana returned to, in 1569.
South of, occurs Brasilie Regio.
New Holland does not join.

American Continent:
with reference to Strabo's ideas.

Cornelius Houtman addressed the merchants of.
The merchants of, sent the two brothers Houtman to Lisbon.
Commelyn's work published at.
A Dutch map published at, in 1640, without any discoveries that the Dutch
claim to have made on the shores of the Great South Land, recorded.
Vlamingh's voyage printed at, in 1701.

Anamba Islands:
referred to.

slaves sold there.
Inhabitants of.

Andaman Islands:
described under the name of Angaman by Marco Polo.

Anda ne barcha:
a legend on the Dauphin chart.
Altered to Autane bamcha on P. Desceliers' chart.

of Marco Polo.

on Fra Mauro's map.

is Marco Polo's Angaman on the Apianus mappamundi.

Angra das Voltas:
named by Bartholomew Dias.
A negress left at.

Angra do Salto:
two negroes restored to.

Angra dos Ilheos:
named by Bartholomew Dias.
Negroes left at.

Angra dos Vaqueiros:
named by Dias.

Angra Pequena (Angra dos Ilheos).

on Behaim's globe.
Occupies the site of New Zealand.

in Galvano's description.

Annoban (Annobon):
an island more than eighty leagues from the mainland.

Antarctic Continent:
the fictitious, left out on S. Cabot's mappamundi.

Antarctic Pole:
the crown of the, should have been discovered by De Quiros.

Antarctic Regions:
with reference to position of Hades and Tartaros.

referred to by Santarem.

of Strabo.

Antic Ocean:
the Chaldean and Greek circumfluent ocean.

Diogo de Teive in search of.
A pretended discovery of.
Near the middle of the Atlantic.
Ten spaces from, to Cipango.
Of marvellous wealth.

on Turin mappamundi.

Themara's work published at.

Ap quieta:
with reference to Quabe se quiesce.

Arabia deserta:

Arabia felix:

Arabian Sea:
with reference to Conti's location of Malepur.

a name in Francisco Rodriguez's portolano.

Archaic Ocean:
bursting of the.
Fra Mauro's pseudo-equatorial line ran parallel with the.

East Indian, the sumpit (blow pipe) of the, mentioned by Odoric.

Achipel de Dampier:
Dampier amongst the islands that received the name of.

Arctic Pole:
the dry star of the.

occupies the site of the Abrolhos on the western coast of Australia.
Not a corruption of Arenas (Sand), but rather of Abrolhos.

island, on 11th century mappamundi.

Bay of, first reached by Lorenzo Dias.

Cape, a group of islands occupying the position of.

or Van Diemen's Land, the discovery of, not recorded on the Mar d'India
Discovered by Pieter Pietersz after the murder of Pool.
The Great Island of, discovered.
Named probably after the yacht Arnhem.
An island on older charts than the Dutch ones occupies the site of the
island called, and bears the name Arnim.

Arnhem River:
named after the second yacht of Jan Carstens' expedition.

Arnim (see also Arnhem) island:
on Henri II mappamundi of 1546.

Jan Carstens ordered to visit.

Aroum Islands:
the Duyfken sailed by the.

Arouw Islands:
named Arnim on the Henri II mappamundi (1546).

near Dieppe.

an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

passed by Abreu.

Asaerm (same as Gresic).

belongs to the Great World according to the school of Pergamos.
Europe and Africa surrounded by the sea.
In connection with Fra Mauro's Malay Archipelago.
Gold and silver, etc. brought from.
Early commerce to ports in.
Atlantic Ocean, stretching to the shores of.
In Galvano's description.
In an early mappamundi.
Stretches beyond the equator in third type of map.
When Affonso V should send an expedition to east coast of.
A picture of.
The larger part of, supposed to be ruled by Prester John.
The regions of, assumed more correct dimensions.
The term Brazil may have applied to some continental land south of.
And America joined by Schoner.
On the eastern part of.
Gataio fails to join, at Catigara.
New Holland does not join.

Asiatic Archipelago:
the Spaniards did not know when to sail from the, to reach New Spain.


inhabitants of.

in the south.

of Plato.

Atlantic Ocean:
the, mentioned by Strabo.
As considered by Strabo.
The mystery of.
Antilla Island, near the middle of.
Unauthorised voyages in.

Au fane bacha:
a corruption of Anda ne barcha.

Aujaue Island of:
passed by Abreu, is named Anjano in the Portuguese text of Galvano.
Corresponds with Lomboc.
Dr. Hamy suggests Rindjani as the origin of.

Aureus Chersonesus (Malay Peninsula).

early commerce to ports in.

opening of the sea-way to.
The regions of, assume more correct dimensions.
Portion of Barthema's travels which refer to.
The voyage of the Vittoria had a marked influence on the geography of.
Journal and proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of, referred
The Dutch of the first expedition to.
The dawn of the English period of dominion in.

Australasian regions:
the effect of Marco Polo's writings on the cartography of.
Described from hearsay by Marco Polo.
Interpolations in Odoric's narrative of the.
Information concerning the, obtainable only from Italians.
To recognise them in Fra Mauro's Map.
The Land of Spice.
Bartholomew Columbus' continent in the.
On Behaim's globe.
Made the centre of the eastern and western configurations.
Left bare.
The term Brasil may have applied to.
The first cartographical appearance of the term Brasil in the.
A strait between the, and an Antarctic continent in Schoner's globe.
Totally different configuration for the, identical in Schoner's globe of
1515 and 1520.

Austral continent:
Schoner the first to give a more decided form and different name to the.
Supposed by A. Corsali and others to extend from the regions of New
Guinea to the Land of Sanctae Crucis.
Believed to have been discovered by Francisco de Hoces.

possibility of an International Exhibition being held in, to commemorate
the 400th anniversary of her discovery.
Discovery of.
Dauphin chart of.
Or southern world according to the school of Pergamos.
And the ancients.
Northern portion of, obliterated.
Early voyages to, quoted.
A portion of, might be intended to be represented in Ptolemy's map.
Islands set down to the north of, in Ptolemy's map.
And Java considered as one by Marco Polo.
Java Major does not refer to, on fantastic maps.
Odoric of Pordenone reached nearer to, than Marco Polo.
Ignorant remarks concerning.
Themara on.
The western coasts of, may have been marked on an Arabian portolano.
Fantastic representation of.
Java Minor set down to the south-east of.
Its eastern coasts with reference to Neucuram and Pentam.
Its western and north-western coasts made to serve for the coast of a
bogus Sumatra.
Its westerly coasts known.
A passage which applies to.
Bogus Malay Peninsula in latitude and longitude of.
Terra Australis may apply to.
The east coast of.
Some island off the west coast of.
Coachs in Behaim's globe is between New Guinea and.
The term Brazil applied to.
And New Guinea supposed to be connected.
De Gonneville said to have landed on the western coast of.
Barthema visits regions in proximity to.
A country south of Java must be.
A remarkable reference to.
Distorted charts of.
Between Madagascar and.
Bears the name of Loac Provincia in the Hunt-Lenox globe.
A curious continental land that has been taken for.
The western coastline of.
Seylan insulae pars of Ruysch's mappamundi corresponds with the western
parts of.
Western coasts of, in Frankfort gores.
South of, occurs Laco int Montaras.
Western coast on Apianus' mappamundi.
Named Gataio or China.
Islands discovered not far from the western coasts of.
The most important document in connection with the early discovery of.
The strongest evidence of discovery as yet brought to light is shown in
the drafting of the Dauphin and similar charts of.
The discovery of, due to the Portuguese and Spanish.
Western coasts of, charted by the Portuguese.
Eastern coasts charted by the Spaniards.
Occupies the site of the continent set down on Portuguese and Spanish
Connected with Java and an imaginary continent around the South Pole.
placed in its true position.
Supposed to be connected with the Tierra del Fuego.
Called Jave-la-Grande.
Islands on the western coast of, represented in G. Mercator's map.
Bears no name on Jean Roze's chart Number 1.
Called The Londe, or Land of Java, in chart Number 2.
Supposed to be inhabited by tigers and lions.
The earliest account of the natives of.
Remarkable features of the western coast of.
Previous representation of, disregarded.
Drake and Cavendish stood as good a chance as the Dutch of coming in
contact with.
The eastern and western coasts of, roughly delineated in Wytfliet's map.
Major speaking of the indications of, in Mercator's and Ortelius' maps.
Strait between New Guinea and, known to the Spaniards.
Port Denison, one of the best ports on the eastern coast of.
Captain Saris' notes with reference to the first Dutch voyage to.
Dutch discovery in.
The early history of.
Tasman passed round the east side of.
A doubt cast on the discovery of the south-west coast of.
A cruise among the islands and gulfs of.
In the voyage of the Duyfken, nothing said about.
Did the Duyfken reach.
Various voyages published relating to.
Discovery of a portion of the south coast of.
The involuntary visit of the Vianen to the north-west coast of.
The name given to, in the Mar d' India map.
Called Terra del Zur in the Mar d'India map.
A rough indication of the north-west of, with the name Beach.
Called the Compagnis Niev Nederlandt in the copy of Tasman's original
manuscript chart.
Nomenclature of, and Tasmania, in P. Goos' and Tasman's maps.
Dampier's second voyage to.
When the Cygnet reached, Captain Read was in command.
Absence of fresh water on the coasts of.
A map of.
Islands in close proximity to.
The country discovered by Gonneville does not correspond with.
Islands near, discovered by Gomez de Sequeira.
Discovered by Gomez de Sequeira.
The discovery of, by the Portuguese.
The Chinese and Malays acquainted with the northern coasts of.
Northern coasts of.
An open sea between, and New Guinea.
The seaway blocked between Java and.
A French claim of discovery in.

Australian Continent:
with reference to Psittacorum regio.
Omitted for want of space.
The term Beach used by Mercator on the.
Altered to New Holland.
Sumbawa indicated as forming part of the.
Disappearance of the.
Left out on the F. Monachus mappamundi.
Only a small portion of the, given on Jean Roze's chart.
Peculiar shape of the.
The outline of the.
No, represented on Sebastian Cabot's mappamundi.
Called Iava-la-Grande on P. Desceliers' mappamundi.
G. Mercator's map based on a vague knowledge of the existence of the.
New Guinea separated from the, by a narrow strait on G. Mercator's map.
Joined to the Antarctic Lands in the map which appeared with Frobisher's
A colony to be settled on the.
De Quiros determined to discover and settle the.
A document which proves a discovery of the, before the arrival of the
The great, a drug in the market.
Not represented.

two islands in.
A name given by De Gonneville.

Australis Terra (see also Terra Australis):
an important passage with reference to the, in Wytfliet's work.

Austral regions:
called Terra Australis.

Austral world:
according to the school of Pergamos.

for the sake of the name of, says De Quiros.

Austrialia (see also La Austrialia):
a matter for discussion.
The term used unmistakably.

Aynan (Hainan):
in Galvano's description.

the, with reference to its volcanoes.
Adventurers from.
Marked on maps.
Joao, first discoverer of.
Bamboo stalks driven to the shores of.
The, an expedition to start from.
The hot-bed of transatlantic expeditions.
In connection with the line of demarcation.

Berosus, priestly historian of.

a region in the north.

Bachan :
and Ternate, the southern hemisphere to be explored between the Baia de
San Felipe y Santiago and.
Torres continued his voyage to.

Bachian (same as Bachan):
reached by Torres.
The King of.
Or Labova, the Dutch had Fort Barneveldt at.

Bada (Banda):
near Muthil, reached by Magellan's expedition.
Mistaken for Badjane or Batchian.

a commission appointed to meet at.
Referred to.

Badam (for Bada, i.e. Banda):
on alleged Schoner globe.

visited by Odoric.

Baia (same as Baia de San Felipe y Santiago):
Torres prevented by stress of weather from making the circuit of the land
of the.

Baia de San Felipe y Santiago (same as Baia):
the southern hemisphere to be explored between Peru and the.
Discovered by De Quiros.

Baibara Island (south coast of New Guinea):
and another island in its neighbourhood are called isla de don diego
barrantes and islas de mayorga in De Prado's map.

Bajador (Bogador):
Joao the first to double Cape.

channel of.

on the south-east coast of Java.

mentioned in Eredia's description.

in Galvano's description.
Straits of, mentioned by De Barros.
One of Nicolo de' Conti's Javas.
South coast of, little known.
On the confines of the world.
Charted in Fra Mauro's map.
Passed by Abreu.
Bears names difficult to reconcile with.
Difficult navigation in the Straits of.
Charted as a distinct island.
Charted by Francisco Rodriguez.
Is called Ballaram in F. Rodriguez's chart.
Reached by the Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia.
The Dutch set sail from.
The Vianen hoped to pass the Straits of.
Forms part of Australia.

in Galvano's description.

Sea of, with reference to volcanoes.
Sea, Ptolemy's islands of the.
Gunong Api in the Sea of.
Islands in the Sea of, included in Gilolo.
Islands of, in Galvano's description.
Island, one of the Spice Islands.
On the confines of the world.
Nutmegs from.
Three ships sent to.
A nautical phrase which refers to.
An island of snakes not far from the island of.
Abreu's expedition leaves.
Mentioned by Torres.
The Duyfken returns to.
The Flemings Pinnasse returned to.
An expedition sent out from, in command of Gerrit Thomasz Pool.
Pieter Pietersz after the death of Pool and discoveries made returned to.

Bandan (Banda):
Described by Nicolo de' Conti.
Described by Barthema.

Peter Both arrived at.
Captain Lancaster went to.
A Dutch yacht despatched from.
The Dutch trade at.
Captain Saris at.
The Little Sun arrived at.
In Java.
The Eendraght left for.
Mentioned in connection with Dirck Hartog's visit to Australia.

Barateue (Bouton ?):
An island reached by Drake.
Departing from, Drake sails for Java Major:

Island of, Sir W. Courteen got a bad title to the:

In Ptolemy's map:

Basilisk Island:
Named by Moresby, previously named the Tierra de San Buenaventura by the

A Pomponius Mela, printed at.

Van Diemen governor of.
Old archives turned over at.
Captain Cook's visit to.
The Ridderschap van Hollandt lost between the Cape of Good Hope and.
Vlamingh steered for.
Three Dutch vessels leave.
The Golden Seahorse arrives at.
The Vianen sailed from.
The Waeckende Boey and the Emeloort set sail from.

reached by Cavendish's expedition.
Some confusion about the name.

Baxos de la Candelaria:
named by Mendana.

a Portuguese term given to Van Diemen's Gulf.

Bay of St. Peter of Arlanza (south coast of New Guinea):
a name given by Torres to the bay named Triton Bay by the Dutch.

Bay of St. Philip and St. James (see also Baia):
De Quiros appointed officers in the.

a corruption of Locach.
A name on the north-west coast of Australia in Hoeius' map.

Bead Island (coast of New Guinea):
De Prado's isla de la palma.

Bengal, Bay of:
with reference to location of Malepur.
Same as Sinus Gangeticus.

reached by Barthema and his friend.

a work mentioning Behaim's globe published at.

Bernier Island:
an island facing Shark's Bay.

Bintan (Bintang):
in Galvano's description.

near Singapore.
Same as Pentan.
Marco Polo's Pentam.

Blanchard Island:
called isla de san facundo in Spanish chart.

Blue Mountains:
early colonists stopped by the.

Blue Nile:
on Turin mappamundi.

a mappamundi coming from the Geographical Society of.

left out in Fra Mauri's mappamundi.
Left out in Ptolemy's map.
Volcanoes of.
Southern or eastern, visited by Odoric.
Barthema proceeds to Java by way of.
Camphor from.
Claimed by the Spaniards.
Not named Java by Marco Polo.

Borneos (Borneo):
in Galvano's description.

Bramble Cay:
an island off the extreme north end of Cape York.

Brasielie Regio (same as Brasilie regio):
a Schonerean term.

Brasilae regio:

Brasilia regio:
on a globe.

Brasilie regio (or Brasielie Regio):
referred to.
On an Antarctic continent.
South of America.

Island of, Lloyd searched for it.
Ships equipped to go in search of.
The country of, discovered by Cabral.
Not original term.
The first cartographical appearance of the term in the Australian
the term, on an Arabian map.
The term, applied to Australia (?)
The alleged proximity of, to Malacca.
In Schoner's map is called Sacte Crucis.
Terra de Brazil situated eighty degrees away to the west of the real.
Dampier came from.

Bresil (Brazil):
with reference to Rodriguez' map.
The coast of, near Australia.
Or Verzino.

the people of, equipped ships.
John and Sebastian Cabot left, and returned to.

Broad Sound:
in the latitude reached by Torres.
Bears the name of Baia Perdita (Lost Bay) in the Dauphin chart.
Torres reached a point somewhere between New Caledonia and.

a canon of, concocted Mandeville's wonderful travels.

a work mentioning Behaim's globe printed at.

Buccaneer's Archipelago:
a name given in commemoration of W. Dampier's visit.

Buena Vista:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

appears for Borneo on Oronce Fine's map.

Burro, Island of:
Antonio de Abreu went to.
Sebastian del Cano at.

Cabo Fresco:
the limit of Torres' exploration in Milne Bay.

Cabo Godanige:
appears for the first time on the alleged Schoner globe.

Cabo Tormentoso:
the name first given to the Cape of Good Hope.

vessels returned to.
Inuagana, 158 degrees west of.

Cainam Sabadibe insule tres:
an erroneous appellation for New Guinea on G. Mercator's map.

envoys go via.
Covilham meets messengers at.

mentioned as being discovered.
Trade with.
Covilham went to.
Vasco da Gama made his way to.
Barthema met the Portuguese at.
Gloomy class of.
Money circulated as in.
Referred to.
Indian fleet at.
The Portuguese navigations to.
Cloth of.

Geographical Society of.

Callao, in Peru:
Mendana sailed from.
Mendana's second expedition set sail from.
De Quiros and Torres sailed from.

perhaps a variation of Ptolemy's Caladadrua.

on Schonerean gores.
Written Callensuan.

becomes quiesce.
On M. Behaim's globe.

an island near New Guinea on Sebastian Cabot's map.

corrupted from Camar diva, Island of the Moon.

Camar diva, or Al Camar, Island of the Moon (Madagascar; see also Al

Cambala (Sumbawa):
passed by Abreu.

mentioned by Conti.

with reference to a route indicated by Marco Polo.
Called Lochac.
Produces gold, etc.
And Cochin-China made to serve for the Malay Peninsula in Oronce Fine's

Cananor (or Cannanore):
Covilham embarked for.
Barthema reached.

Canary Islands:
Ptolemy's map commences at the.
Joao first discoverer of the.

Candin, or Candyn:
may be same as Odoric's Dondin and Dondyn.
On Schonerean gores.

meant for Kondur.

Canduz, for Kondur.

Candyn (see Candin):
on Behaim's globe.
Outside the Australasian sphere.
On Ruysch's mappamundi.

visited by Odoric.

Cape bima, modern Bima:
north-east coast of Sumbawa.

Cape de Bona Sperace (Cape of Good Hope):
in Linschoten's description.

Cape Diab (same as Cavo di Diab):
an inscription on, mentioned.

Cape Inscription:
a well determined point.

Cape King William, New Guinea.

Cape Kollf:
with reference to Torres' route.

Cape of Bona Speranca:
called the forefront of Afrike, and marked on an early map.

Cape of Good Hope:
distorted on maps.
First land beyond.
Named by Joao.
The discovery of, alluded to.
An inscription near.
regions south of the equator revealed by the Portuguese navigations to
Schoner's Brasilae regio near the.
Barthema returns to Europe by the.
Magellan's expedition arrived at.
North-west extremity of New Guinea.
The commander at the, gave orders to the fly-boat Vinck bound for Batavia
to touch en passant at the west coast of the South Land.
The Ridderschap Van Hollandt lost between the, and Batavia.

Cape Santa Cruz:
named by Magellan.

Cape Van Calmorie (Croker Island):
reached by Martin Van Delft.

Cape Van Diemen:
in Van Diemen's Land.

Cape Verde:
Prince Henry discovered that beyond, the coast trended eastwards.
And the land of the blacks first reached by Diniz Dias.
Islands, with reference to volcanoes.
Discovered by accident.
With reference to line of demarcation.

Cape York:
placed under Sumbawa.
The site of, occupied by an island bearing the name Ye de Tnbanos.
With reference to the course of the Duyfken.
Unconnected with New Guinea.
Divides Sumbawa in two.

Cape York Peninsula:
from Cairncross Island to Cape Grenville.
Torres near the Islands of.

Indian fleet at.

Capraria, islands:

Capricorn, tropic of:
Coasts of Australia set down at the.
Confounded with the equator.
Cuts Pentam in two.
Java Minor placed to the north of the.
The word Calmia near the.
Egtis-Silla to the south of the.
Malacca, near the.
A Malay peninsula extending to.
Southern parts of Ruysch's Sumatra crossed by the.
Lac regnum situated near the.
Islands discovered under the.
Countries known to the Portuguese beyond the.
The Portuguese made no difficulty about sailing twelve degrees south of
Magellan had almost reached again the, when he came in sight of two
The eastern coast of Australia at the.
Islands placed on the, in Schoner's 1515 map are represented on the
equator in his 1533 map.

Capture, Bay of the (Angra do Salto).

Carpentaria, Gulf of:
with reference to Anda ne barcha.
The Duyfken sailed into the.
Roughly indicated on Wytfliet's map.
With reference to the voyage of the Duyfken.
The nomenclature of the, most extensive in the copy of Tasman's original
Represented as separate from Australia and New Guinea on P. Goos' map.

Castilla (Castille):
with reference to a letter by Toscanelli.
Inhabitants of.

Castille, and Leon.

Cataio (same as Cathay):
in Conti's description.

visited by Odoric of Pordenone.
Yule's work on, quoted.
Khan of, mentioned.
Yule's, referred to.
Mango near.
The residence of the Grand Khan.
Maximilian's advice to go in search of.
Quinsay in.
A continental.

Catherine, Cape St.:

in Ptolemy's map.
Distance from the Fortunate Islands to.
The Spaniards sailed to the Cape of.
The Spaniards did not find.

the manuscript of, gives a more complete account of Mendana's expedition
than Gallego's journal does.

Cauo alto (south coast of New Guinea):
a cape named by Torres.

Cauo de Cocos (south coast of New Guinea):
a cape named by Torres.

Cauo del entredos (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.

Cauo de S. Antonio de Padua (south coast of New Guinea):
a name given by Torres.

Cauo de S. lucas (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.

Cauo hondo (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.

Cauo llano (south coast of New Guinea):
a cape named by Torres.

Cavo di Diab:
name for southern extremity of Africa.

name given to a bogus Sumatra set down to the south of the Malay

from regnum Cayln.

Caypassia, flats of:
spoken of by Galvano.

Drake sailed to an island south of.
A vessel despatched to the Island of.

taken for Ceylon.
Included in Gilolo.

Ceylon, and Taprobana:
And Sumatra described as Taprobana.
Placed in longitude and latitude of Sumatra.
Sumatra placed where Ceylon stands.
Enlarged to correspond with Sumatra.
Islands south of the equator taken for.
In Ptolemy's map.
On 11th century mappamundi.
Visited by Odoric.
Described as Sillan by Marco Polo and Odoric.
Written Saylam.
The Indian Peninsula with regard to.
May be regnum Cayln.
Suggested as another name for Taprobana.
Called Ceilam in Ruysch's mappamundi.

the author of.

Challis Head:
the Cabo Fresco of Torres.

Champa (same as Chiampa):
visited by Odoric.
As a point of departure.

Cheribon, in Java.

the word Java used instead of, causes great mistakes.

International Exhibition held in, to commemorate the 400th anniversary of
the discovery of America.

the Arabs extend their trade to.
Limit of Ptolemy's map.
In Galvano's description.
Trade of, in the hands of the Arabs.
Seaway to, laid open by Prince Henry the Navigator.
Or Zaiton.
Columbus endeavoured to reach.
Coast of.
Or Cathay.
Shores of, distorted.
Connected with Fra Mauro's Sumatra.
Sarnau, a place in.
Precious commodities from.
Sea, in Ptolemy's map.
People of.
Andrade and Perestello went to.
Represented in the Australasian regions.
Coast of, claimed by the Spaniards.

China Straits:
Discovered and named by Moresby.
The southern portion of, set down as a port on De Prado's chart.

Chinese Sea:
Represented as a gulf in Ptolemy's map.
Islands of, omitted.

Chucopia (Tucopia):
An island named.

Ciambo, same as Ciamba.

Ciampo porto:
On Behaim's globe.

Cincapura (Singapore):
In Galvano's description.

Cipango, Island of:
Ten spaces distant from Antilla Island.
Not Japan, but Java.
East of Mangi and Cathay.

Corresponds with Cirtena.
An island near Madagascar on Apianus' mappamundi.

Cloues, Island of (Spice Islands):
The first Portuguese that went to.

a corruption of Marco Polo's Lochac.

mentioned as being discovered.
Viceroy in.
Barthema factor for the Portuguese at.

Cochin China:
Marco Polo sojourned on the coast of.
With reference to Chiampa.

Cochin-terra (Cochin China):
Andrea Corsali writes from.

Cocos, Island of:
the buccaneers of the Cygnet intended to make for the.

Cohol (a misprint for Bohol):
an island reached by the survivors of Magellan's expedition.

Coilum, the modern Quilon.

Coilu regnu:
in Schonerean gores of date 1515.

Maximilian's letter printed at.

Comarim, Cape of (Comorin):
described by Galvano.

Comarin, Cape:

Condore, Pulo, Islands:
mentioned with reference to a route indicated by Marco Polo.

not mentioned on maps before Nicolo de' Conti's return.
In Fra Mauro's map.

King of, received Portuguese hostages.
River, same as Zaire and Rio do Padrao.

visited by Odoric.

an early mappamundi from the library of.

Cormorin Cape:
the buccaneers of the Cygnet intended to make for, after leaving New

Coromandel Coast:
called Malabar by Nicolo de' Conti.
Called Provincia di Ma'bar or Mobar.
Several towns on the, visited by Conti.

an expedition to the Spice Islands sails from.

Coste Dangereuse:
on the coast of Queensland.

Coste Dangerose (Dangerous Coast):
a legend on J. Roze's chart, at the spot where Cook was nearly wrecked on
the coast of Queensland.

visited by Odoric.

on Turin mappamundi.
An island near the Straits of Magalhaens.

Crisa, island:
on Turin mappamundi.

island on 11th century mappamundi meant for Malay Peninsula.

Croker Island:
reached by Martin Van Delft.

Cul de sac de l'Orangerie:
the name given by Bougainville to the country at the back of Orangerie

Cumberland, Islands:
in the latitude reached by Torres and so well charted on the Dauphin map.

C: Vatraar, or ratraar:
probably a bad reading for Aramaram in F. Rodriguez's portolano.

Cygnet Bay:
a name given in commemoration of W. Dampier's visit.

on Turin mappamundi.

Dampier's Monument:
a name given to commemorate Dampier's visit to New Holland.

Dampier's Archipelago:
a sea chart must have existed showing the western coasts of Australia
from Cape Leeuwin to.
A portion of the north-west coast of Australia left out from, to King

Darien, Gulf of:
Balboa in command at the.
Isthmus of.

Dauxety, Island:
a name for Madagascar.
At some distance from Africa.
The origin of.
Corruption of Laurentij.

Dead Sea:
towards the south (Australasian regions) in Odoric's narrative. See also
Anda ne barcha.

Debana, Point:
at the northern entrance to Mullen's Harbour, New Guinea, called Cauo
llano by Torres.

Dembea, Lake, or Tzana:
on Turin mappamundi.

Drake's old ship, long an object of veneration to the seamen of.

Dias Point:
or Pedestal Point.

Didymus, Island (New Guinea):
the Spanish isla de manglares.

mariners of.
Jean Roze, a Frenchman, native of.

Diey, St.:
in Lorraine, the cosmographiae introductio first printed there.

Dimo baz, or Margabim (Mauritius).

Dina aroby, or Arobi (Rodriguez).
On Schonerean gores.

on Schonerean gores.

Dina Morare, or Moraze (Bourbon).

Dina norca, corrupted from Diva Moraze.

Dina robin, corrupted from Diva Arobi.

Dino baz:
on Schonerean gores.

Dirck Hartog's Island:
with reference to Dirk Hartog's plate.
In connection with Vlamingh's course.

Dirck Hartog's Reede:
visited by Vlamingh.
Passed by the Waeckende Boey.

Diva Arobi:
corrupted to Dina Aroby.

Diva Margabim:
corrupted to Dimo baz.

Diva Moraze:
corrupted to Dina Morare.

Dondin, and Nicoverra Islands:
in Odoric's narrative (see Dondyn).

Dondyn (or Dondin):
in Odoric's narrative may refer to Candin or Candyn.

Dorre Island:
an island facing Shark's Bay.

Dufaure, or Mugula Island (native):
named by Torres isla de Santa Clara.

East, The:
the Dutch had premeditated their designs in the.
The Dutch seek to establish themselves in.

East and South Lands:
Thomasz Pool sent out from Banda to discover the.

Eastern Islands:
removed from their actual position in Ptolemy's map.

Eastern Ocean:
reached by the West.

East Indian Archipelago:
on the Sebastian Cabot mappamundi.
The Dutch gaining ground in.

East Indian Islands:
reached by the Phoenicians.

East Indies:
an early map showing navigation to the.
Houtman promises to reveal the route to the.
Captain Lancaster settled the first English factory in the.
Captain Saris' observations in the.
A yacht called the Duyfken accompanied Steven Van der Hagen's expedition
to the.
Englishmen barely credited the existence of a continent south of the.
Trade from the South Sea to the.
De Gonneville on his way to the.

a name given to a large tract on the west coast of Australia.

the origin of Hame de Sylla.

in Nuremberg.

Covilham returns to.

El puerto de la vera cruz (port of the true Cross):
named on the 3rd of May.

El sonbrero (sombrero) (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.

a commission appointed to meet at.

an island named.

Endeavour Straits:
Gomez de Sequeira lost his rudder on some rocks in the.

the Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia reach the vicinity of.
The island of women.

Galvano's work published in.
Dom Pedro goes to.
Owes discovery of America to Italians.
John Rotz went to.
The daring sea-rovers of.
Holland and, combined to defeat the Spanish Armada.
Dampier after his return to.
Coming to the front.

a fourth part of the world beyond the, on Turin mappamundi.

visited by Odoric.

Espiritu Sancto:
on the eastern coast of Australia.

Espiritu Santo:
the land of the, named by De Quiros.
Discovered by De Quiros.
De Quiros' crew mutinied at the bay of the island.

inhabitants of.

Estrecho de S. Roque:
the channel between Mugula Island and the mainland of New Guinea
(Orangerie Bay), a name that ought to be maintained.

People of the coast of, conquered.
Cinnamon the product of.

Eunauro or Euna (south-west coast of New Guinea):
named Villada by Torres.

Circular boats of the.

in an early mappamundi.

belongs to the Great World according to the school of Pergamos.
The coastline of.
Columbus thought he could reach the Land of Spice direct from, by sea.
With reference to North America.
Asia and Africa surrounded by the sea.
In Galvano's description.
Represented on an early mappamundi.
Barthema on his way to, met the Portuguese at Calicut.
The Victoria returned to.
How did the news of the discovery made by Francisco de Hoces reach (?)

Europia (Europe).

Falkland Islands:
discovered by the Spaniards.

False Cape, to Cape Kollf:
with reference to Torres' route.

Diogo de Teive goes to the south-west of, in search of the Antilia.
Behaim's wife lived at.

Ferrara, Duke of:
with reference to Toscanelli and Columbus.
Hercules d'Este was.

Fin de Iaoa:
is corrupted in later charts to Fideoia.

Fin de Jaua:
end of Java.

Firenze (Florence):
Pope Eugenio IV there.

Flesh Bay:
near Gauritz River.
Dias at.

a letter by Fernam Martins dated from.
Toscanelli's letter dated from.
The Duke of Ferrara requested his ambassador to institute researches at.

Islands between Java and, set down on Sebastian Cabot's mappamundi.
Placed latitudinally.

a region in the north.

Fort St. George:
Mailapur near.

Fortunate Islands:
Joao first discoverer of the.
Distance from the, to Catigara.

vessels equipped in the ports of.
Dom Pedro goes to.
Owes discovery of America to Italians.
Pierre D'Ailly, called the Eagle of the Doctors of.
Maximilian fought against.
Munzmeister wrote about his travels in.
Lyons in.
A globe found in.
Jean Roze's atlas first dedicated to the King of.
The Dieppese school of hydrography the first in.
The daring sea-rovers of.

Frankfort, gores:

Frederick Henry Island:
with reference to Torres' route.
Keer-Weer in the latitude of.

Fremose C: de:
in the position of Cape St. George (Jervis Bay).

Fretum le Maire:
between Staten landt and Tierra del Fuego, marked on Hoeius' map.

Galav, or Guliam:
passed by Abreu.

discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

inhabitants of.

Gange (River Ganges):
with reference to St. Thomas.

passed by the Phoenicians.
With reference to the location of Malepur.

St. Sever, monastery in.

a continental land in the southern hemisphere.
Meant for Cataio.

30 leagues from Java the Less.

Gauritz River:
Near Flesh Bay.

Geelvink Bay:
isla de los Crespos at the entrance to.

Geelvinck Channel:
Vlamingh's fleet passed through the.

Bartholomew Columbus' native country.

George St. da Mina:
Dias puts in at.

Marco Polo's work published in.
Monetarius from.
Maximilian became Emperor of.
Munzmeister wrote about his travels in.
Was Ruysch's map made in.

G.F. de Witt's Landt:
ondeckt 1628, an inscription on the north-west coast of Australia, where
the Vianen was stranded.

visited by Barthema.
Barthema remained fourteen days in.

Giava mazor:Fra Mauro's.

Giava minore, & maggiore:
in Nicolo de' Conti's text.
Cannot be Marco Polo's Java Minor.

the Javas in Nicolo de' Conti's text.

an island reached by Magellan's expedition.

stands for Gibeth.

Gibraltar, Straits of:
like the straits mentioned in Schoner's pamphlet.

referred to.
Gelolo vel Siloli in Oronce Fine's map.
An island near, espied by Cavendish's expedition.
Once called Batochina.

reached by Magellan's expedition.

Globe, the:

Covilham went to.

a native village at the back of Baibara Island (south-west coast of New
Guinea), in a bay called by the Spaniards Cala de Helvires.

Golden Chersonesus:
on Turin mappamundi.
Spices brought from the, by the Portuguese.
Called Malacca.

Golphe de la Louisiade:
a name given by Bougainville to Orangerie Bay, New Guinea.

Gomez de Sequeira's Islands:
correspond with the Timor Laut group.
Another group to the north of New Guinea.

Good Gardens Islands:
discovered by Saavedra.

Gouffre (Gulf):
occupies on the Dauphin chart the position of Corner Inlet and Wilson's

Grafton Cape:
the Australian continent cut off at, in Jean Roze's chart of Australia.

Great Australian Continent:
De Quiros set sail again in search of the.

Great Bay of St. Lawrence, and Port of Monterey the (New Guinea):
the modern Orangerie Bay.

Great Bay of St. Philip and St. James, the:
discovered by De Quiros.

Great Fish River:
the same as the Rio do Infante.

Great Java:
a description of the.

Great Sahul Shoal:
passed by W. Dampier.

Great Southern Continent:
with reference to a Malay skipper.
Facts concerning the.

Great South Land:
appears in a new form.
The earliest English references to the colonization of the.
A discovery made on the west coast of the.

Great World:
according to the school of Pergamos.

the Argo only sailed from.

the great island of.

our zero corresponds with 120 degrees east of.

on the north-east coast of Java.

Guadalcanal, or Guadalcanar:
believed to be New Guinea.
Discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

the council convened on the shores of the.

coast depicted as far as.
A sea route by way of.
Lord of.
Supplies left off the coast of.
People of the sea of, conquered.

Gulf of Carpentaria (see also Carpentarie):
islands of the.
The rectified line of the south-eastern coast of the.
Arnhem Land discovered in the.
Appears to be indicated on Hoeius' map.
The three ships of Tasman's second expedition sailed into the, with the
intention of reaching New Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania).

Guli Guli:
a haven where Abreu came to anchor.

Gumape (see Gumnape), modern Gunong Api:
on Jean Roze's chart.

Gumnape (meant for Gunong Api).

Gunong Api:
a small island off the north-east coast of Sumbawa.

situation of, according to the Greeks.

the State archives at the.
Manuscript documents at.

Haynes Mt. (New Guinea):

Hame de Sylla:
derived from Egtis-Silla.

Hayter Island:
marked as a peninsula on Spanish charts.

Head Island (New Guinea):
not reached by Torres.

Heath Island (New Guinea):

now called Cape Verde Islands.

Sir John Hawkins crossed the Atlantic to.

in Galvano's description.

the second, third and fourth expedition of the Dutch left, in 1598,
according to Constantin.
The third expedition of the Dutch sailed from, by way of Magalhaens'
Sebaldt de Weerdt's ship, the only one of seven that returned to.
Incertitude about the departure of ships from.
England and, combined to defeat the Spanish Armada.
Important documents in, relating to Australia.
A yacht named the Duyfken accompanied the first Dutch expedition from, to
The Vergulde Draeck sailed from.
Vlamingh's fleet set sail from.

Hollandia Nova:
P. Goos' map of.
Tasman's discoveries are recorded in P. Goos' map of.

Holy Land:
Dom Pedro goes to.

de Gonneville sailed from.

Hong Kong:
limit of Ptolemy's map.

visited by Odoric, where he embarks for Tana.
Reached by Barthema.

Horne, Cape:
Captain Welbe's proposal to go round.

Houtman's Abrolhos:
Captain Francis Pelsart wrecked on.
Pelsart returned to, in the Sardam.
Relics found on.

Huon, Gulf of, New Guinea:

Hutt lagoon:
near Port Gregory, locality visited by Vlamingh.

Iaoas, or Iauos:
a generic term for islands.

Iaua, the noble island of:
passed by Abreu.
The course of Magalhaens' fleet set down to the south of, on the alleged
Schoner globe.

Iava maior:
on Ruysch's mappamundi.

Iava Minor:
on Ruysch's mappamundi.

Iavva Maior:
on Schonerean gores.

mentioned by Strabo.

with reference to its volcanoes.

I. de Edels Landt:
discovered in 1619.

Ilha de fonti (probably Penedo das Fontes).

Illa da:
On Jean Roze's chart, Number 1.

Ille de llame:
On Jean Roze's chart, Number 1.

Of modern charts, named by Torres la enbaidora.

With reference to J. Codine's memoire.

Indes Occidentalles (West Indies):
With reference to early French voyages.

Ships sent to, in early days.
St. Thomas goes to.
Mentioned by Strabo.
Columbus maintained he had reached.
Of Marco Polo.
Of the ancients.
Galvano speaks of.
Trade of, in the hands of the Arabs.
On 11th century mappamundi.
Seaway to, laid open.
Things of, to be learnt by the subjects of the King of Portugal.
Christians in.
In the 15th century, published by the Hakluyt Society.
Portuguese in search of.
Learned scholars from.
Covilham directs his course towards.
Passages to, anticipated.
Columbus believed he had reached.
The possibility of reaching, by sea westwardly entertained.
Barthema retraced his steps to.
Mentioned in connection with Barthema.
Magalhaens served seven years in.
The Portuguese arrived at the shores of.
The Dutch tried to collect all the documents that might guide them on the
way to.
English settlement made in.
Trade to.

India interiore, or inferiore (?)

India meridional:
A country in the south described by Godinho de Eredia.

Indian Archipelago:
South coast of the islands of the, were little known.
Gunong Api belongs to the.

Indian Ocean:
Alteration made by the Arabs in the, of Ptolemy.
Ptolemy's fantastic islands of the.
Traffic carried on in the.
Of Ptolemy.
The, an enclosed sea in Ptolemy's map.
On Turin mappamundi.
Covilham, the first of his countrymen to sail in the.
Vasco da Gama's fleet the first European fleet to enter the.
The coastline of the.
The Arabian navigations confined to the.
Called Seylan Oceanus on Ruysch's mappamundi.
Islands of the, visited by Malays and charted by Arabs.
A chart of the.
An engraved hand-coloured curious old Dutch map of the, in the author's
The periodicity of the monsoons in the.

Indian Peninsula:
Suppressed on Ptolemy's chart.
The large size of Ceylon prevented the proper charting of the.
The, duplicated.
The true.
Brought down in Fra Mauro's map.
Travancore on the.
Ceilam to the east of the.

Indian Sea:
in an Arabian mappamundi.

Indie Orientali (East Indies):

History of the, by Las Casas, mentioned.
Themara's work on the.
Augmentation of the.

Infernal regions:
position of the.

Insulae Fortunatae (Canary Islands).

Insulae Infortunatae:
on Magalhaens' track, placed near Rarotonga.

Insul de gomes des queria (Islands of Gomez de Sequeira).

Synoptic table of the first voyages of the Dutch to.

an island north of the equator reached by Magellan.
In 11 degrees north and 158 degrees west of Cadiz.

Inuana (the Inuagana of Maximilian's letter):
an island on the alleged Schoner globe.

answers to Loach.

Irlanda (Ireland):
with reference to an interpolation.

Isabel Island:
placed in its true latitude.

Isla berde (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.

Isla de Jesus:
named by Mendana.

Isla de la Madera (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.

Isla de las altas Palmas (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.

Isla de la Savana (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.

Isla del Oro:
name given to New Guinea by Saavedra.
In Herrera's description.

Isla de los Crespos:
visited and named by Grijalva's expedition.

Isla de Nogales (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.

Isla de Ranedo (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.

Isla de san bernardo (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.

Isla llana (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.

Island of St. Francoys (south coast of Australia):
a name given in commemoration of the Christian name of the skipper Thysz
who commanded the Golden Seahorse.

Island of St. Peter (south coast of Australia):
a name given in commemoration of the Christian name of Nuyts.

Island of the Moon:
a name given to Madagascar by the Moors.
The, to be inquired for.
Al Camar in Arabic.

Islas bartolome (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Toulon Island of modern charts.

Islas de los Reyes:
named by Alvaro de Saavedra.

Islas de Sta leocadia (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.

Islas de Timoteo (Port Glasgow, New Guinea):
islands named by Torres.

Islas Rocos, Roc Islands:
on S. Cabot's mappamundi.

Isle Mege, or Nege:
on J. Roze's chart, Number 1.

Isola Atreguada:
placed in its true latitude.

Odoric returned to, in 1330.
Dom Pedro goes home by.
A fact that redounds to the honour of.
Nicolo de' Conti returned to, in the year 1444.
Ramusio could not find a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's travels in.
Copies of Nicolo de' Conti's travels obtained in, in 1457 to 1459.
Dom Pedro brought a map from.
Skilled cartographers of.
The first impulse which led to the re-discovery of the New World came

a name set down on a detached section of Sumatra.

in connection with Fra Mauro's Malay Archipelago.
With reference to its volcanoes.
With reference to Columbus' route.
The early cartography of, by George Collingridge.
Not Cipango.
Precious commodities from.

Japara, in Java.

Jaua (Java):
in Galvano's description.
On P. Desceliers' mappamundi.

Jaua Maior, or Great Java:
On G. Mercator's mappamundi.
Applies to Java on S. Cabot's mappamundi.

Jaua Minor:
applies to the islands from Java to Flores in the S. Cabot mappamundi.
In Drake's and Cavendish's narratives, applies probably to some islands
east of Java.

its volcanoes referred to.
Reached at an early time.
In Ptolemy's map
Called Zaba in Ptolemy's map.
In Galvano's description.
May be marked on Turin mappamundi.
Australia and, considered as one by Marco Polo.
South coast of, unknown.
Sumatra called Java Minor by Marco Polo.
Used instead of Chiampa causes great mistakes.
Termed Java Major on fantastic map.
Visited by Odoric.
Described by Odoric.
Islands in vicinity of, mentioned by Odoric.
Islands mentioned by Odoric set down near, on Behaimean maps and globes.
Sumbawa and, must be Nicolo de' Conti's two Javas.
South coast of, little known.
The equator, with reference to, in Fra Mauro's map.
On the confines of the world.
Charted on Fra Mauro's map.
Is Cipango.
Referred to.
Described from hearsay.
Barthema and his party agree to visit.
A country south of, referred to in Barthema's narrative.
Description by a Malay skipper of people to the south of.
Barthema and party must have landed in some out-of-the-way part of.
Set down as a distinct and separate island.
Charted by F. Rodriguez.
An inscription on Rodriguez's map of.
Called Simbabau in Reinel's chart.
Supplied the first model of special deformation.
Assumes a longitudinal instead of a latitudinal position.
Described as a very large island by Marco Polo.
The largest island in Reinel's chart is.
Claimed by the Spaniards as being within their territory.
Open sea to the south of, in Diego Ribeiro's mappamundi.
Bali and, with reference to the legend Anda ne barcha.
With reference to the blocking of the seaway to the south of.
The south coast of, connected with Australia.
The Portuguese and Spanish knew of an open sea to the south of.
Australia and, believed to be one and the same continent even after the
return of Sebastian del Cano.
Called Little Java contrary to all precedent.
Called Lytil Jaua.
Islands between, and Flores set down on S. Cabot's map.
Bears the name of Iava petite on P. Desceliers' map.
And Australia one and the same island.
Bears a double name on P. Desceliers' mappamundi.
Resembles a hog.
The Dutch firmly established in.
The Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia sailed along the north
coast of,
With Bali, Lomboc and Sumbawa forms the northern coast of Australia in
the charts of the Desceliers type.
The seaway blocked between Australia and.

Java Major:
occurs frequently in Marco Polo and Nicolo de' Conti.
In Marco Polo's description applies to Java and Australia.
Described by Marco Polo as the largest island in the world.
Not mentioned on maps before Nicolo de' Conti's return.
Represented on Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Australian continent called.
Does not refer to Australia on map of fantastic type.
A name given to Java on fantastic maps.
Supposed to be of great size.
On Behaim's globe.
A description of.
The terms Java Major and Java Minor first made use of by Marco Polo.
Drake arrives at.
Drake sails from, to the Cape of Good Hope.
Cavendish came to anchor under the south-west parts of.

Java Menor:

Java Minor:
occurs frequently in Marco Polo and Nicolo de' Conti.
Applies to Sumatra in Marco Polo.
Not mentioned on maps before Nicolo de' Conti's return.
Represented on Fra Mauro's map.
Of Marco Polo cannot be Nicolo de' Conti's Giava Minore.
Corresponds with Sumbawa in Nicolo de' Conti's text.
With reference to Pentam and other islands.
On Behaim's globe.
On Ruysch's mappamundi.
On the Schonerean gores.
corresponds with Sumbawa in Schoner's Weimar globe.
Refers to Sumatra on G. Mercator's map.
Cavendish passes through the Straits of, and Java Major.
In Eredia's description.

Nicolo de' Conti stops nine months in the.

Java the Less:
thirty leagues from.

placed under Java.
Australia called.
Blocked out.


Jenkins' Bay (New Guinea):
named by Moresby.
The Baya de San Millan of early Spanish maps.

in Galvano's description of Ptolemy's Geography.

Envoys returned from.
Seen by Barthema.

Jones' River (New Guinea):

one of the rivers that flowed into the Bay of St. Philip and St. James
(New Hebrides).

Juan Fernandez:
Captain Welbe's proposal to reach the island of.

Juan Gallego, the port of, in New Spain.

visited by Odoric.

Kauwer, Island:
visited by Pieter Pietersz.

Keer-Weer (Turnagain):
the point in the Gulf of Carpentaria reached by the Duyfken.
A point or cape on the coast of New Guinea.
On the coast of New Guinea, the extreme point visited by the Duyfken
according to Ch. Ruelens.
Set down in 14 degrees 15 minutes south latitude on a copy of the
original manuscript chart of Tasman in the author's possession.
The Pera ran along the west coast to Cape.

Keij (same as Key) and Arouw Islands:
visited by Pieter Pietersz after the murder of Pool.

Key Islands:
the Duyfken sailed by the.
Jan Carstens ordered to visit the.

Kilauea, Mount:
a volcanic peak in the Sandwich group.

a northern country described by Homer.

King Sound:
Jean Roze's chart of Australia cut off at.

an island mentioned by Homer.

Koi Koi (south-west coast of New Guinea):
named by Torres isla de Villabonillos.

in Marco Polo's description.

visited by Odoric.

La Austrialia, del Espiritu Santo:
the name given by De Quiros to the land discovered in the New Hebrides

Labadii (same as Sabadibae):
in Ptolemy's map.
Another name for Java.
Confounded with New Guinea by Mercator.
And Sabadibae are corrupted forms of Jawa, Dwipa or Jaoa diva of Sanscrit
or Arabic origin.

on Behaim's globe, a remnant of the word Malacca.

Laco int Montaras:
appears to be a repetition of Lac regnum.

Lac regnum:
on Frankfort gores.
Near the tropic of Capricorn.
On Apianus' mappamundi.

Alonso de Salazar steered for the.
Placed to the south of the equator.
Mentioned by Torres.

La enfaidora (embaidora):
south coast of New Guinea, an island named by Torres.
Imsa of modern charts.

La enpanada (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.

La fuente de Argales (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.

Lago and Lago regno:
mention of.

Lago regno:
the evolution of Fra Mauro's.
Does not resemble Calmia.
Is Loac Provincia of the Hunt-Lenox globe derived from (?)

La guardia (south coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.

a western country in Homer.

Lampong, territory, or district of Palembang in Sumatra.

Land of Brazil:
of the Copia not the land in South America.

Land of Java:
New Holland called the.

Land of Nights (Nuyts Land):
Jean Pierre Purry's proposal to settle.

Land of Spice:
with reference to Toscanelli and Columbus.
Columbus proposed to the King of Portugal to reach the.
A better result obtained than reaching the.

Land of St. Bonaventure, the (New Guinea).

Land of the Papuas:
the Bay of St. Peter of Arlanza discovered by Torres in the.

Land of the South (Terra del Zur):
the name given to Australia in the Mar d'India map.

Landt van de Leeuwin:
the Dutch claim the discovery of the.

Landt van Pieter Nuyts, the:
an inscription in Dutch charts on the south coast of Australia.

Laon, the, globe:

La Peninsula (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.

La piedra fuerte (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given to an island by Torres.


Las encubridores (south coast of New Guinea):
islands named by Torres.
Two rocky islets at the entrance to Millport Harbour.

Las entretexidas (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.

Las Roccos insule:
on the western coast of Australia.
On S. Cabot's mappamundi.

Las tres hermanos (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres to three small islands.

Las Virgines:
some islands named by De Quiros.

Laurence, Island of St.:
information about the, procured by Covilham.

Laut chidol, or South Sea.

Lazaro (same as Lazarus), Archipelago of St., the:
Magalhaens killed in.

Lazarus (same as Lazaro), Archipelago of St., the:
discovered by Magalhaens.
It invited the eager enterprise of the Spaniards.

Leeuwin, Cape (Lioness):
the Londe of Java terminates at, in J. Roze's chart, Number 2.
The discovery of, suggested.
Lions or lionesses represented near (see map).
The coast of Australia prolonged from, to the South Pole in the Dauphin
A doubt cast on the discovery of.
North-west cape to, visited by Dutch ships.
A sea chart must have existed showing the western coasts of Australia
from the vicinity of Dampier's Archipelago to.

Inhabitants of.

Leppe (Aleppo):
De Prado mentions that he will go by.

in Galvano's description.

Leveque Cape:
the point that Dampier passed round.

Levant Sea:

Libia (Africa):
Europia, and Asia surrounded by the sea.

De Quiros sailed from.
Distance measured from.

Lisboa (Lisbon):

a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's travels found by Ramusio in.
Marco Polo's work translated and published in.
Italian agents at.
Distance from Quinsay to.
Fernam Martins, a canon in.
Envoys leave.
Lumiar near.
Dias proceeds to.
Behaim not successful in.
A vessel returned to.
Marco Polo's and Nicolo de' Conti's voyages published in.
Rodriguez's atlas preserved at.
The courts of.
Linschoten lived for two years in.

Loach provin:
for Lochac in Schonerean gores.

Loac Provincia:
in Hunt-Lenox globe.
Seilan to the east of.

Locach (same as Lochac):
Corrupted to Coachs.
Is Loac on the Hunt-Lenox globe derived from (?)
Lo-kok or the kingdom of Lo.
In Eredia's description.

Lochac, or Locach:
in Marco Polo's description.
Part of Cambodia.
Produces gold, etc.
Marco Polo's, referred to.
As a point of departure.

the capital of Cambodia was named.

Lo-Kok, or the kingdom of Lo:
the lower part of what is now Siam.

Lo Loach ac:
for Lochac in Ruysch's mappamundi.


one of Nicolo de' Conti's Javas.
South coast of, little known.
On the confines of the world.
Charted on Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Named Autane.
Aintama or Amjama in the Henry II map of 1546, and au tane in Jean Roze's
map of 1542.
A nautical phrase which refers to.
Difficult navigation between Bali and.
Charted as a distinct island.
Charted by F. Rodriguez.
Is called Lomboquo in F. Rodriguez's chart.
Forms part of Australia.

Londe of Java (or Lande of Java):
in J. Roze's chart terminates at Cape Leeuwin.

The Royal Geographical Society of.
Yule's Cathay published in.
Bartholomew Columbus made a map of the world in.

Loo Choo:
gold from.

Lopez, Cape:

Lopo Gonzalvez, Cape, now Cape Lopez.

an English edition of Wytfliet's work was published at, in 1597.

Luca Antara (see also Nuca Antara):
an alternative name for Madura.

Lucach, and Beach:
derived from Loac Provincia.
On G. Mercator's map.

Serrano wrecked on the flats of.

Lucones (Luzon):
in Galvano's description.

Lumiar, near Lisbon.

Lusuparam, Islands of:
Abreu went to the.

a mappamundi published at.

Lytil Java (Little Java):
on Jean Roze's chart.
Java is called.

is indicated by Regnum Var on Apianus' mappamundi.

the Dutch had three forts at.

and Marco Polo's bird.
Named Island of the Moon.
Called Al Camar.
Charted by the Arabs.
On Behaim's globe.
An island which may be intended for.
Discovered in 1506.
Marco Polo's.
Three nameless islands between, and Loac Provincia.
Called Camaeocada on Ruysch's mappamundi.
Called San Lourenco by the Portuguese.
The Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia made a long stay at.
De Gonneville carried to the coast of.

for Madagascar on Apianus' mappamundi.

Joao, first discoverer of.
A caravel sailed from.

Meliapur near.

Madrid, Ateneo de:
referred to.

Madura, Island of:
passed by Abreu.
On F. Rodriguez's chart.
Sometimes called Java Minor.
An island near Java.
Called also Nuca Antara.

Magelan, Streight of:
called The Dragon's taile.

a name for Australia in the account of the wreck of the Vianen.

Magna Margarita:
a name given to New Guinea in Don Diego de Prado's letters to the King of
Named by Torres.

in Nicolo de' Conti's description.

visited by Odoric (See also Meliapur).

same as Meliapur.

means Peacock Town.

Maine, State of.

Maiorca & Minorca:
mentioned by Galvano.

Mestre Jayme came from.

Galvano speaks of.
Visited by Odoric.
Referred to by Nicolo de' Conti.
On the coast of Malabar.
Written Melibaria in Hakluyt Society's edition of Nicolo de' Conti's
Cananor on the, coast.

in connection with Fra Mauro's Malay Archipelago.
The Arabs extend their trade to.
Galvano speaks of.
Marco Polo near Straits of.
Straits of, shown in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Straits of, obliterated.
An island near.
Brazil near.
A strait near.
Sequeira anchored at, in 1509.
Abreu's expedition returns to.
Magalhaens in the vicinity of the Spice Islands when 600 leagues from.
And the Great Gulf, in Spanish territory.
The blocking of the Straits of.
Fortress in the Straits of, useless.
Godinho de Eredia's surveys in.

Malacha (Malacca):
Barthema, arrived at.

a kingdom spoken of by Marco Polo.
Identified as the Malay Peninsula.

Malay Archipelago, Islands of:
in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.

Malay Peninsula:
Sumatra removed from the, in Ptolemy's map.
In 11th century mappamundi.
With reference to the Cape of Good Hope.
Or Aureus Chersonesus.
Omitted on Cosa's map.
Position of the, on Cantino map.
Identified with Malaiur.
Part of it claimed by the Spaniards as being within their territory.
The line of demarcation made to pass through the.

Male and Female Islands:
near Socotra.

Malepur (same as Mailapoor, Meliapur and Maliapor):
reference made to.
Where the body of St. Thomas is buried.
On the Coromandel coast.

on G. Mercator's map, it should occur under Beach.
Belongs to Asia in Marco Polo's writings.
In Eredia's description.

on the Schonerean Frankfort gores.
Near the Cape of Good Hope.
Set down on Schonerean gores where Lack occurs on Behaim's globe.

passed by Abreu.

Malo, St.:
mariners of.

Malua (Ombai, modern):
Sebastian del Cano passed by.

Malucas (same as Moluccas):
Torres near the.
The Moors gave Torres news of the events at the.

Maluco (Moluccas):
three ships sent to.
Kings of, sent for the shipwrecked Portuguese.
Galvano's account of the return from.
People of, call the New Guineans Papuas.

Manga das Areas:
passed by Bartholomew Dias.

Mangi (same as Mango):
referred to by Conti.

Mango, province of.

bombarded and plundered by the English.
The remainder of Mendana's expedition taken to.
Torres continued his voyage to.
The Royal Audience of, failed to give despatches to Torres for the
completion of his voyage.
The crew of De Quiros's ship designed to go to.
Succour from.
Torres' letter addressed from.
After the siege of, Dalrymple became the possessor of the document which
revealed Torres' passage.

in Ptolemy's map.

Maranon, or river of the Amazons:
Measuring from the.

Mar del Sur:
sighted by Balboa.

Mar d' India:
a description of, mentioned.
Title of a map.

Mare (Maru):
one of the Moluccas reached by Magellan's expedition.

Mare Lant (for Laut):
Chidol, South Sea.

Mare Rubrum:
on Turin mappamundi.

corrupted from Diva Margabym.

Mar Oriental:
in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.

discovered by Mendana.

with reference to location of Malepur.

some of Magellan's men driven by a storm to.

Massaram, or Masaram:
another name for Bramble Cay, north extremity of Cape York.

placed in its true latitude.

an island named by De Quiros.

Mathien (Mutjan):
one of the Moluccas reached by Magellan's expedition.
A small island.

in Galvano's description.


Tasman first set sail for.
Tasman left, in October.

the nearest island to Subuth.
Magellan ordered 40 of his men to pass over to.
The king of, led 3000 of his people into the field.
Magellan attacked the islanders of.


on Turin mappamundi.

Melbourne Review:
an article by Petherick contributed to the.

Meliapur, or Maliapor:
St. Thomas' tomb outside.

the name for Malabar in the Hakluyt Society's edition of Nicolo de'
Conti's travels.

Melville Island:
known formerly as part of Van Diemen's Land.
Insularity of, determined by P.P. King.

the modern Zanzibar in Ptolemy's map.

an alleged Phoenician mariner's compass found at.
Mendana returned to.
Acu-pulco on the coast of.

Milapur (Conti's Malepur).

Millport Harbour (south-west coast of New Guinea):
called by Torres Puerto de Valdetuexar.

Milne Bay:
represented on De Prado's chart.
Not thoroughly explored by Torres.

Mindanao, Isle of:
Captain Swan, of the Cygnet, left that vessel at.

Mindanaos (Mindanao):
in Galvano's description.

an island answering to either Sumbawa or Timor.

Mirapolis, same as Mailapur.

in Catalan map (same as Meliapur).

Moluccas (or Molucca Islands):
the seaway to the, laid open.
Cloves from.
Galvano the conqueror and apostle of the.
First depicted.
Or Spice Islands.
The Spaniards pretended that the, were in the hemisphere allotted to
In Portuguese territory.
Those who returned from the, maintained they were in Spanish territory.
The distance between the, and the line of demarcation examined.
Spaniards not permitted to trade with the.
The Portuguese could not show discoveries under the meridian of the.
A letter concerning the.
Magellan ordered to sail for Terra Firma and seek for a passage to the.
In the extreme east.
Magellan's expedition sails to the.
The Spaniards examined the position of the.
After the return of the remnant of Magalhaens' expedition the longitude
of the, remained as unsettled as ever.
The King of Spain renounced his claim to the.
Bernardo de La Torres' fleet reached the.
Torres observed the variations near the.
Events of a stirring nature at the.
A vessel sent from the.
Portuguese of the, in search of gold.

referred to.

Monoch, or Maluch (Molucca).

Moro or Maro:
may be intended for Maio, a small island at the entrance to Salee Gulf,

mathematicians obtained from.

the Dutch of Fort Nassau at.

Moscovia, the Grand Duke of.

Mountain of the East:
Columns at the, on which the Chaldean Heaven rested.
Position of the.

Mountain of the South:
position of the.

Mount Sinai:
Tor at the foot of.

Mozambique Channel:
followed by De Gonneville.
The Portuguese navigations through.

Muar d'Amboina:

Mugula (or Dufaure) Island:
the channel between the mainland of New Guinea and, is called estrecho de
S. Roque in De Prado's chart of Torres' expedition.

Mullens' Harbour (New Guinea):
unknown to Moresby, named by Torres the baya de N.S. de la
Assumpcion--The Bay of Our Lady of the Assumption.

Murano, the cathedral convent of San Miguel of.

inhabitants of.

Mushkah Bay:
on Turin mappamundi.

Muthil (Moter):
one of the Moluccas reached by Magellan's expedition.

an island reached by Drake.

ships sailed from, in early days.

envoys go via.

on Schonerean gores.
In Eredia's description.

Jean Pierre Purry born at.

on Fra Mauro's map.
On Behaim's globe.
Belongs to Marco Polo's nomenclature.
The eastern coastlines of, with reference to the east coast of Australia.

Nevca (Neucuram):
in Ruysch's mappamundi.

New Britain:
the passage between New Guinea and, made according to the pilot Gaetan.

New Caledonia:
Torres reached a point somewhere between, and Broad Sound.

New Guadalcanal (same as Guadalcanal and Guadalcanar):
discovered by Mendana.
Near New Guinea.
Torres thought he had reached.

New Guinea:
a portion of, may be represented on Ptolemy's map.
A strait between Terra Australis and.
Coachs in Behaim's globe is between Australia and.
Andrea Corsali describes land in the vicinity of.
Supposed to be connected with Australia.
Terra de Brazil in the longitude and latitude of.
Some islands near, reached by Magalhaens.
Named Papua by Don Jorge de Menezes.
Further discovery of.
Equal in size to Sumatra on the Franciscus Monachus mappamundi.
Periplus of, shown.
Portion of, named Gilolo.
Islands on the north coast of, visited.
Named by the Spaniards during Villalobos' expedition.
Formal possession of, taken in the name of the King of Spain.
Called Nueva Guinea on account of the "frisled hair" of the inhabitants.
The Spaniards of de Retez' expedition knew not that Saavedra had made a
prior discovery of.
The Spaniards intended to make use of Torres' discoveries in.
Several Spaniards left in.
A discovery made by the Dutch on the south coast of.
Schouten and Lemaire's voyage and discoveries made along the north coast
of, alluded to.
Separation between York Peninsula and, indicated on Hoeius' map.
A portion of, represented on the S, Cabot mappamundi.
Forms an important feature in G. Mercator's map.
Insularity of, doubted.
The insular character of, doubtful on Peter Plancius' map.
A legend on, showing the date assigned to the map referred to.
Le Maire made to appear to be the discoverer of.
Strait between Australia and, known to the Spaniards.
A chart of, published by Dalrymple.
Belongs to the Southern Hemisphere.
The insularity of, known to the Spaniards.
Torres sailed along.
The beginning of.
Peopled with Indians.
Torres observed the variation in all the land of.
Tasman sailed along the northern shores of.
To be explored.
The course of the Duyfken from.
Supposed to be connected with Cape York Peninsula.
Van der Hagen's Little Dove is the yacht that was sent to.
Dutch killed at.
Dampier's intentions of discovery on.
Dampier believes in the existence of a passage to the south of.
Dampier sailed for.
Dampier in sight of.
Welbe proposes to sail to.
Joined to the Australian Continent.
Traders from.
Shown as an island.
A portion of, bearing the name Paplas.
An open sea between, and Australia.

New Hebrides:
Torres steered in a south-west direction from the.
The reason for representing the, as connected with the Great Southern
Included in the eastern coast of Australia.

New Holland:
traces of Behaim's nomenclature to be found on maps of.
More to the east than the Moluccas.
Referred to.
With reference to Vlaming's voyage to the coast of.
Were the Dutch afraid that the English would claim?
Dampier fell in with the land of.
Dampier's description of.
The buccaneers of the Cygnet wanted to know what, "would afford."
Dampier's intentions of discovery on.
A passage to the south of.
A large bay supposed to run right through.
Described by Dampier as the "barrenest spot upon the globe."
Not reached by Roggeween.
A map of referred to.
New Guinea separate from.
The ignorance of the geography of.
The discovery of, kept secret.

New Jerusalem:
the town in De Quiros' new colony to be called the.

New South Wales:
discovered in the year 1770.

New Spain:
Joam de Resaga reached.
Villalobos set sail from the Port of Juan Gallego in.
Bernard de La Torre and Gaspar Rico fail to reach.
The Spaniards had not acquired the necessary knowledge to reach.

New Wales:
with reference to John Welbe's scheme of colonisation.
Named by Captain J. Welbe.

New World:
Clandestine expeditions to.
A few years after the discovery of.
The first impulse which led to the rediscovery of the, came from Italy.

New York:
the latitude of, would have been reached by Columbus.

New Zealand:
Behaim's Anguana occupies the site of.
With reference to Patalis regio.
Not charted in our copy of P. Goos' map.
Called Staete Landt in Tasman's map.
Discovered by Tasman.

Nicobar, Islands:
described under the name of Neucuram by Marco Polo.

Nicoveran (same as Nicoverra, Neucuram, and Nicobar):
Described by Marco Polo.

Nicoverra and Dondin, Islands of:
in Odoric's narrative.

sculptures of, representing circular boats.

Nombre de Jesus:
placed in its true latitude.

North America:
the discovery of, a work by Harrisse, quoted.
With reference to Europe.
Villalobos on his way from, to the Philippines discovered many islands.

Northern Territory (Australia):
Melville Island in the, known formerly as part of Van Diemen's Land.

Northern World:
according to the school of Pergamos.

North Pacific Ocean:
as considered by Strabo.
Islands discovered in.

North Pole:
with reference to position of Hades and Tartaros.
northern limit of Antic Ocean.
Of the ancients.

North West Cape (Australia):
reached by Vlamingh.
From Cape Leeuwin to, visited by Dutch ships.

Noua Ginnea, and Noua Ginny (New Guinea):
according to Purchas.
The Flemings Pinnasse which went on discovery to, returned to Banda.

Nova Guinea (New Guinea):
with Schouten and Lemaire's nomenclature.
The Duyfken discovered the south and west coasts of.
A discovery made on the south coast of.
Jan Carstens ordered to "better discover."
The yacht Pera sailed along the south coast of.

Nuca Antara:
discovered by Godinho de Eredia.

Nueva Guinea (New Guinea):

Behaim's country.
Behaim's globe removed to the School of Arts of.
The archives of the Behaim family at.
Ghillany published a work at.
Doppelmayr published a work at.
Monetarius from.

Nurmberg (Nuremberg):
with reference to Marco Polo.

the old river.

Oceanic Sea:
discovery in.

Oceanus Indicus Meridional:
on British Museum map.

the earth-surrounding river of the Greeks.

traded to, by Arabs.

Ophinsa, Island of:
now Formentera, numerous snakes in.

Orangerie Bay (New Guinea):
called by the Spaniards the Great Bay of St. Lawrence.
Discovered on the 10th of August 1606.

Orange River:
and Cape Votas.

Oriental Sea:
in Fra Mauro's map.

De Prado mentions that he will travel via.

reached by Vincent Yanez Pinson before Cabral discovered Brazil.

Os Papuas, north-west coast of New Guinea:
Extensive discoveries made in, by Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico.

Ostrich Point:
a remnant of the nomenclature belonging to Grijalva's expedition to the
Spice Islands and New Guinea.

Ovo Islands:

Pacific Ocean:
its real size realised.
Not known.
Proposition to explore a portion of the southern hemisphere lying in the.

Padan, Bay of, south-west coast of Bali:
Drake in the.

Palembang, district of:
long believed to be an island.
Named Ilha de Jaavaa on an early map.

Palimbam (Palembang), Islands of:
Abreu went to the.

De Quiros died at.

visited by Odoric.
Indian fleet at.

Indian fleet at.

in Odoric's description.

Papagalli terra:
the Land of Parrots.

Paples Island (New Guinea):
the isla de Sanbenito, of Torres.

occurs on F. Rodriguez's portolano of Spice Islands.

islands misnamed between, and Sumatra.
Don Jorge de Menezes carried by currents to the north of.
A further survey of.
Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico make extensive discoveries on the
north coast of.
Torres in the Gulf of.
Dalrymple's Collection concerning Papua mentioned.

name given to New Guinea people by the inhabitants of the Spice Islands.

Saavedra sailed along the north coasts of.

a wooden globe found in.
A mappamundi of the 11th century in.
National Library of, mentioned.
Poggio's treatise edited by the Abbe Oliva at.
After the peace of.
Codine's Memoire published at.
A work on Behaim's globe published at.
Dirck Hartog's plate in the Museum of the Institute of.

Paseos de Borne:
on J. Rotz's chart.

Patalie regio:
a name given to Terra Australis.

Patalis regio:
answers to New Zealand.
Suggested origin of name.
Its origin.

Peacock Town (Mailapuram?).

Pedestal Point, or Dias Point.

Pedir, in Sumatra.

Pedra branca, or Piedra blanca:
names unaccounted for.
Which occurs on P. Goos' map is not recorded on Tasman's chart.
Difficulty of explaining the presence of such Portuguese and Spanish
words on Dutch charts.

Precious commodities from.
A fort on the coast of.
Given as Pego on P. Desceliers' chart.

Penedo das fontes:
Santa Cruz named, by some.

Mathematicians obtained from the.

an island spoken of by Marco Polo.
Belongs to Marco Polo's nomenclature.
Identified with Bintang.
The eastern coast of, with reference to eastern coast of Australia.

Pentan (same as Pentam):
not mentioned on maps before Nicolo de' Conti's return.
Represented on Fra Mauro's map.
On Schonerean gores.

school of, mentioned.

visited by Odoric.


Persian Gulf:
on Turin mappamundi.
Omaun on.
Visited by Odoric.

Governed by Lopez Garcia de Castro.
De Quiros set sail from the coast of.
The part of the southern hemisphere between, and Bachan and Ternate to be
Mendana sailed from, for the last time.
De Quiros despatched to the Viceroy of.
The mainland of, not entirely settled.

and Jaua Minor appear to occupy the Gulf of Carpentaria on G. Mercator's
Has been identified with Bintang.
In Eredia's description.

Pevtan, meant for Pentan:
in Ruysch's mappamundi.

Philippine Islands:
trade to.
Traders from.

Philippines, the:
left out in Fra Mauro's map.
Called first Archipelago of St. Lazaro.
The remnant of Loaysa's fleet sailed for.
Named after Philip II of Spain.
The settling of.
Bernardo de La Torre compelled to return to.
The remnant of Mendana's disastrous expedition repaired to.
Reduced by Admiral Cornish and General Draper.
Mentioned by Torres.

Midas, King of, in conversation with Silenus.

Piccinacoli, the land of:
in Andrea Corsali's description.
Is the name given to New Guinea in G. Mercator's map.

in Sumatra.

Piedra Blanca, or Pedra branca:
unaccounted for.
A probable Spanish survey to the south of Tasmania.

Point Swan:
named after the captain of Dampier's ship.

Polar Continent:
resembles what we know of those regions.

in Homer.

Porne (Borneo):
reached by Magellan's expedition.

Port Denison:

Port Gregory:
locality visited by Vlamingh.

Porto de Borneo:
on J. Rotz's chart.

Porto Santo:
discovered by accident.
A piece of wood and thick canes driven to.

John III, King of.
Sebastian, King of.
Dom Pedro returns to.
Dom Manoel, King of, obtained a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's voyages, and
had it translated into Portuguese.
Affonso V of, sent documents to Italy.
Fra Mauro's map sent to.
The bold seafaring men of.
A copy of a map by Toscanelli sent to.
An appeal to the King of.
Islands near the coast of, marked on maps.
Peace between Spain and.
Death of Affonso V of.
Natives of the Congo River taken to.
Covilham determines to convey information to.
Negroes and negresses well affected towards.
When Dias reached.
At war with Spain.
Columbus had made propositions to the King of.
Wolf Holzschuer lived in.
Letter sent to Joao of.
Munzmeister wrote about his travels in.
Barthema goes to.
Terminates the quarrel over the Moluccas.
Other nations on the eve of contending with.
The decline of the power of Spain and.
Vessels equipped in the ports of.
A copy of a map sent to the King of.
Barthema's return to.
Disputing with Spain for the possession of the Moluccas.
Never recovered from the blow at Alcacer Quibir.
Linschoten and Houtman had been in the service of.

Potutis regio:
on Behaim's globe.

Presillg Landt:
the name for Land of Brazil in the Copia.

Prince of Wales Islands:
Gomez de Sequeira landed on one of the.
Nearer New Holland than New Guinea.

Promontory of Beach:
in Eredia's description.

Provincia di Ma'bar, or Mobar:
on the Coromandel coast.

Provincia di Malabar:
on the coast of Malabar.

Provincia Seilan:
on Lenox globe.

Psitacorum terra:
on a globe.
With reference to Bresil.

Psittacorum regio (Australian continent).

in Nicolo de' Conti's description

Puerto de Monte Rey:
a port near Mugula Island, south-west coast of New Guinea, named by
Torres after the Count of Monterey, Viceroy of Peru.

Puerto de San Francisco:
The port where Torres first sighted land in New Guinea.

Puerto de S. Juan del Prado (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
A name given by Torres.

Pulo Condor, Islands:
Called Sandio and Candur on Schonerean gores.

Pulo Tambini, the island of women.

Punta de fontiduena (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
A name given by Torres.

Punta de la aguja (New Hebrides).

Puta (for Punta) di Melata, Point of Malacca.

A bad reading for Quabe se quiesce.
A letter from R.H. Major to George Collingridge with reference to the

Quabe se quiesce:
Corresponds with Calmia.

Quarequa, Sierra de:
Mar del Sur sighted from the heights of the.

Queen Charlotte's Islands:
A name given by Carteret to a group of islands discovered by Mendana.

The coast of, from Curtis Island to Great Sandy Island.
At the spot where Cook was nearly wrecked in the Endeavour occurs the
name Coste dangerose in J. Roze's chart of Australia.
The coast of, erroneously supposed to have been discovered.
A true picture of the inhabitants of, 250 years ago.
Annual report on British New Guinea published in.
Timor situated off the coast of.

Quilon, or Coilum.

distance from Lisbon to.

Ramos, or Mailata:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

Red Sea:
on Turin mappamundi.
Tor on the.

Regio Petalis:
referred to.

Regnum Cayln:
on British Museum map.
Became a bogus Sumatra.
Separated from Regnum Lac.
Becomes Caylur.

Regnum lac:
on British Museum map.
Became a bogus Malay Peninsula.
Separated from Regnum Cayln.
Does not resemble Calmia.

Regnum Var:
indicates Ma'bar on Apianus' mappamundi.

Repulse Bay:
in the latitude mentioned by Torres.

envoys go via.

suggested by Dr. Hamy as the origin of Anjano.

Rio de brazil:
on the Cantino map.

Rio de la batalla:
a name on De Prado's chart of the Bay of St. Philip and St. James (New

Rio de San Antonio (New Hebrides).

Rio de S. Pedro (New Hebrides).

Rio do Infante:
named after Joao Infante.

Rio do Padrao:
named by Diogo Cam.

Rio Grande:
a fictitious river between Australia and Java.

Rocky Pass (New Guinea):
between Hayter and Basilisk Islands, called the boca de la batalla in De
Prado's chart.

Matrons of.
Dom Pedro goes to.
A map in the Pope's library at.
Varthema's Itinerary first published at.
Barthema arrives in.
Ruysch's map of.
The Theatines established at.

in Galvano's description.

passed by Abreu.

Rosemary Island:
an island named by Dampier.

Rottenest Island:
on the west coast of Australia.
Captain Vlamingh broke his cable near.
Called the Island of Girls.

Rottnest Island (same as Rottenest):

with reference to De Gonneville.
De Constantin's work published at.

in Ptolemy's map.

Saban, Straits of:

Sacte Crucis:
the name used in Schoner's map for the country called afterwards Brazil.

an island on Magalhaens' track, set down between Java and the Cape of
Good Hope.
It recalls the Sandalos silve of the Frankfort Schonerean gores.

Prince Henry's school of navigation and astronomy at.

Salites, Islands:
passed by Abreu.

in Galvano's description.

visited by Odoric.

Barthema started for.

Samaria (New Guinea):
Sir William Macgregor sent a despatch from.

Samatra (Sumatra):
Galvano speaks of.

the name for Sumbawa on Wytfliet's map.

Sambana (Sumbawa):
in Galvano's description.

San bernardo:
an island in pieces.

San Bras:
named by Dias.

San Christobal:
Discovered by Mendana.
Mendana sent out to, to found a colony.

described by Nicolo de' Conti.
May be one of the Spice Islands.
Identified with Sunda in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Written Sondai.

Sandalos silve:
a name on Madagascar in the Schonerean gores.

San dimas:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

Sandio, meant for Sondur.

group, with reference to volcanoes.
Charted on Fra Mauro's map.
With reference to Marco Polo.
Discovered by the Spaniards.
Named by Cook, discovered by Villalobos.

San Felipe y Santiago (same as Baia de, etc.):
a bay named by De Quiros.

San Francisco:
Geographical Society of, mentioned.

San German:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

volcanic disturbances in.

San Jorge:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

San Lourenco:
the name given by the Portuguese to Madagascar.

San Lucar:
Magellan sailed from.
Sebastian del Cano returned to.

San Marcos:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

San Nicolas:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

San Pablo:
a monastery at Seville.

Santa Cruz:
named by Dias.
A river beyond.
Dias' emotion when leaving.
Islands, named by Mendana.
De Quiros set sail for.
Discovered by Mendana.
De Quiros decided to go to.
De Quiros kept in the latitude of.
Information given concerning the Island of.
No necessity to go to the Island of.

Santa Maria, an island of the name of.

San Thome (see also Thomas, St.):
on the Coromandel coast.
The projected town of, placed (cartographically) on the Tenasserim coast
by mistake.
Placed in the Sinus Magnus.

Santiago (New Hebrides):
One of the Cape Verde Islands, the Spaniards landed at.
An island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

San Urban:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

San Valerio:
an island named by De Quiros.

secret treaty signed at.
Vessels sent when the King was at.

a place in China.

in Ptolemy's map.

answers to Java in Juan Vespuccius' map.

Saylam, i.e. Ceylon:

left out in Fra Mauro's map.
Volcanoes of.

another name for Sumatra.

Scolera (same as Socotra), Island:
on 11th century mappamundi.

the coastline of Europe from.

Scoyra, Island:
on Frankfort gores, meant for Socotra.

the Appollonians of.

Sea of Arafura:
an open sea.

Sea of Okhotsk:
with reference to North Pole of the ancients.

Sea of Orient:
a chart of the.

a volcano named by Mendana.

treaty of.

corresponds with Behaim's Seylan Insula.

Seilan Insulae Pars:
in Ruysch's mappamundi.

Cayln in earlier charts.

Seillan insulae pars:
name given to a bogus Sumatra.

Selamia (Ceram):
in Gastaldi's map.

an island reached by Magellan.

Serra Parda:

Seven Cities, the Island of:
Ships equipped to search for.

Sever, St.:
monastery of.

San Pablo, a monastery at.
Only port of equipment.
Two vessels sailed unlawfully from.
Spaniards returned to.
Treaty of.

Seychelles Islands:
on De Gonneville's route to the East Indies.

on Schonerean gores.

on Apianus' mappamundi.

Seylan insulae:
on Behaim's globe.

Seylan insule pars:
on Ruysch's mappamundi.

Shark's Bay:
a name given by Dampier.

visited by Odoric.
Barthema arrived at.
Barthema returned to.

precious commodities from.

Siamotra (Sumatra):
name given by Conti.
Name used by Fra Mauro.
The island, distorted on Behaim's globe.

Sian (Siam):
in Galvano's description.


in Java.

Sierra Leone:
reached by Drake.

Sillan (Ceylon):
in Odoric's and Marco Polo's nomenclature.

larger than Porne (Borneo).

Torres' original manuscript letter relating his expedition with De Quiros
is in the archives of.
Don Diego de Prado's original maps in the archives of.
Diligent research made at, for De Prado's map of New Guinea.

a name applied erroneously to Java in Reinel's chart.

Sinbana (the modern Sumbawa):
in F. Rodriguez's portolano.
Applies to Sumbawa in the S. Cabot mappamundi.

Simbana (the modern Sumbawa):
on Jean Roze's chart.

in Ptolemy's map.

duplicated, stands for Sumbawa.

island of Bintang near.

Sinus Gangeticus:
an important gulf of Ptolemy's map.

Sinus Magnus, same as Chinese Sea:
Brought down below the equator.
In Ptolemy's map.

Sinus Persicus:
in Ptolemy's map.

a name for Sumatra.

Siuill (Seville):
in Galvano's account.

Socotra, Island:
written Scolera and Scoyra.

Sodur, meant for Sondur.

to be inquired for.
Covilham goes to.
On the route followed by the Portuguese.

Soffala (Sofala):
in Fra Mauro's map.

an island reached by Magellan's expedition.

Solomon Islands:
for point of departure.
Discovered by Mendana.
The earliest map of the.
Confounded with New Britain and New Ireland in De Bry's map.
Stand too far south in Wytfliet's map.
Captain Welbe's proposal to steer for the.
Discovered by the Spaniards.

in Galvano's description.
Passed by Abreu.

visited by Odoric.

written Sandai in Ramusio.

in Marco Polo's description.
In Fra Mauro's map.
On Apianus' mappamundi.

Sorabaia (same as Surabaya).

South America:
according to the school of Pergamos.
Columbus on the north coast of.
With reference to the term Brazil.
Joam de Resaga ran along the coast of.

South Atlantic Ocean:
a passage from the.

Southern Continent:
alluded to.

Southern Hemisphere:
early notions concerning the.

Southern Land:
a detailed memoir on the discovery of.

Southern Sea:
studded with islands in map of third type.

Southern World:
according to the school of Pergamos.

South Georgia, or South Sandwich Islands:
discovered by Francisco de Hoces.

South Land:
or Land of Concord (Eendraght Land) in Rechteren's account.
The Witte Valck and Goede Hoop ordered to proceed to the.
Willem de Vlaming's voyage to the, and its object.
Journal of a voyage to the unexplored.
Discovered in the year 1696.
The charting of the eastern and western coasts of the Great.

South Pacific Ocean:
a passage from the South Atlantic to the.
Studded with Marco Polo's islands.
Discoveries in the, referred to.

South Pole:
enveloped by Austral regions called Terra Australis.
The unknown continent relegated towards the.
An imaginary continent around the, connected with Australia.
De Quiros took possession as far as the.

South Sea:
afterwards to be called the Pacific Ocean.
The Dutch sailed with the intention of reaching the.
A passage into the, sought for.
Divided from the Western Sea.
Captain Welbe had been in the.
Trade from the, to the East Indies.

Spain, or Iberia:
Owes the discovery of America to Italians.
When C. Columbus started from.
Skilled cartographers of.
Peace between, and Portugal.
At war with Portugal.
Columbus went to.
With reference to Columbus' argument.
Munzmeister wrote about his travels in.
Vessels equipped in the ports of.
With reference to lawful enterprises.
Magellan makes his way to the Court of.
Formal possession taken of New Guinea in the name of the King of.
Disputing with Portugal for the possession of the Moluccas.
Maps used in.
King of, renounced his claim to the Moluccas.
Other nations on the eve of contending with Portugal and.
Power of Portugal and, on the decline.
The throne of Portugal an appanage of.
Wytfliet's map dedicated to the King of.

The Great Island, discovered.
No reason given for the name.
Written differently on Dutch charts.
Is the orthography used in Swart's black letter copy from the original
manuscript document.

in the 14th paragraph of Tasman's instructions.

another form of Speriet and Spult.
A word found on Dutch charts near Torres Straits.
The Dutch contend that, or Spult, is the name of a Dutch official.

Spice Islands:
in Ptolemy's map.
Near Nicolo de' Conti's Javas.
Banda is one of the.
Described from hearsay.
The race to the, began.
Columbus believed he had reached the.
Voyages in search of.
Said not to have been visited by Barthema.
Australians with a practical knowledge of the.
Magellan sailed in search of the.
Nomenclature of the, derived from Maximilianus' letter.
A route to the, sought for.
The Portuguese appear to have reached the, before the conquest of
With reference to white people.
Papoia and the, charted by F. Rodriguez.
Attempts made to reach the, by the west.
Or Moluccas.
The remnant of Loaysa's expedition make for the.
Saavedra's ship unable to reach America, returned to the.
In Spanish territory.
A close rivalry between the Dutch and the English with regard to the
trade to the.
The Portuguese and Spaniards at the.
The Spaniards claimed all discoveries under the meridian of.

given for Speriet in the translation of Tasman's Instructions published
by Alex Dalrymple.
May be a corruption of the Spanish Spiritu Santo written Spu St.

Sta Isabella (island):
named by Mendana.
A brigantine built at.

Sta Polonia:
an island named by De Quiros.

Staten River:
the yacht Pera ran along the west coast as far as 17 degrees south to.

St. Christoval:
a port in 11 degrees south named by Mendana.

St. George's Islands:
named by Captain Welbe.

St. Julian's Bay:
Magellan arrived at.
Magellan sailed out of.

a map by La Salle in the Royal Library of.

Stormy Cape (Cabo Tormentoso).

Straits of Sunda (see also Sunda):
the survivors of the Zeewych arrive in the.

a work on Behaim's globe published at.

Payva directs his course towards.

a very large island reached by Magellan.

Suez, Isthmus of:
on Turin mappamundi.

and Ceylon described as Taprobana.
Ceylon placed in same latitude and longitude as.
Placed where Ceylon stands.
Known to be cut in two by the equator.
Its earliest name was Tamravarna.
A portion of, should show in Southern Hemisphere on Ptolemy's map.
Removed to Northern Hemisphere on Ptolemy's map.
On Turin mappamundi.
On 11th century mappamundi.
Described by Marco Polo under the name of Java Minor.
Visited by Odoric.
Missing, receives the name of Cayln.
The west coasts and probably north-west coast of bogus, were the west and
north-west coasts of Australia.
Described as Anticamente detta Taprobana in Nicolo de' Conti's text.
On the confines of the world.
Charted nearly as well as Java, on Fra Mauro's map.
Believed to be formed of several islands.
Bears the name first given to it by Conti.
No mistaking it.
Written Sciamuthera.
A bogus.
How did our western coasts get confounded with the western coasts of?
Fra Mauro's placed in the Southern Hemisphere.
Cut in two by the Tropic of Capricorn instead of the equator.
With reference to the western shores of Australia.
Barthema and party sailed from.
Assumes a greater likeness to the real Sumatra in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Gold from.
Southern parts of, split up into islands in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Islands between and Papua misnamed.
Claimed by the Spaniards as being within their territory.
Disconnected in Juan Vespuccius' map.
The Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia reached the south-west
coast of.

Sumbawa (the island of):
with reference to its volcanoes.
Reached at an early time.
Called Zibala in Ptolemy's map.
Java and, must be Nicolo de' Conti's two Javas.
South coast of, little known.
On the confines of the world.
Charted as a distinct and separate island.
Charted by F. Rodriguez.
Represented as two islands in F. Rodriguez's portolano.
Called Frroresta erroneously in Reinel's chart.
Charted as Sindoba.
Placed over Cape York.
Called Jaua Minor.
To the east of Bali and Lomboc.
Undistinguishable because forming the apex of York Peninsula.
The nomenclature of the island of.
An open sea between, and Timor.
Forms part of Australia on charts of the Desceliers type.

Sunda (see also Straits of Sunda):
in Galvano's description.
Sandai identified with.
Written Sondai.
The blocking of the straits of.
Fortresses in the straits of useless.
Meant for Java in Camoens' poem.
The yacht Goede Hoop cruising in the straits of.

Swan River:
black swans found in the, by W. de Vlamingh.

Captain Carpenter in.
Free Public Library of, mentioned.
Museum of, mentioned.

Sydrapetta River:
Mailapur near.

the modern Sumbawa.

Synti bvgd:
in the Australasian regions.

Synus Gangeticus:
limit of Cosa's mappamundi.


visited by Odoric.

an island reached by Drake.

corrupted to Taprobana.

in Salsette, visited by Odoric.

Taomaco (same as Taumaco):
An island like that of.
Islands named by the Indians of.

Tappaprone I Indie (Taprobana):
on 11th century mappamundi.

Taprobana, and Ceylon:
Ceylon and Sumatra described as.
A Greek corruption of Tamravarna.
Name given to Ceylon in Ptolemy's map.
Same as Sumatra in Nicolo de' Conti's description.
Alias Zoilon is the name given to Sumatra in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Ceylon suggested as another name for.

Now called Zamatara.
No island to be identified with.

Tarante (Ternate):
one of the five Spice Islands according to Maximilian's account.
A small island.

Tarasa River (New Guinea):
The delta of the, well charted in de Prado's map.

Situation of, according to the Greeks.
The Earth Genii of.

Taraze (for Tarante, i.e. Ternate):
On alleged Schoner globe.

Java Minor occupies the site of.
For goal.
Named after Tasman.
More generally known as Van Diemen's Land
Discovered by Tasman.
Nomenclature of, and Australia on P. Goos' and Tasman's maps of

A Dutch fort at Machian.

Taumaco (island):
Indications of a great southern continent given by the Indians of.
De Quiros put in at the island of.
The chief of, informs De Quiros of a Terra Firma in the south.
Torres disembarked in, and went on board the Almirante.

Tenasserim Coast:
The projected town of San Thome erroneously placed (cartographically) on

Jan Carstens ordered to visit.
Visited by Pieter Pietersz.

Galvano governor of.
With reference to Gumnape.
Serrano wrote from, to his friends and to Magalhaens.
Juan de Esquivel the Maestro de Campo of.
Torres departed for.
Drake decides to go to.
The King of, possesses seventy islands besides, according to Drake.
Torres asked to subdue one of the islands of.
The nations of, in rebellion.
The Dutch had Fort Melaia and Tacomma at.
The Portuguese of.

Terra Australis Incognita:
the name for Australia on Abraham Goos' globe.

Terra Alta:
of the Ribeiro maps marked on Mercator's map.

Terra Australis:
discovery of the.
On fantastic maps.
A strait between New Guinea and.
Called Patalie Regio.
In Oronce Fine's map.
Schoner's Brasielie Regio and Regio Patalis found on Oronce Fine's map
Described in Frobisher's voyages.
The only name which is not fictitious on Wytfliet's map of Australia.
An important passage with reference to the.
Separated from New Guinea.
With reference to the course of the Duyfken.
A petition to "erect colonies in," was presented to King James the First.
Captain Welbe offered a plan for the full discovery of.
New Guinea supposed to form part of.
Captain Welbe's proposals for establishing a company for carrying on a
trade to.
Of the ancients.

Terra Australis Incognita:
first appearance of, on a map.

Terra de Brazil:
in the longitude and latitude of New Guinea.

Terra del Fuego (see also Tierra del Fuego):
with reference to Terra Australis.

Terra della Vera Cruz (or Brazil).

Terra del Verzino:
a continental land near or connected with New Guinea.

Terra del Zur (Great Land of the South):
a name for Australia.
Thus called in the Mar d' India map.

Terra de Piccinacoli (the Land of Piccinacoli):
Apparently New Guinea.
Described by Andrea Corsali.
Believed to be connected with Brazil or Terra del Verzino.

Terra de Santa Cruz:
for Serra Sanctae Crucis, a name given previously to Brazil.
With reference to its western shores.
Near the Spice Islands.

Terra dos Papous:
a legend on New Guinea.

Terra en negade:
on J. Roze's chart, Number 1, a corruption of terra anegada (submerged

Terra firma:
Magellan ordered to sail for the, and search for a strait.
To be found in the south.
Or continent (Australian) to be discovered by Mendana from San

Terra Incognita:
of Ptolemy.
The absence of the, a provisory measure.
Some think Java belongs to the.

Terra Rubra:
Bartholomew Columbus of.

Terre Australle:
on an imaginary continental part of Australia prolonged towards the South
Corresponds with any land south of the equator.
A name given by De Gonneville.

Terrestrial Paradise:
near Gatigara.

the first Dutch fleet to Australasia sailed from the.
The first Dutch fleet returned to.

Texoxtica (Mexico):

Thalamassin (see also Thalamasyn):
a land of that name described by Odoric.

Thalamasyn (same as Thalamassin):
or Panten, in Odoric's description.

in Homer.

Thedori (Tidore):
one of the Moluccas reached by Magellan's expedition.
King of, submitted to the Spanish Imperial Government.

Thome, S.:
on British Museum map.

Tidore, Island of:
two of Magalhaens' vessels arrived at.
Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico sail from.

Tierra del Fuego (see also Terra del Fuego):
believed to be connected with an Austral continent.
Set down as an island on the Carta da navigar.

Circular boats of the.

an island intended for, in Schoner's globe.
Sandalwood from.
Not represented on Reinel's chart.
Sebastian del Cano went to.
The Portuguese could not believe that the island of, was situated to the
east of the peninsula set down on the Dauphin and similar charts.
Out of place.
Sebastian del Cano passed through an open sea from, to Spain.
Larger on P. Desceliers' map.
Dampier approached Australia from.
Dampier fell in with a shoal to the south of.
Dampier set sail for.
Martin Van Delft's fleet remained some time at.
The Portuguese and Spaniards must have known of an open sea between, and
Situated off the coast of Queensland.
In Gastaldi's map.

Timor Laut:
a group of islands mentioned.
The discovery of, not recorded on the Mar d' India map

probably Timor.

T' Landt Van d'Eendracht:
said to have been discovered in the year 1616.

Tobi, or Lord North's Island:
to the north of New Guinea.
Not on the route to the straits of Magellan.

the Courts of.

the remnant of some prototypic name.

on the Red Sea.

Indian fleet at.

Torres Straits:
with reference to the course of the Duyfken.
Known at an early date.

Tortelduyf, cliff:
passed by the crew of the Emeloort.

Toulon, Island (or Mairu, native):
the Islas Bartolome of Torres.

where Quilon is situated.

visited by Odoric.

an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

Tres Marias:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.

Tuban, in Java.

Tucopia (same as Chucopia):
to the north-east of the New Hebrides.

a map of that name.
Referred to.
The meridian of.

Tzana, Lake:
on Turin mappamundi.

of Homer.

Unfortunate Islands:
reached by Magellan.

the remnant of Magalhaens' expedition went up to.
Maximilian's letter written at.

Valsche Kaep (False Cape), New Guinea:
Keer-Weer to the north of.

Van Diemen's Gulf:
visited by Martin Van Delft.

Van Diemen's Land:
with reference to Markham's communication.
A name for Tasmania.
Martin Van Delft's fleet proceeded to.
The north-west corner of, now known as Cape Van Diemen.

Varre regio:
on Schonerean gores.

Varr var regnum:
in the British Museum map.

Venetia (Venice):
Ramusio could not find a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's travels in.

a small island off the coast of.

Ptolemy's geography published in.
Marco Polo returns to.
Reached overland by Odoric.
Dom Pedro goes to, brings back a map and a copy of Marco Polo's travels.
A fine map made in.
Draughts of maps sent to.
De Prado mentions that he will travel by.

Vermont, the State of:

a work of Prince Roland Bonaparte published at.

probably Waigiu, where Don Jorge de Menezes landed.

Verzino (the same as Brazil):
the size of.
The Italian for Brazil-wood.

Victoria Nyanza:
on Turin mappamundi.

a map published at.

in Galvano's description.

passed by Abreu.
Sebastian del Cano passed by.

Voltas, Cape (same as Angra das Voltas).

Menezes arrived at.

War ein Konigreich:
a legend on Behaim globe.

the Hunt-Lenox globe taken to.
A lecture published at.

Wedge Island:
on the west coast of Australia.

mappamundi referred to.

Wessel Islands:
might be Gomez de Sequeira's Islands.

Western Australia:
the Portuguese could only claim, according to Diego Ribeiro's map.

Western Sea:
divided from the South Sea by a narrow neck of land.

West Indies:
reached by Columbus.
Reached by Dieppe and St. Malo mariners.

West Island (New Guinea):
is called in De Prado's chart the isla de San Antonio.

White Nile:
on Turin mappamundi.

Willems' River:
Vlamingh reports having sailed up.

Xengibar (Zanzibar):
on Fra Mauro's map.

Ya de los hobres blancos:
on S. Cabot mappamundi.

Yciagina (?):
a name not to be found in Maximilian's letter.

visited by Odoric.

York, Cape, of Australia:
connected with the southern shores of Sumbawa near Bali and Lomboc.
Bramble Cay, an island situated off the extreme north end of.

York Peninsula:
a legend between, and the east end of Java.
Sumbawa forming the apex of.
forts and castles represented on.
Connected with Sumbawa on charts of the Desceliers type.

Ysles de Magna:
on the Dauphin chart, a probable corruption of the Anguana of Behaim's

Zaba (a form of Java).

the native name for Rio do Padrao.

Zaitam (same as Zaiton):
the extremity of the empire of the Great Khan.

Zaiton (China):
sudden transition from, to Giava in Nicolo de' Conti's text as given in
The port of, famous.

Zamatara, or Taprobane.

Menuthias in Ptolemy's map.
On Behaim's globe.
On Apianus mappamundi.
Inhabited by giants.
On De Gonneville's route to the East Indies.

treaty of, mentioned.

Zeilan, Island of:
described by Galvano.
In Barthema's description.

an island reached by Drake.

an island reached by Drake.



See also the special nomenclature of Navigators given above.

Abel Yansz Tasman (see also Tasman):
the manuscript map of, mentioned.

Aberts, Pieter:
one of the survivors of the Vergulde Draeck, wrecked on the west coast of

Abraham Goos:
his globe published by Joh. Jannssonius.
Shows a southern continent occupying the position of Australia without
any Dutch discoveries recorded thereon.

Abraham of Beja, Rabbi:
a messenger from King Joao.

Abreu, Antonio de (see also D' Abreu and Antonio de Breu):
reached the Spice Islands.
Pathways traversed by.

Adam, and Eve:
represented on Turin mappamundi.
On 11th century mappamundi.

a fragment of the works of Theopompus preserved by.

translated by Fleming.

Affonso V, of Portugal:
sent some documents to Italy.
Seconded Prince Henry.
Spared no expense.
Fra Mauro made a copy of maps while elaborating the one for King.
Followed the example set by Prince Henry.

Affonso de Payva:
sent to search for the country of Prester John.

Agnesina, Madonna:

pre-eminent in his time.

his India quoted.

refers to a lost map.
Some letters of his, recently found.
The text of a letter by.
Went unto Mossambique.
Lost no time in sending out an expedition to the Spice Islands.

with reference to Marco Polo.
Quoted by Maximilian.

Alexander VI, Pope:
his line of demarcation.
Line of demarcation of, did not extend much beyond the east coast of

King Joao's second son.

no notice to be taken of.

Alfred, King:
builds boats.

Allan Cunningham:
at the Bay of Rest, W. Australia.

with reference to Ptolemy's geography.

Almeyda, Don Francisco de, the Portuguese Viceroy.

Alonso de Salazar:
appointed to the command of Loaysa's expedition.
Died on his way to the Philippines.

Alonso Medel, one of Columbus' officers.

Alonso Corzo, Captain, one of the officers of De Quiros' expedition.

Alvarado, Fernando de:
went out with Grijalva.
Returned to New Spain, it is supposed.

Alvaro da Torre:
translated Monetarius' letter to Joao II.

Alvaro de Mendana (see also Mendana and Alvaro Mendana de Meyra):

Alvaro de Mesquita:
in command of one of Magellan's ships.
Put in irons.

Alvaro de Saavedra, Cortez's kinsman:
sent to the Spice Islands from New Spain.
On his way back to America discovered the north coast of New Guinea.

Alvaro Mendana de Meyra (see also Alvaro de Mendana and Mendana):
first discovered New Guadalcanal.

Alvaro Telez:
ran out of his course and reached Sumatra.
Was he driven on the western coast of Australia.

Alvrin (see also Dalvim), John, Lopez:
with reference to Java.

Amherst, Tyssen Amherst W.:
possesses the original manuscript of Catoira giving the account of
Mendana's expedition.

Ana, or Zi-Ana:
the spirit of the Heaven of the Chaldeans.

went to China.

Andrea Bianco:
called by Fra Mauro to help in making a map.

Andrea Corsali:
With other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
With reference to the term Brazil.
With reference to Terra de Piccinacoli.
Never saw New Guinea.
Writing from Cochin China, describes the Terra de Piccinacoli.

Andrea Furtado de Mendoca, Governor of Malacca.

his decadas quoted.

Anne of Cleves:
went to England.

Anson, Admiral:
a Spanish map found by.

Antonio de Arostegui, King of Spain's secretary:
letter of Don Diego de Prado to.

Antonio de Breu (see also Abreu and D'Abreu):
went to the Spice Islands.
Took his course towards the north.
Returned to Malacca.

Antonio de Lisboa:
sent out to search for Prester John.

Antonio Gallo:
referred to.

his mappamundi referred to.

speaks of a southern continent.

with reference to D'Abreu's expedition.
With reference to Magalhaens.

his memorial referred to by Dalrymple.

speaks of two segments of the globe.
His ideas revived.

Ayres de Saldanha:
Godinho de Eredia discovered Nuca Antara by command of the Viceroy.
The successor of Da Gama.

pre-eminent in his time.
Derived his ideas concerning the existence of transatlantic lands from
With reference to Bartholomew Columbus.

Badger, George Percy:
refers to Barthema.

Banks, Sir Joseph:
presented the Dauphin chart to the British Museum.
Knew of the existence of Torres' Straits.
A document with information relating to Australia fell into the hands of.
Tasman's Instructions supposed to have been found in Batavia by.

Barbie du Bocage:
on Gomez de Sequeira's discovery of some islands near Australia.

Linschoten accompanies him in his attempt to reach India by the Polar

Barreto (same as Garreto), Da Isabel de, Mendana's wife.

Barros, de (same as de Barros):

Barthema, Ludovico (same as Varthema):
visited Java.
supposed not to have visited the Spice Islands.
His narrative little known.
The Australasian portion of his narrative.
At the time of his travels the Chinese used to visit the Spice Islands.
His guides.
Addressed by the Christians.
Leaves Calicut.
Escorted to the Viceroy.
His account of the appearance of the Indian fleet.
Factor to the Portuguese of Cochin.
Descriptions on P. Desceliers' Map of Australia taken from the writings
of Marco Polo and.

Bartholomew Columbus, C. Columbus' younger brother:
Made a map in London.
His presence in London.
A copy of the lost map of.
May be the author of a prototypic map.

Bartolome Colin:
Set sail.

Bartolomeo de Lasso, the cosmographer:
Sent 25 charts to Plancius.

Barton, G.B.:
With reference to Torres' Straits.
Referring to the account and map of Terra Australis published with
Frobisher's voyages.
With reference to J. Welbe's scheme of colonisation.

Behaim, M.:
His globe the earliest extant.
Islands mentioned by Marco Polo and Odoric set down on his globe.
Accompanies Diogo Cam to the Congo River.
A parallel between, and Dalrymple.
Copied Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
A more primitive mappamundi than his.
May be the author of a prototypic map.
His globe has Seylan insulae.
Baron Frederic Carl Von, senior familiae.
The archives of the family of.
Furnished the geographical data and legends for his globe.
The geographical notions of his globe.
To go and search for Cathay.
Mentions Doctor Ieronimus.
Degrees of longitude and latitude first revived on the globe of.
An indication that his globe was copied from Toscanelli's map.
Features of a western coast of Australia to be found in the globe of.
Marco Polo's writings compared with the interpretation given to them on
the globe of.
Malaiur does not appear on the globe of.
Position of Java Minor on the globe of.
Islands of the Australasian regions on the globe of.
Locach altered to Coachs on the globe of.
The prototype of his globe was no doubt of Arabian origin.
His globe mentioned.
His Africa.
His Java Major is nameless on the Hunt-Lenox globe.
His Seylan Insula rendered by Seilan on the Hunt-Lenox globe.
His Seylan Insula rendered Seylan Insule pars on Ruysch's mappamundi.
First model of deformation to be found on his globe.
Toscanelli or, corrected the direction of Fra Mauro's pseudo-equatorial

Belga, G.N.:
a mappamundi published by him at Lyons.

Benedetto Bordone (see also Bordone):
a mappamundi of, mentioned.

Bennet & Van Wyk, M.M.:
their map shows Keer-Weer on the coast of New Guinea, and not on the
Australian coast.

Bernardino, Monsignor:
Barthema's travels dedicated to.

corrupted EA-han to Oannes.

Binot Paulmier de Gonneville (same as de Gonneville):
an affidavit subscribed by.

Bisagudo, Simao Afonso:
commanded a ship in D'Abreu's expedition.

his atlases mentioned.
Sent to Florence by the Dutch.
Some maps of, show Tasman's discoveries.

Bolamboam (see also Balambuam), the Rajah of:
in Java at the time of Cavendish's visit.

Bonaparte, Prince Roland:
on Linschoten's and Houtman's knowledge of the route to India.
Tasman's chart of Australia the property of.
With reference to Dutch discovery in Australia.

Bordone (see also Benedetto Bordone):
Sebastian Cabot's mappamundi drawn on the projection of.

visited and named Orangerie Bay, the Golphe de la Louisiade (New Guinea).
His description of Orangerie Bay corresponds with the Spanish
His expedition mentioned.

his gores referred to.

Bowrey, Captain:
his map shows the track followed by Tasman in his first and second

Branca, King Joao's first son.

mentions Behaim's globe.

Broadhurst, Macneil and company:
with reference to Houtman's Abrolhos.

Burleigh, Lord:
a manuscript endorsed by.

first printed the Relation of Luis Vaes de Torres, translated by
Alexander Dalrymple.
His account of John Welbe's proposal.

his expedition mentioned.

Cabot, John and Sebastian:
sighted America.

Cabots, the, Venetians.

his discovery of Brazil.
Did the Arabs know about his discovery?

Calvert, A.F.:
Author of The Discovery of Australia, with reference to a mistake of

published Apianus' mappamundi.


Cantino, Hercules d'Este's ambassador.

Carpenter, Captain, of the Costa Rica packet:
with reference to the Straits of Bali.

re-named islands discovered by Mendana.
His expedition mentioned.

Carvalhaes, Pedro de:
mentioned in Eredia's report.

with reference to D'Abreu's expedition.
A Portuguese author.
With reference to Gomez de Sequeira's voyage.

Castro Da Mariana de, Lope de Vega's wife.

Cavendish, Sir Thomas:
the gale he experienced.
Sailed through the straits to the north-west of Australia.
The Australasian portion of his narrative.
A passage with reference to the track of.
An English pilot who had been round the world with.
Sailed in the track of Drake.

Cazazionor (same as Cogiazanor), the Persian merchant who travelled with

Charles V, of Spain:
Magellan in his service.
Spain governed by Cardinal Ximenes in the absence of.
With reference to the dispute concerning the Moluccas.
Continued to allow his subjects to trade with the Spice Islands.
Voyage made under his auspices.

Chesney, Colonel:
on the shape of the circular boats of the Tigris and Euphrates.

Chiaymasiuro, King of Damuth:
in Eredia's description.

200 years before.

Christofero di Arco, a clerk of Seville.

Codine, J.:
his Memoire referred to.
His conclusions with reference to the Arabian Islands.

Coen, Jan Pietersz, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.

Cogiazanor (or Cazazionor):
objected to Barthema leaving him.

Collingridge, George:
with reference to the Early Cartography of Japan.
With reference to Point Cloates, Western Australia, and the bird called
Ruck or Rock by Marco Polo.
A letter from R.H. Major to.

Fabricio, mentioned.
Ascanio, mentioned.

Columbus, C.:
discovers America.
Endeavours to put Strabo's ideas into practice.
The course his ship might have taken.
Maintained that he had reached India.
Spain owes the discovery of America to.
Mentioned by Harrisse.
Endeavours to reach China and Japan.
The map which he took with him.
A map in which the islands discovered afterwards by, were set down.
An article called, by Professor Ruge.
May have received a letter and map from Toscanelli.
Directed his course to the Land of Spice.
Wrote a letter to Toscanelli.
Wanted particulars from Toscanelli concerning the route to the Land of
In search of Cipango.
Only received Martins' letter years after it was sent.
Copy of Toscanelli's letter to.
With reference to the Duke of Ferrara.
A parallel between him and Cook.
America practically re-discovered by.
Had made a proposition to the King of Portugal.
Went to Spain.
His expedition.
America unknown to him.
Made a globe.
His younger brother Bartholomew, an efficient cartographer, demonstrated
to him that a continent would be reached.
His arguments, the same as those used by Munzmeister.
His glowing accounts.
His 10%
Two of his officers elope with two armed vessels.
Rivarolla, his friend and banker.
His ideas not generally accepted.

his Begin ende Voortganh referred to.

A passage in, which shows that the Spaniards wished to avail themselves
of Torres' discoveries in New Guinea.

Conti, Nicolo de' (see also Nicolo de Conti):
referring to the location of Malepur.
His narrative could not be found by Ramusio.
His nomenclature.

Cook, Captain:
did he discover the east coast of Australia?
A parallel between him and Columbus.
Australia practically re-discovered by.
The Sandwich and Falkland Islands known and charted by the Spaniards a
long time before.
At the spot where he was nearly wrecked in the Endeavour occurs the name
coste dangerose in Jean Roze's chart of Australia.
Named the Sandwich Islands discovered previously by Villalobos.
Knew of the existence of Torres Straits.
At Batavia.
Lieutenant James, his arrival and re-survey of the eastern coast of
Australia alluded to.
The last recorded expedition previous to the arrival of.
His expedition mentioned.
A map before his arrival.
Supposed to have reached Batavia by the north of New Guinea.
Named the Prince of Wales' Islands in Endeavour Straits.

Coote, C.H., of the British Museum:
With reference to the Hunt-Lenox globe.
His opinion on Ruysch's mappamundi.
With reference to Maximilianus.
On a legend in Java.

Coquebert, Montbret:
with reference to Jean Valard's maps.

his Bibliotheca Sinica referred to.

Cornelis Schouten:
the name of the skipper of the Vianen.

Cornelius Claez, of Amsterdam:
procured charts.

Cornelius Houtman (see also Houtman):
inquired into the state of the East Indies.
Put into prison.
Addressed the merchants of Amsterdam.

Cornish, Admiral:
reduced the Philippines,

Correa, and de Goes:
with reference to D'Abreu's expedition.

Corsali (same as Andrea Corsali):
his remarks cast a doubt on the insularity of New Guinea.

received an account of a voyage by Joam de Resega.
Sent Alvaro de Saavedra in search of Loaysa's expedition.

Corzo Felipe:
commanded the San Felipe in Mendana's second expedition.

Cosmo de Medicis:
at Naples.

Courteen, Sir William:
presented a petition for the "privilege of erecting colonies" in Terra
Australis to King James the First.
Carried on an extensive trade to Portugal, Spain, Guinea and the West
Had some claim on the King's consideration.
Died in 1666.

Couto (see also Diego do Couto):
gives an account of Don Jorge de Menezes' voyage.

Covilham, Pedro de:
directed his course towards India.
Embarked at Aden.
Had heard of cloves and cinnamon, etc.
His letters taken to King Joao.

his fine lines on Drake's ship.

Crates (200 B.C.):
mentions an earth globe.
With reference to Geminus.
His terrestrial globe described by Strabo.


Creuszner, Fricz:
with reference to the Editio Princeps of Marco Polo.

Cristobel Guerra:
alluded to.

his expedition mentioned.

back in the year 1512.
A possible copy of his chart of the East Indian Archipelago.

Dalrymple, Alexander:
a parallel between him and M. Behaim.
Quoted with reference to Mendana's first voyage.
His letter to Hawkesworth concerning Torres' Straits.
Torres' track marked on his map determined the course of the Endeavour.
His map showing Torres' track and Straits compiled from facts.
A copy of a memorial communicated to.
Published a chart of New Guinea showing Torres' Straits.
Published a document that fell into the hands of Sir Joseph Banks.
His faulty translation of the Instructions.
Refers to a manuscript chart by Eessel Gerrits, of Amsterdam.
Became the possessor of the document which revealed Torres' passage.
Said "there is nothing new under the sun."

Dalvim (see also Alvrin):
was captain of one of the vessels ordered by Albuquerque to remain at

Dampier, W.:
strange rocks seen by, on the western coasts of Australia.
Vlamingh's voyage made after the visit of.
The arrival of, in Australasia.
Sighted New Holland (Australia) on the 4th of January 1688.
His landfall in New Holland easily determined.
Only a common sailor when on his first visit to New Holland.
Captain of the Roebuck.
Edward Harley, one of the patrons of.
Fell in with the coast of Australia to the north of the Abrolhos.
Had Tasman's chart of west coast of New Holland.
Amongst the islands that received the name of Archipel de Dampier.
His description of the New Hollanders.
The passage to the South Sea haunted his mind.
Set sail for Timor.
In sight of New Guinea.
His voyages published.
A scheme of colonisation suggested by.
In command of the St. George.
His experience to be made use of.
His death.
Sailed with Swann.

pre-eminent in his time.
His verses on the Southern Cross.

wrote about De Gonneville's voyage.

De Barros:
with reference to Odoric and the Straits of Bali.
With reference to D'Abreu's expedition.

De Brosses:
with reference to the insularity of New Guinea.

De Bry:
his map of the Solomon Islands.

De Constantin (same as Constantin):
his translation of Commelyn's work referred to.

De Goes, and Correa:
say that Simao Afonso Bisagudo commanded the third ship in D' Abreu's

De Gonneville (same as Binot Paulmier de Gonneville):
his claim not substantiated.
A French claim of discovery in favour of.

Delmar Morgan:
on the La Salle map.
Endorses a statement made by Petheric.
Did not refer to Ramusio's text.
On Juan Gaetan's narrative.
On Godinho de Eredia.

De Murr:
reproduced legends on Behaim's globe.

Desceliers (see also Pierre Desceliers):
with reference to ap quieta and quabe se quiesce.
Lomboc called Autane on his map of 1550.
Dauphin chart drawn by.
With reference to Anda ne barcha.
A priest of Arques.
Charts of the, type, referred to.

De Witt, G.F. (see also Gerrit Fredericsz):
his discovery marked on the Mar d' India map.

De Wit, F.:
his map does not show Keer-Weer on the coast of Australia.

Dias Bartholomew:
left supplies on the coast of Guinea.
Put in at St. George da Mina.
His successful voyage.
Sailed under the Portuguese flag.

Dias Diniz:
the first to reach the land of the blacks.

Dias Joao:
the first to double Cape Bogador.

Dias Lorenzo:
the first to reach the Bay of Arguin.

Dias Pedro, Bartholomew's brother.

Diaz Bartholomew:
Practically discovered the Cape.
Erected a pillar.
Named Angra das Voltas.
Named Angra dos Vaqueiros.
At Flesh Bay.
Reached an island in Algoa Bay.
Anxious to proceed.
Compelled to return.

Diaz de Solis, Juan:
sailed from San Lucar.

his cartographic views.

Diego do Couto:
with reference to the blocking of the seaway south of Java.
His description of Java.

Diego Pacheco:
named Engano Island.

Diego Ribeiro:
his mappamundi.
The Australian continent left out in his mappamundi.

Diogo Cam:
sets up a padrao.
Ascended the Congo River.
Took negroes back.
Accompanied by Martin Behaim.
His padrao passed.
Captured two negroes.
Dias discovered more than.

Diogo de Teive:
where did he direct his ship?

Diogo Lopez de Sequeira:
commissioned to discover Malacca.

Dirck-Hartighs (same as Dirck Hartog):
a name on a plate found by the French expedition commanded by Baudin.
The replica of the plate recording the discovery of, must be in Paris.
A document "immediately" describing the voyage of, has not yet been
His discovery ought to be recorded on Abraham Goos' globe.

Many inexactitudes in connection with the plate of.
The authenticity of his discovery.
The French did not find the original plate of.
A plate containing a copy of the inscription of.

Dirk Hartog:
a name cut on a tin plate taken away by Vlamingh.

Dom Henry:

Dom Manoel (same as Emanuel), King of Portugal:
obtained a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's voyages.
Refused to recognise Magalhaens' services.

Dom Pedro:
returned to Portugal.
Devotes himself to scientific studies.
The map he brought back from Venice probably the same as the one seen by
Brought back from Venice a manuscript of Marco Polo's travels.
With reference to the islands of the western seas.

Dona Isabel Garreto (same as Barreto), Mendana's wife:
taken to Manila.

Don Antonio, of Portugal:
the Portuguese ask Cavendish for news of.

Don Diego Barrante y Maldonad, an officer of De Quiros' expedition.

Don Diego de Prado y Touar:
made Depositario-General in the Bay of St. Philip and St. James.
Before his maps were found Dr. Hamy had pointed out the discoveries made
by the Spaniards.
Two letters of, to the King of Spain.
Speaks of a map, which has not yet been found.
His first letter to Antonio de Arostegui.
His second letter.
Repeats in his second letter what he said in the first.
Sends to the King of Spain the discovery of the Magna Margarita (New
Blames Don Juan de Silva, the Governor of Manila.
Blames De Quiros for not discovering the southern continent.
His antagonism to De Quiros.
Does not blame De Quiros for leaving Torres.

Don Jorge de Menezes:
discovered, it is said, New Guinea.

Don Juan de Silva, Governor of the Spice Islands:
took from the Dutch the Fort of Sabongo in Gilolo.
Governor of Manila.

Don Pedro de Acunha:

Don Peter (same a Dom Pedro).

Don Sebastian, of Portugal:
defeated and killed at the battle of Alcacer Quibir.

gives a reduced copy of the configurations of Behaim's globe in his work.

Drake, Sir Francis:
The first commander who sailed round the globe.
The rise of the naval fame of England begins with.
Sailed through the straits to the north-west of Australia.
Reaches the Molucca Islands.
Resolved to go to Ternate.
On the south-west coast of Bali.

Draper, General:
bombarded and plundered Manila.
Reduced the Philippines.

Dumont D'Urville:

Ea, the Chaldean Fish-God:
The Exalted Fish.
Legend concerning his arrival from the East.
-Han (Ea, the fish).

Edel d':
a voyage undertaken by order of the Fiscael.
A discovery mentioning the name of.

Eessel Gerrits:
a manuscript chart by.

El Istahkri:
the Arabian geographer.

Elizabeth (Queen of England):
the spirit of commercial enterprise awakened under Mary developed under.
Mere piratical expeditions undertaken during the reign of.

Emanuel, Don, the First, King of Portugal:
heard of a manuscript account of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.

the Indian Ocean an open sea in the geography of.
Chief Librarian at Alexandria.
His cartographic views.

Eredia, Manoel Godinho de:
his claim somewhat similar to that of De Gonneville.

Eucharius Cervicornus:
Maximilian's letter printed at the house of.

Eugene IV, Pope:
ordered Nicolo de' Conti to narrate his travels to his secretary.
An envoy from the Grand Khan visited Pope.

Eve, and Adam:
represented on Turin mappamundi.
On 11th century mappamundi.

Faria y Souza:
on Magalhaens.

Favenc, E.:
his History of Australian Exploration mentioned.
Speaking of Dirck Hartog's plate

Federico, Signor, Duke of Urbino:

Ferdinand, and Isabella:
Columbus' arguments to convince.
Charter three vessels.

Fernam d' Ulmo:
an island granted to him.

Fernam Martins:
a map by Toscanelli addressed to him.
His letter.

Fernam Tellez:
what island did Alfonso V concede to?

Fernando, Don, the King of Portugal's son:
showed a map to F. Tavarez.

Fernando Calaco, a scrivener from Lumiar.

Fernando Columbus:
a map said to have belonged to him.
Said to have translated a letter of Toscanelli.

quoted by Dalrymple.

Finaeus (same as Oronce Fine):
with reference to his map.

Fleming, Abraham:
his Thirde Booke of Aelianus.

with reference to Behaim's nomenclature.
On the course of the Duyfken.
Came across native huts on the coast of western Australia similar to
those depicted on P. Desceliers' chart of Australia.
Makes use of information furnished by Dalrymple, and endeavours to trace
the course of the Duyfken.
Speaks of a manuscript chart by Eessel Gerrits of Amsterdam.

Fogaza, Joao commander.

Fra Mauro (see Mauro).

Francesco de Rivarolle:
owner of vessels and Columbus' banker.

Franchois Thysz:
the name of the skipper that discovered the land of Peter Nuyts (south
coast of Australia).

Francisco de Hoces:
driven to 55 south latitude.
Believed he had discovered an Austral continent.

Francisco Pizaro, the first Viceroy of Peru.

Francisco Rodriguez:
made use of a map, now lost.
His portolanos referred to.

Francisco Themara:
his book referred to.

Franciscus Monachus (or Monacus):
his De Orbi Situ mentioned.

Francis I, of France:
the Dauphin chart executed in the time of.

Fransz Jacobsz, alias Vissher:
accompanied Tasman as pilot major.

Fray Juan de Merlo:
sent to the King of Spain by Torres.

Fray Juan de Silva:
several memorials to the King of Spain by.

Freville, M. de:
published Dalrymple's letter to Hawkesworth.

Freycinet, de, M. L.:
took Dirck Hartog's plate home with him and placed it in the Museum of
the Institute, Paris
His work, Voyage Autour du Monde mentioned.

his voyages referred to.
His attempt to reach India by the Polar Seas.

Gaetan, Juan (see also Juan Gaetan):
his description of New Guinea natives erroneously taken for a description
of Queensland natives.

Blaeu and Hortensius, sent to Florence to study under.

Gallego, Hernan:
with Mendana's expedition.
His journal referred to.

describes early traffic in the Indian Ocean.
On Ptolemy's geography.
On a Venetian map taken to Portugal by Dom Pedro.
With reference to Alvaro Telez.
His description of the first expedition to the Spice Islands.
His Anjano a bad reading for Anda ne, with reference to Anda ne barcha
(no boats go here).
A digression in.
His description of D'Abreu's expedition corresponds with Reinel's charts.
His reference to the discovery of certain islands.
Informs us that only one vessel of Loaysa's fleet reached the Moluccas.
On Saavedra's expedition.
On Villalobos' expedition.
Reports a discovery made by Gomez de Sequeira.

Garcia Jofre de Loaysa (see also Loaysa):
entrusted with an expedition to the Spice Islands.

Gaspar Corte Real:

Gaspar de Cruz:
says that Loech is the capital of Cambodia.

Gaspar Rico, pilot:
with Bernardo de La Torre.
With Inigo Ortiz de Retez.
His nomenclature on a Dutch chart.

his remarkable map published by Tramezini.

Gautier Schouten, or Shouten:
in the Voyages of, published at Amsterdam, there is a curious account of
the wreck of the Vergulde Draeck.

speaks of a southern continent.

Gerard, Abbot, afterwards Cardinal Maffei.

Gerard Van Beuningen, supercargo in the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.

Gerrit Colaert, captain of the hooker De Nyptang.

Gerrit Fredericsz De Witt (see also De Witt, G.F.):
the name of the commander of the Vianen, wrecked on the north-west coast
of Australia in the year 1628.

Gerrit Jansz:
one of the skippers in Tasman's expedition.

Gerrit Thomasz Poole:
sent out from Banda.
In command of the yachts Amsterdam and Wesel, discovered the coast of
Nova Guinea in 3 1/2 degrees south latitude.

his reproductions of legends on Behaim's globe.

Gilles Mibais (same as Miebais):
Major leaves out words after.

Gilles Miebais:
a name on Dirck Hartog's plate.

Giovanni da Empoli:
with other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
Terra Sanctae Crucis known to him.

Giuliani de Medici:
Andrea Corsali's letter addressed to.

on the boat-shaped form of the earth.
With reference to position of the Infernal regions.
With reference to Phoenician reports.
Fails to notice that Homer reversed the Chaldean position of the
terrestrial globe.

Godinho de Eredia:
the valuable manuscript of, mentioned.
Discovered Australia according to Major.


Gomez de Sequeira:
his voyage.
Did he make two voyages the same year?

Goncalo d'Oliveira, pilot in D'Abreu's expedition.

Gonzales de Leza, the pilot of De Quiros' expedition.
Gives an account of the ceremony of taking possession.
Uses the word Austral.

Gonzalo Velho Cabral:
sent by Prince Henry.

Grand Khan (or Great Khan), of Cathay:
In Marco Polo's description.
The Empire of the.
Discovery in his province.
The King of Kings.

Gregoire, l'Abbe:
a manuscript executed under his guidance.

Gregory X, Pope:
Marco Polo travelled in his time.

Grijalva, Hernando de:
and Fernando de Alvarado, sent out from Acapulco on an expedition of
Murdered by his revolted crew.

Groland, Nicholas:
with reference to Behaim's globe.


Guillaume Yanss, Captain:
commanded the Duyfken.

Guillemard, F.H.H.:
his Life of Ferdinand Magellan quoted.

Guppy, Dr.:
his book, the Solomon Islands, referred to.

Hakluyt, Richard:
publishes Galvano's work.
Society's edition of Galvano, quoted.
Of Yule's work.
Of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
With reference to Bartholomew Columbus.
Society's edition of Barthema quoted.
A sentence translated wrong in Barthema of.
Notes in Barthema are of great interest.

Hamelin, Captain:
Major quoting Peron refers to.

Hamy, Dr. E.T.:
Believes Barthema never visited the Spice Islands.
Suggests Rindjani as the origin of Anjano.
With reference to the islands reached by Magalhaens in 1511.
Describes the geographical work of the Reinels.
Refers to the special deformation of Java, Sumbawa, Flores.
Assigns the date of 1517 to Reinel's chart.
With reference to Jean Roze and his maps.
Found Mendana's original narrative.
His views on the discoveries made by the Spaniards in New Guinea.
The author wrote to him.
A member of the French Institute.
On Dirck Hartog's plate.

Harley, Edward, Earl of Oxford:
Owned the Dauphin chart.
Instrumental in sending Dampier out to Australia.
One of Dampier's patrons.

Haro, Christopher:
carried on a trade with Eastern countries.

Harper's Monthly Magazine:

Harrisse, Henry:
on the Paris wooden globe.
His remarks with reference to Christopher Columbus.
On Toscanelli's letter.
His indefatigable researches.
On Bartholomew Columbus' map.
On Behaim's globe.
Referring to Finaeus' map.
Referring to Western expeditions.
Assigns the date circa 1511 to the Hunt-Lenox globe.
On Ruysch's mappamundi.
His remarks with reference to the alleged Schoner globe of 1523.
On the Franciscus Monachus mappamundi.
On the Harleyan or Dauphin chart.
On the Desceliers-Lusitano French maps.

Hawkins, Sir John:
acquired celebrity.
Lost his fleet.

Henry, Prince, the Navigator:
Major's biography of, referred to.
Much helped by an old map.
Never weary of his purpose.
In the year 1428 he and his brother became possessed of a manuscript of
Marco Polo and of a map of the world.
A note in.
King Affonso V followed his example.
His object accomplished.
Major's work on, quoted.
Where did he send Gonzalo Velho Cabral?
His motto.
His ruling desire.
Joao preferred to carry out the designs of.

Henry VIII, of England:
John Rotz dedicates his book of hydrography to him.
Mentioned in connection with J. Roze's chart of the Londe of Jaua

Henry II:
his map of 1546 referred to.

Henry VI, of England:
Bartholomew Columbus made a map of the world for.

Hercules d'Este:
Cantino, the ambassador of.

Quoted by Rawlinson with reference to circular boats of the Tigris and

with reference to Bartholomew Columbus.
With reference to New Guinea.
His maps.
An account of his corroborated.

Hieronimo da San Stephano:
with other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.

Hilgard, Dr.:
saw the Hunt-Lenox globe.

his cartographic views.

Hoeius, Franciscus:
apparently the engraver of the map published by Hugo Allardt.

Holzschuer, George:
with reference to Behaim's globe.
Constructed, painted and inscribed Behaim's globe.

a verse of, quoted.
The Indian Ocean represented as an open sea in the days of.
Quoted by Gladstone.
His Phoinikes the same people as the later Phoenicians.
His River Okeanos.
Reversed the Chaldean position of the terrestrial globe.
Sets his Heaven upon columns.
Places his north above.
Places his Heaven in the south or south-west.
His views corroborated by Strabo.
Position of Mountain of the South or South-West.

Hondius, Henricus:
a map by, in Linschoten's work, referred to in Nordenskiold's atlas.

Hondius, Jodocus:
his map shows tracks of Drake and Cavendish.

and Blaeu sent to Florence by the Dutch to study under Galileo.

Houtman, or Hootman:
and Linschoten, the pioneers of Holland in the East.
Only the commercial chief of the first Dutch expedition to Australasia.

Huerter, Job de:
Behaim's wife daughter of.

Hugo Allardt:
published a map at Amsterdam.
Ignorant of Dutch discoveries on Australian shores.

Hulst, G. Van Keulen:
published Tindal and Swart's Verhandelingen.
Published a copy of Tasman's original manuscript map.

mentions Behaim's globe.

Hunt, Jonathan:
R.M. Hunt's father.

Hunt, R.M.:
the architect of the Lenox Library.
Presented the Hunt-Lenox globe to the Library.

Hyde Clarke:
on the legend of the Atlantes of Plato.

Ieronimus, Doctor, same as Munzmeister.

Im, or Mermer, the Wind-God of the Chaldeans.

Infante Joao:
accompanies Bartholomew Dias.
First to land.

Infant Henry:
a captain in the employ of referred to.

Inigo Ortiz de Retez (see also Retez):
His nomenclature of New Guinea marked on a Dutch map.

Iniquez de Carquicano, Martin:
died poisoned.

Isabella, and Ferdinand:
Don John II makes an arrangement with.

Isabella, Queen:
her subjects alone granted licenses.

Isidore, of Seville:
a legend on Terra Australis by him.
Spoken of by Santarem.
Referred to.

Iwan III:
celebrated for his great territorial accessions.

Jacob Mahu:
seven ships under the command of.

Jacques Specx, Admiral:
a ship of his fleet nearly wrecked on Houtman's Abrolhos.

James the First:
a petition by Sir William Courteen presented to.
Not favourable to colonies.

Jan Carstens:
sailed from Amboina.

published in French a work on Behaim's globe.

a name on Dirck Hartog's plate.

the Argonauts who sailed to Colchis with.

Jean Dignumsz, of the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.

Jean Jacobz Schellinger, of the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.

Jean Jansz Molenaar, of the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.

Jesus Christ:
St. Thomas gives up his life for.

Joam de Resaga:
ran along the coast of Peru and reached New Spain.

Joam Fernandez, of Terceira:
with reference to letters patent granted.

Joao de Coimbra:
went to Calicut.

Joao Gomez d'Abreu:
discovered and named Madagascar.

Joao, King:
Don Henry his fifth son.

Joao II:
granted an island to Fernam d'Ulmo.
The Perfect, son and successor of Affonso V.
Stone pillars erected in his reign.
Greatly gratified.
King of Portugal and the Algarves.
Determines to reach the country of Prester John.
Sends messengers to Cairo.
Covilham's letter to him.
Sent two vessels to the south.
A report to.
Dias' discovery of the Cape, the last great discovery in the reign of.
Did not listen to Columbus' proposition.
Dissatisfied with the Pope's bull.
With reference to Behaim's globe.
A letter from Monetarius sent to.
Maximilian was the cousin of.
Date of Maximilian's letter to.
Arguments used by Munzmeister to convince.

Johan Muller, the artist:
reproduced Behaim's globe for the French Government.

Johanna Macedo:
Behaim's wife.

Johannes Bohemus:
referred to.

Johann Schoner:
professor of Mathematics at Nuremberg.

Joh, Jannssonius:
published Abraham Goos' globe.

John Davis:
caused a chair to be made out of the timbers of Drake's ship.

Johnston, Thomas, Crawford:
a paper of his entitled Did the Phoenicians discover America? referred

John III, King of Portugal:
ordered the remains of St. Thomas to be sought for.
Begged Charles V to have the question of the position of the Moluccas

his collection of maps.
Facsimiled Behaim's globe.
Malaiur does not appear on Behaim's globe copied by.

Joseph, of Lamego:
a messenger of King Joao.

Juan Bernardo de Fuentiduena:
an officer of De Quiros' and Torres' expedition.

Juan de Esquivel:
the Maestro de Campo who governed the islands of Ternate.
Put the affairs of the island in good order.

Juan de Iturbide:
blames De Quiros for parting company with Torres.
Blames De Quiros for not following instructions, which were "to go as far
as 40 degrees south latitude."

Juan de la Cosa:
his mappamundi.

Juan Diaz de Solis:
sailed with the intention of reaching the Spice Islands by the west.

Juan Gaetan:
reports that the Portuguese purposely distorted their charts.
One of Villalobos' pilots wrote an account of Inigo Ortiz de Retez'
His account published by Ramusio.
His nomenclature on a Dutch chart.

Juan Vespuccius:
his mappamundi, a pre-Magellanic one.
His southern continent.

King, P.P.:
with reference to Behaim's nomenclature.
Fixed the locality described by W. Dampier, and gave the nomenclature
that commemorates his visit.
His Narrative of a Survey, etc., mentioned.
Determined the insularity of Melville Island.

his expedition mentioned.

Kohl, J.G.:
mentions Behaim's globe.
With reference to a map found by Admiral Anson.

published Munzmeister's account of his travels in Germany.

his copperprint of G. Mercator's mappamundi published in Rome.

Lancaster, Captain:
sailed from London, the founder of the first English settlement in the
East Indies.
Frequently proposed to send a ship to the Solomon Islands.

manuscript, referred to.

La Salle:
map, published by La Salle.

Las Casas:
with reference to circuit of the globe.
A chart in his possession.
A translation of a letter by Toscanelli inserted in his Historia.
Verses preserved by.

Lawrence, St.:
Madagascar discovered on the feast of.

mentioned in connection with Menezes' discoveries.

mentions Behaim's globe.

Le Maire, or Lemaire:
made to appear to be the discoverer of New Guinea.

Lemos, Gaspar de:
brought some parrots to Europe from Brazil.

Lenormant, F.:
author of Chaldea.
His description of the boat-shaped form of the earth.

Lenox, James:
of New York.
A globe named after him.

Leon Janssen:
translated Godinho de Eredia's Malacca.

Leonora, of Portugal:
Maximilian was the son of.

Leupe, P.A.:
on the arrival of the Golden Sea-Horse at Batavia.

Leyva, Alonzo de:
commanded the Santa Catalina in Mendana's expedition.

his Discours of Voyages, etc., referred to.
Refers to Cavendish's voyage.
And Houtman, the pioneers of Holland in Australasia.
Lived for two years in Lisbon.
Resided for thirteen years in India.
His book appears to be a translation from the Portuguese.
Accompanies Barentz.
Twenty-five charts relating to India, China and Africa procured by the
Dutch before his return from India.
Added fresh information on his return.
His book contains a passage similar to one in Wytfliet's work.
His information not up to date.
His map of Java.
The London edition of his work.
A map by Peter Plancius, with indications of Australia, in the English
edition of his work.
A map said to be from the work of, in Nordenskiold's atlas.

Lloyd, Thomas:
in search of the Island of Brazil.

Loaysa (see also Garcia Jofre de):
on his way to the Spice Islands.
Very sick.
Death of.
Only one vessel of his fleet reached the Moluccas.
An account of his proceedings reached Cortez.

Lodovico Barthema (same as Ludovico Barthema):
his Itinerary.

Lopez Garcia de Castro, Governor of Peru.

Lorenzo, Don:
met at Cannanore by Barthema.

Toscanelli's nephew.

Ludovico Barthema:
with other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
The account of his travels.

Ludovico di Varthema (same as Barthema).

Luys Botim:
pilot in D'Abreu's expedition.

Magregor, Sir William:
sketch map of part of British New Guinea, referred to by.
Explored the Tarasa River (New Guinea).

on Gomez de Sequeira's voyage.

Magalhaens (see also Magellan):
and Serrano, in the Moluccas.
Sailed with a special and secret mission for Albuquerque.
Back in Lisbon in 1512.
His letters to Serrano.
Death of.
Returned to Europe after seven years' service in India.
His services not recognised.
His great achievement first made known.
His squadron.
His course marked in the alleged Schoner globe.
Survivors of his expedition went on a second expedition.
The second voyage through the Straits of, tedious and dismal.
After the return of his expedition the question of longitude still
remained unsettled.

Magellan (see also Magalhaens):
his voyage referred to.
Reach the regions of the Spice Islands.
Pathways traversed by.
The Straits of, referred to.
Life of, quoted.
In Sequeira's expedition to Malacca.
Made his way to the Court of Spain.
Suggested the idea that the Moluccas fell within Spanish territory.
Well received by Cardinal Ximenes.
A plan proposed by, and Haro.
Perceiving that the voyage would be a long one.
Irritated about the conversations of his men.
Executed the ringleader.
Sailed out of St. Julian's Bay.
Determined to sail along the channel.
Gave orders to turn away from the great continent.
Converts the Chief of Subuth.

the discoverer of the Streights.

Major, R.H.:
on traditions relating to the existence of an island of immense extent
beyond the known world.
with reference to the earliest opinions concerning a knowledge of an
Australian continent.
With reference to "When you leave Java."
On Prince Henry the navigator.
A remark by, redounding to the honour of Italy.
Refers to a translation of Marco Polo's work made in Lisbon.
Edited the first English translation of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
Inscription on Fra Mauro's map not noticed by.
Says navigators left the coast with impunity.
On Joao II.
On Prester John.
With reference to Spanish ideas concerning Australia.
Identifies Malaiur with Malay Peninsula.
A communication of G.P. Badger to.
Arias' memorial in extenso in the Early Voyages to Australia by.
His answer to Badger with reference to a country south of Java.
Named the Dauphin chart.
Came to the conclusion that the French claim of Australian discovery was
With reference to Beach.
On Peter Plancius' map with indications of Australia.
On Dutch discovery.
Used Dalrymple's faulty translation.
Quotes Saris.
On Dirck Hartog's plate.
Gives some particulars relating to Vlamingh's voyage.
Appears to mention three yachts in Pool's expedition.

mentions John Rotz's book of hydrography.
An erroneous opinion of.

Mandevilla, Johan de:
mentioned on Martin Behaim's globe.

Mandeville, (same as Mandevilla):
his influence on the cartography of the Australian regions.

a quotation of his referring to the southern continent.
The date at which he wrote.

Mann, John:
with reference to the navigation of the Bali Straits.

Manoel, Dom (same as Don Emanuel):
had a manuscript of Nicolo de' Conti's travels translated into
Wolf Holzschuer rendered services to.
Sent three vessels.

Marco Polo:
erroneous interpretations of his writings.
no geographical progress made by Europeans before his time.
Returns to Venice.
Compelled to wait near the Straits of Malacca.
Geographical terms used by.
Considered Java and Australia as one.
News of his voyages.
An important description of his.
With Marsden's rectification.
Five types of maps appeared after his and Nicolo de' Conti's return.
Maps which appeared after his, but before Nicolo de' Conti's return
Says Lochac produces gold, etc.
Islands named after his descriptions.
With reference to Java Major.
A fantastic type of map bearing his nomenclature.
The influence of his writings.
And Odoric of Pordenone.
Did not reach so near Australia as Odoric of Pordenone.
Probable interpolations.
Describes Nicoveran.
His nomenclature on Behaim's globe.
A copy of his travels taken to Portugal in the year 1428.
With other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
Nicolo de' Conti, his emulator.
His voyages to be read in connection with Nicolo de' Conti's.
Went to the East in the time of Gregory X.
Nicolo de' Conti found the lands described by.
Referred to in connection with Nicolo de' Conti.
A manuscript of, given to Dom Pedro in 1428.
His works translated and published in Portugal.
His Java Minor cannot be Nicolo de' Conti's Giava Minore.
Manuscript copies of, difficult to obtain.
His eastern seaboard.
His Mangi and Cathay distorted.
Our zero the point of departure of the descriptions of.
Speaks of Lochac.
Speaks of Malaiur.
By Marsden.
His Angaman.
Described Java from hearsay.
His Madagascar.
His islands stud the South Pacific Ocean in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Descriptions on P. Desceliers' map, taken from the writings of.
his islands on the Schonerean gores.
The Javas of his descriptions.
His islands on the Apianus mappamundi.
Described Java from hearsay as being the largest island in the world.
His writings form the basis of G. Mercator's map.

Marino Sanuto:
a map by, mentioned, which appeared before the return of Nicolo de'

Marin La Meslee, E.:
on De Gonneville's discovery.

Markham, C.R.:
a communication of G.P. Badger to, and answer.

has shown that Java should read Chiampa.
Ditto, that Lochac is some part of Cambodia.
His Sumatra.
Identifies Malaiur with Malay Peninsula.
His Marco Polo.

Martin Alonzo Pinzon:
with reference to a map.

Martin of Bohemia (same as M. Behaim).

Martin Van Delft:
in command of three Dutch vessels.

Maximilian, Emperor:
his advice to go in search of Cathay.
Date of his letter to Joao II.

Maximilianus, Transylvanus:
referred to.
Peter Martyr sent to him the men who had returned from Magalhaens'
Sent his Latin exercise to Cologne.
His letter.
The alleged Schoner globe considered as a result of the publication of
his letter.
With reference to the vastness of the Pacific Ocean.
No place for his nomenclature on the alleged Schoner globe.

Mauro, Fra (see also Fra Mauro):
with reference to the difficulties that early cartographers had to
contend with.
His regions of darkness
The equatorial regions on his map.
His map referred to.
His India.
The circumfluent ocean of the ancients still retained in his mappamundi.
Nicolo de' Conti's Sandai identified with Sunda in his map.
His monument of geography compiled between the years 1457 and 1459.
A commission given to him to construct a map.
Paid the draughtsman Andrea Bianco.
Death of.
His bird called Rukh.
His map a ground plan for Toscanelli.
A departure made from his map.
Prototypic map.
The construction of his map.
His map borrowed from.
The evolution of his lago regno.
With reference to the western shores of Australia.
The period at which his errors were found out.
Had no room on his mappamundi.
His Sumatra placed in the southern hemisphere.
Behaim's Java Major a distorted representation of Fra Mauro's Siamotra.
His mappamundi with reference to Calmia.
Is Loac Provincia derived from his Lago regnum (?).
His legends referring to parrots.
His pseudo-equatorial line corrected.
His Giava Mazor appears to have been set down from actual knowledge of
its coastlines.

Meda, Don Francisco dal (same as Almeyda).

Medici, Duke of:
Andrea Corsali writes from Cochin-China to him.

spoken of by Santarem.

Mendana (see also Alvaro de Mendana):
his expedition of 1567 described.
The original manuscript in which his voyage is narrated was found by Dr.
E.T. Hamy.
Sent out to San Christoval to found a colony.
The fleet of, composed of four vessels.
His galleon was named the San Jeronimo.
In search of the Solomon Islands.
Named the Santa Cruz Islands.
Death of.
Began the work of exploration continued by De Quiros.
Discovered the Solomon Islands.
His Solomon Islands marked on a Dutch chart.
The early discoveries of.

Mercator, Gerard:
with reference to a fantastic type of map.
Used the term Beach on the Australian continent.
His mappamundi.
In certain respects failed to improve the geography of his time.
Made use of Ptolemy's and Marco Polo's nomenclature.
Indications of Australia on the map of, referred to by Major.

Menezes, Don Jorge De:
was carried by currents to the North Coast of Papua.

Mestre Jayme:
no work of his to be seen.

Mermer, or Im, the Wind-God of the Chaldeans.

Midas, King of Phrygia:
in conversation with Silenus concerning an island of immense extent
beyond the known world.
His familiarity with Silenus.

his expedition mentioned.

Modigliani, the author of Isola delle Donne, the Island of Women.

Monetarius, Hieronymus (Munzer or Munzmeister).

Monterey, Count of, Viceroy of Peru:
De Quiros' expedition sent out under the auspices of.
De Quiros followed the instructions given by.
Desired De Quiros to discover the southern continent.

Montesclavos, Marquis of:
with reference to De Quiros' character.

Moresby, J.:
his visit and re-survey in New Guinea.
His book referred to.

Mortier, Pierre:
an atlas published by, at Amsterdam.

his adventures compiled by Raspe.

derived his ideas from Aristotle.
His suggestion.
His arguments used to convince Joao.

Napoleon I:
documents appropriated by, now returned.

Narborough, Sir John:
his Account of Several Late Voyages, etc. alluded to.

A letter addressed to, by the Vicomte de Santarem.

on Australia and the Ancients.

Naya, Signor, of Venice:
made a photograph of Fra Mauro's map.

Nicholson, E.B.:
with reference to Mandeville.

Nicolas Coelho:
went to Calicut.

Nicolas Struyk:
his Inleidning tot de Algemeen Geographie, mentioned.

Nicolas Witsen:
his Noord en Oost Tartarye, mentioned.

Nicolo de' Conti:
erroneous interpretation of his writings.
No progress made by European geographers before his time.
His India.
Mentions Java Major and Java Minor, not the same islands as Marco Polo's.
Maps which appeared before his return from the East.
His information used in Fra Mauro's map.
With other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
The emulator of Marco Polo.
Don Emanuel of Portugal ordered his manuscript to be translated into
Went to India in the time of Eugene IV.
Referred to in connection with Marco Polo.
His voyages translated by Valentino Fernandez.
Referring to Malepur.
Original Latin description of his travels.
Missing passages in his descriptions in Ramusio's text.
Stays nine months in the Javas.
Describes Sumatra as Anticamente detta Taprobana.
His descriptions traceable on Fra Mauro's map.
Describes the Spice Islands from hearsay.
First to name Sumatra.
Dr. Ruge with reference to.
The influence of his writings on the cartography of the Eastern regions.
With reference to parrots.
With reference to papagalli terra.
His description of the Nestorian Christians.

Nobbens, Jan:
one of the survivors of the Zeewyck.

Nockhoda Tingall:
arrived at Bantam from Banda.

his collection of maps, referred to.
A map said to be from Linschoten's work in his atlas.

Nutzel, Gabriel:
with reference to Behaim's globe.

Nuyts, Pieter:
was on board the Golden Seahorse when Franchois Thysz, the skipper, made
a discovery on the south coast of Australia.
Of the Counsel of Seventeen.
His discovery marked on the Mar d' India map.

Oannes, the Greek Fish-God:
The name corrupted from Ea-han.

Odoardo Barbosa:
his book tampered with.

Odoric, of Pordenone (Odoric de Pordenone):
no geographical progress made by Europeans before his time.
His influence on the cartography of the Australasian regions.
His descriptions plagiarised.
One of the most renowned travellers in his days.
Visited Java and other islands of the Eastern Archipelago.
Manuscripts of his travels.
His course of peregrinations.
His account of the regions south of the equator.
Eats of a paste (sago).
With other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
Describes Candin under the name of Dondin.

Oliva, Abbe:
edited Conti's travels.

Oronce Fine:
celebrated French astronomer and mathematician.
His information borrowed from Lusitano-Spanish charts.

Ortega Pedro:
with Mendana's expedition.

with reference to a fantastic type of map.
The Australasian regions on his map similar to those of G. Mercator's
Indication of Australia on maps of, referred to.

Owen Stanley:

Paolo da Gama:
went to Calicut.

Paul (same as Paolo Toscanelli):
copy of a letter by him to Columbus.

Paul Van Caerden:
proclaimed Governor of all the Spice Islands.

Paul Van Soldt:
the author of the journal that deals with Etienne Van der Hagen's second
Met the Little Dove (Duyfken), which had returned from New Guinea.
His narrative shows that the Little Dove and the Little Sun were together
at the Spice Islands.

Payva, Affonso de:
directs his course towards Suakem.
His death.

Pedro Bernal Cermeno:
commanded the Tres Reyes, the launch of De Quiros' expedition.

Pedro Correa:
Columbus' brother-in-law.

Pedro de Covilham:
sent to search for the country of Prester John.

Pedro de Montarryo:
sent out to search for the country of Prester John.

Pedro Nunez:
went to Calicut.

Pelsart, F., Captain:
describes some ant-hills on the western coast of Australia.
The Batavia commanded by.
Driven on Houtman's Abrolhos.
Resolved to steer for Java.
A full account of the shipwreck of, given in R.H. Major's Early Voyages
to Australia.
The Vergulde Draeck wrecked on the same coast as.

Pero de Alemquer:
went to Calicut.

Pero Escobar:
went to Calicut.

describes some ant-hills on the western coast of Australia.
The French account of the finding of Dirck Hartog's plate given in the
work of.
Was on board the Naturaliste when Dirck Hartog's plate was found.
Referred to.

Peter Both:
his fleet of eight ships arrived at Bantam.

Peter de Alyaco (Pierre D'Ailly):

Peter Dirckz Keyser:
commanded the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.
Died in the Straits of Sunda.

Peter Martyr, of Anghierra:
his observations concerning the dispute between the Portuguese and

Peter Plancius:
procured charts for Cornelius Claez.
Indications of Australia on a map by.

Petherick, E.A.:
on Patalie Regio.
A statement of his corrected.
An article contributed to the Melbourne Review by.
Did not refer to Ramusio's text.
His publication The Torch referred to.
On Sir W. Courteen's petition.

quoted on Sebastian Cabot's mappamundi.

the first Governor of New South Wales.
sighted Australia on the 3rd of January 1788.

Pierre d'Abano:
pre-eminent in his time.

Pierre d'Ailly:
his India.
Derived his ideas from Aristotle.

Pierre Desceliers (see also Desceliers):
a priest of Arques, and celebrated cosmographer and cartographer.

Pierre Pauvelz, the same as Gerrit Thomasz Pool.

Pieter Dockes (see also Pieter Ecorres):
a name on Dirck Hartog's plate according to Major Doore, according to
Rienzi, quoting Freycinet.

Pieter Ecoores:
a name on Dirck Hartog's plate according to Peron's account.

Pieter Goos:
his chart with reference to the discovery of 't Landt Van Pieter Nuyts.
A wrong date on the chart of.

Pieter Pietersz:
of Gerrit Thomasz Pool's expedition, continued the voyage of discovery
and lighted on Arnhem or Van Dieman's Land.
Visited Timor Laut.

describes the guanaco.
His description suggested the wooden houses depicted on the P.
Desceliers' chart of Australia.

Captain Cook wished to follow his authority.


Pinzon, Vicente, Yanez:
sailed from San Lucar.
Sailed as far as the Oronoco.

in China.

the Atlantis of.

quoted by Galvano.
Articles of commerce mentioned by.
His geography referred to.
Quoted by Maximilianus.

Poggio Fiorentino, Messer, secretary to Pope Eugene IV:
His treatise De Varietate, etc., referred to.

Poggio Bracciolini:
writes Sumatra Sciamuthera.
Referred to.

Polo Marco (same as Marco Polo):

Pomponius Mela:
a work of that name printed at Basles.

Prester John:
supposed to rule over vast tracts of country.
Information wanted concerning.

errors attributed to him.
His fantastic islands.
Placed Java and Sumbawa in the northern hemisphere.
Develops the views of early cartographers.
His map of the world referred to.
His ideas revived.
Period at which he compiled his works.
Islands set down by guess on his map.
Galvano's views of his geography.
No other charts but those of, at the time the projected San-Thome was
placed (cartographically) on Tenasserim coast.
Two important gulfs on his map.
Duplication of Malay Peninsula suggested in his map.
Sumatra and Ceylon confounded in his map.
The first edition of his atlas.
The British Museum map compared with his map.
His fictitious coastline.
His geography.
His map served to form a prototype.
Theoretical arguments based on the geography of.
Our zero placed at the extreme end of the world of.
Western shores of Fra Mauro's Sumatra and the coasts of China connected
as in the map of.

with reference to Gaspar de Cruz.
With reference to Bartholomew Columbus.
Gives a passage from Saris.
A passage of his quoted.

Purry, Jean Pierre:
his memoire referred to.
Went to France.

Quaritch, Bernard:
with reference to Sir John Mandeville's travels.

Quiros, Pedro Fernandez de:
Mendana's captain and chief pilot.
The leader of another expedition.
Two important items in connection with the expedition of.
Only continuing the work of Mendana.
Took Mendana's wife and the remainder of the fleet to Manila.
Petitioned at Valladolid for another expedition.
Sailed on an expedition to colonize the island of Santa Cruz and follow
out the intentions of Mendana.
Put in at Taumaco.
Abandoned the project of going to Santa Cruz.
Left the Almiranta.
Sailed for Mexico.
Died at Panama.
His ship or galleon was named the San Pedro y San Pablo.
Torres' condition different to his.
The expedition of, closes the period of Spanish activity.
Appointed officers.
Discovered Espiritu Santo in the New Hebrides group.
Makes use of the word Australia in his diary.
An alteration made in the manuscript of, changing Austrialia to
The memorial of, sent to Philip III.
Two letters of Don Diego de Prado respecting the expedition of.
Called liar by de Prado.
Only discovered rocks and small islands.
Blamed by de Prado for not discovering the southern continent.
Would have discovered New Zealand and perhaps Australia had he obeyed
The early discoveries of.

Rafael Perestello:
and Andrade, went to China.

Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford:
his History of Java quoted.

Ragozin, Zenaide A.:
referred to.
Position of the Mountain of the East according to.

his account of Nicolo de' Conti.
Could not find a single copy of Nicolo de' Conti's narrative in Venice
and many other Italian towns.
Obliged to have recourse to a Portuguese translation of Nicolo de'
Conti's travels.
His work called Navigationi et viaggi.
Mentions Valentino Fernandez.
His opinion of Valentino Fernandez' translation of Nicolo de' Conti's
His text of Nicolo de' Conti's travels contained a passage that led to
the distortion of maps.
The Latin edition of Nicolo de' Conti's that he could not find was found
Referred to.
Missing passages in, with reference to Nicolo de' Conti's text.
Says D. Manoel obtained in 1500 a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
Sciamuthera is written Sumatra in his translation.
His account of Barthema's travels.
On Portuguese secrecy.
His account of Inigo Ortiz de Retez' expedition written by the pilot
The portion of Juan Gaetan's account relating to New Guinea as given in.

compiled the adventures of Munchhausen.

Rawdon Brown:

a note of, on Herodotus, referred to.

Reade, Captain:
in command of the Cygnet when Dampier first landed in Australia.

a passenger by Admiral Jacques Specx's fleet, gives an account of the
wreck of the Batavia on Houtman's Abrolhos.

Reinel, Pedro:
His map shows the geographical evolution.
Misnamed nearly all the islands on his chart of the East Indian
Bali and Lomboc are not distorted on his chart.

Rene Van Hel:
supercargo on the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.

Retez, Inigo Ortiz de (see also Inigo Ortiz de Retez):
in command of the San Juan with Gaspar Rico as pilot.

Ricardo Beltram y Rozpide:
referred to.

Rienzi, author of Oceanie:
With reference to Dirck Hartog's plate.

Robert de Vaugondy:
a map of Australia by.

Rodrigo de Bastidas:
referred to.

Rodriguez Francisco (see also Francisco Rodriguez):
set out with Abreu.
made an adaptation from a map, now lost.
Pilot in D'Abreu's expedition.
His charts well known.
His charts served as models.
His surveys are independent of Pedro Reinel's surveys.
His chart of part of Java, Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc., bears additional

Rogers, Captain:
in the Duke and the Duchess.

his voyage to the South Seas.

Rotz, John (same as Jean Roze):
a book of hydrography of his dedicated to King Henry VIII.

Roze, Jean (same as Rotz, John):
his map referred to.
Two maps of his described.
His chart Number 2 described.
The Land of the Leeuwin of Dutch charts shown on the chart of.

Ruelens, Charles:
Maintains that the Duyfken (Little Dove) never reached the shores of
Makes Flinders responsible for the confusion with regard to the voyage of
the Duyfken.
Other documents have turned up since the conclusion arrived at by.
The librarian of the Royal Burgundian Library at Brussels.
Wrote a preface to Yanssen's work.

Ruge, Dr., Author of Columbus:
With reference to Nicolo de' Conti.

Ruy Lorenzo, de Tavora:
ex-Viceroy of India.

his mappamundi has Seilan Insulae Pars.
His mappamundi mentioned.
Various opinions as to the origin of his mappamundi.
His mappamundi unique in many respects.

sailed along the coast of New Guinea.
The survivors of his expedition return from the Moluccas.

Saltzburg, Cardinal of:
Maximilian's letter addressed to the.

Cazazionor's niece.

on early maps.
Refers to the alter orbis and antichthone.
Referred to.
Rodriguez's portolanos reproduced in outline in his collection.
Ignored that Rodriguez was already at Malacca in 1511.

Saris, Captain:
of Middleton's expedition, at the Moluccas.
His notes with reference to the first Dutch voyage to Australia.
A passage from.
His Christian name was John.
Supposed to have mistaken the word Duyfken for another similar.

with reference to Barthema.

used the term Brazil in connection with the Australasian regions.
Timor in his 1533 globe.
A passage marked on his globe of 1515.
With reference to Magellan's Strait.
His Luculentissima quoted.
The information in Schoner's Luculentissima not given at first hand.
His gores of 1515 show two straits.
His globe of 1515.
Is the first to give a different name to the Austral Continent.
His alleged globe.
Credited with having laid down the precise routes of Magellan's fleets.
The 1523 globe not his.
His maps and globes used by Oronce Fine.
His Weimar globe mentioned.
His lost globe.

and Lemaire, their expedition alluded to.
Their expedition ignored in Hoeius' map.

Sebaldt de Weerdt:
in command of a ship to Australasia.

Sebastian, King of Portugal:

Sebastian Cabot:
his mappamundi is an engraved one.

Sebastian del Cano:
returned to Europe with the Victoria.
One of the commissioners at Badajos and Elvas.
Pilot major of a second expedition to the Spice Islands.
His vessel wrecked.
Death of.
Passed through an open sea to the south of Java.
With the remnant of Magalhaens' expedition.

Selenus (same as Silenus):
his familiarity with Midas sonne of a nymphe, tells Midas of "certaine


Serrano, Francis:
went to the Spice Islands with Abreu.
His ship burnt at Guliguli.
In the Moluccas.
Nine years in the Moluccas.
His letters to Magalhaens.
Death of.
Magalhaens wrote to, in the Moluccas.

Serrano, John:
chosen as new admiral after the death of Magellan.
Invited to a banquet.
Left on shore.

alludes to a chart.

Silenus (same as Selenus):
in conversation with Midas describes an island of immense extent beyond
the known world.
Referred to.

Simon de Cordes:
in command of a ship to Australasia.

Simon Lambertsz Mau:
of the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.

Sinclair, Captain:
said to have discovered Port Denison.

his Polyhistor published by Camers.

Solomon, King:
his pilots brought gold and silver, etc., from Asia.
The gold and treasures of his temple reported to have been derived from
the Solomon Islands.

Speult, a Dutch Governor of the Spice Islands:
destroyed all the clove trees which the Dutch could not use.
Was his name given to the island or river discovered in the Gulf of
The discoveries supposed to have been made during his government in the
Spice Islands are not recorded on Tasman's chart.

Stevens, Henry:
his Johann Schoner mentioned.
His narrative of the Hunt-Lenox globe.
Assigns the date 1506/1507 to the Hunt-Lenox globe.
The gores of the alleged Schoner globe formerly in his possession.

Steyns, Jan:
one of the survivors of the Zeewyck.

St. Luke, the Evangelist:
feast of, on the 18th of October.

St. Peter, of Arlanza (Alcantara):
feast of, on the 19th of October.

St. Philip and St. James:
feast of, 1st of May.

describes Crates' earth globe.
Speaks of a Southern Continent.
Develops the views of earlier cartographers.
Quoted by Galvano.
Articles of commerce mentioned by.
His geography referred to.
His ideas concerning the Atlantic Ocean.
With reference to Crates.

Swan (same as Swann), Captain:
abandoned the Cygnet at Mindanao.

Swann (same as Swan):
one of the buccaneers of America.

Swart, Jacob:
his Verhandelingen en Berigten mentioned.
His black letter copy from the original manuscript document (Tasman's
Instructions) once in the possession of the Van Keulens of Amsterdam.

Tasman, Abel Yansz:
his claims of discovery.
New Holland drawn almost like in the charts of, of the 17th century.
His first expedition on the eve of being sent out.
His original manuscript chart of Australia offered to the
author--Proposed to the New South Wales Government--Acquired by Prince
Roland Bonaparte.
A copy of the Instructions to Commodore, published by Dalrymple.
The account of the voyage of the Duyfken given in the Instructions for
the second voyage of.
Voyages made before the time of.
The passage in the Instructions to, referring to the voyage of the
Duyfken, confirmed.
His original chart might throw some light on the discovery of an island
and river said to have been named after Speult.
His chart referred to.
Australia set down on a chart as said to be known to the Dutch prior to
the first and second voyages of.
Some of Blaeu's maps show the discoveries of.
Discoveries of, recorded on P. Goos' map of Hollandia Nova.
Words, evidently of Portuguese and Spanish origin, appear on his chart of
Two ships equipped for his voyage of discovery.
Steered for the Solomon Islands.
Reached land which he called Anthonie Van Diemen's Land.
Discovered New Zealand.
Visited islands of the Pacific.
Returned to Java by the north of New Guinea.
Did not touch upon Australia in his first voyage.
His second voyage.
The object of the second voyage was to ascertain whether New Guinea and
New Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) were connected with the South Land
Failed to find Torres Straits.
Sailed along the north coast of Australia, and returned to Java.
His original map found.
Made no new discoveries in his second voyage.
Dutch discoveries in Australia end with the second voyage of.
Dampier had a copy of his chart of west coast of New Holland.

Tavarez, Francisco de Souza (same as Francis de Sosa Tauares):
saw a map showing all the navigation to the East Indies.

attributes the discovery of some islands near New Guinea to Magalhaens.
A manuscript atlas by.

drew the equator across the globe.

Themara, F.:
referred to.

a fragment of the works of, referring to a southern island beyond the
known world.

Thevenot, Melchisedech:
his Relations de divers voyages curieux, mentioned.

with reference to the giants of Zanzibar.

Thomas, St., or San Thome:
a town called after him.
Preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians, and went to India.
His shrine visited by Odoric.
His body buried at Malepur.

Thommaso San (same as Thomas):
referred to.

in connection with Manilius.

with reference to Barthema.

Tindal, Jhr. G.A.:
and Jacob Swart, their Verhandelingen en Berigten mentioned.
Dutch accounts given by.
Mentions two yachts in Pool's expedition.

Tolomeo (Ptolemy), Claudio Alexandrino:
his geography published at Venice.

the chief of Taumaco.

Torre, Bernardo de La:
commander of the San Juan with Gaspar Rico as pilot, made an unsuccessful
attempt to reach New Spain.
Discovered many islands.

Torre, Hernando, della:
the fifth commander of Loaysa's expedition.

Torres, Francisco de:
returned to Spain in command of de Solis' expedition.

Torres, Luis Vaes de:
the periplus of New Guinea known before he passed through the straits
that bear his name.
His track marked on a map by Dalrymple.
His name marked on a map by Dalrymple.
De Quiros' Admiral.
Left in the bay.
His ship named the San Pedro.
Reached 21 degrees south latitude.
May have been in search of the Lost Bay of the Dauphin and similar
Did the Dutch learn about the voyage of?
His expedition closes the period of Spanish activity.
The track of, pointed out by Dr. E.T. Hamy.
Discovered the Bay of St. Lawrence and Port of Monterey (Orangerie Bay,
New Guinea) on the 10th of August 1606.
Left Orangerie Bay towards the end of August of the year 1606.
Put in at Triton Bay, which he named the Bay of St. Peter of Arlanza.
Port of St. Luke and Port of St. John del Prado discovered on the 18th of
October 1606.
Took formal possession of New Guinea, which he called the Magna
Margarita, on the feast of St. Marguerite, one week after his arrival at
the east end of New Guinea.
The map of the discovery made by.
His discoveries remarkably well charted by De Prado.
His passage revealed.
The early discoveries of.

his India.
Landing places referred to by.
Derived his ideas from Aristotle.
The first to map certain islands.
Gained information from Nicolo de' Conti.
Lived to be a hundred years old.
With reference to Columbus.
With reference to the size of the globe.
His letter sent to Columbus.
The Latin text of his letter.
Sends a map and a copy of a letter to Columbus.
Geographical descriptions borrowed from.
Columbus' discovery, as viewed by the Duke of Ferrara.
Used Fra Mauro's mappamundi as a model.
C. Columbus sent a globe to.
Made use of degrees of longitude and latitude.
May be the author of a prototypic map.
His arguments the same as those used by Munzmeister.
Argued that the sea was smaller than the earth.
A particularity about his description not generally noticed.
The date of his map.
With reference to the western shores of Australia.
Wished to fill in the open spaces on his map.
An innovator.
The prototype of his map was no doubt of Arabian origin.
Corrected Fra Mauro's pseudo-equatorial line.

Touar (Tovar):
one of Don Diego de Prado's names.

a map published by.

Trevigiano, Stephano:
went to Portugal with Fra Mauro's map.

Tristan de Acuna:
went unto Mossambique.

Unrug, Pateh, a Prince of Java:
defeated by Fernam Peres, at Malacca.

Valard, Jean, of Dieppe:
referred to.

Valentim, Fernandez, is no doubt same as Valentino Fernandez.

Valentino, Fernandez:
translated Nicolo de' Conti's manuscript from Latin into Portuguese.
In his proem refers to Marco Polo.

His Oud en Nieuu Oost Indien mentioned.
His Beschryvinge Van Banda mentioned.
With reference to Roggeween's expedition.

Van der Hagen:
the Duyfken (Little Dove) of his expedition is the one that sailed into
the Gulf of Carpentaria.
His expedition of three vessels.
The Duyfken accompanied the expedition of.
His second voyage.

Van Diemen, Antonio, or Anthonie:
signed the Instructions given to Tasman.
Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.
Ordered a more extensive exploration of the South Land.

Van Keulens, the, of Amsterdam:
referred to.

Varthema (same as Barthema and Ludovico Barthema):

Vasco da Gama:
a map of the Cape of Good Hope before that cape was rounded by, referred
Serrano said he had discovered a richer and larger world than.
The French followed the steps of.

Vasco Nunez, de Balboa:
sighted the South Sea.

Vega, Lope de:
commanded the Santa Isabel in Mendana's second expedition.

France owes the discovery of America to.

Verschoor, John Williamson:
directed the Dutch trade at Bantam.

Villalobos, Ruiz Lopez de:
his expedition gave rise to a further survey of Papua and to its being
named Nueva Guinea (New Guinea).
Juan Gaetan, one of his pilots.

Visscher, Frans Jacobsz:
the chief pilot and second in command of Tasman's second expedition.

Vittoria, Lady, Marchioness Dal Guasto:

took away Dirck Hartog's plate.
Major did not get his text of the inscription on Dirck Hartog's plate
from the account of.
The narrative of, does not contain the inscription on Dirck Hartog's
An inscription on Dirck Hartog's plate relating to the arrival and
departure of.
Entries in the journal of.
His chief pilot brought back a plate with him.
Something suggestive in the voyage of.
The avowed object of the voyage of.
His replica of Dirck Hartog's plate must be in Paris.

Vlamingh, Cornelis de:
son of the commodore and captain of the galiot Weseltje.

Vogado, Joao:
a captainship given to him.

Volkersen, Samuel:
captain of the Waeckende Boey, his description of the west coast of the
South Land (Australia).
Discovered, but did not name Rottnest Island (Western Australia).

Volkhamer, P.:
with reference to Behaim's globe.

his expedition mentioned.

a project in the handwriting of, to trade beyond the equinoctial.

Welbe, John:
Author of a scheme of colonisation.
Got information from Dampier.
Acknowledges that he had been in the South Sea with.
Islands named by.
Ready to grant permits.

Wieser, Dr.:
believes that the Frankfort globe of 1515 (Schonerean gores) is the work
of Schoner.
His derivation of Patalie.

Wilhem de Vlamingh (same as Vlamingh):
with reference to Dirck Hartog's plate.
His voyage to the South Land.
Commodore of the fleet.
His boat made sail for the mainland.
His description of Rottenest Island.
Broke his cable near Rottenest Island.
On shore.
The chief pilot of, went on shore and brought back a tin plate.
A plate left on Dirck Hartog's island to commemorate the visit of.

Winter, Jones:
his translation of The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema quoted.

Woodford, C.M.:
his book, A Naturalist among the Head Hunters, referred to.

Woods, Reverend F.T.:
quotes Saris.
His friend should have left out the paragraph referring to the "little

his map places the Solomon Islands too far south.
The straits between Nova Guinea and Terra Australis (Torres Straits)
placed correctly in the map of.
His nomenclature for Australia the same as G. Mercator's.
His map dedicated to the King of Spain.

Ximenes, Cardinal:
governed Spain in the absence of Charles V.

Yanssen, Leon:
published in French a translation of Godinho de Eredia's original

Yde Tjerksen:
and Gerrit Janz, the skippers that went with Tasman.

Yule, Sir Henry:
with reference to Mandeville.
With reference to real difficulties in Odoric's narrative.
His work Cathay and the way thither quoted.
His work referred to.

Zenaide, A. Ragozin:

Zi, the Spirit.

Zi-Ana, the Spirit of Heaven.


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