NORTHMOST AUSTRALIA

THREE CENTURIES OF EXPLORATION, DISCOVERY, AND ADVENTURE IN AND AROUND THE CAPE YORK PENINSULA, QUEENSLAND

WITH

A STUDY OF THE NARRATIVES OF ALL EXPLORERS BY SEA AND LAND IN THE LIGHT OF MODERN CHARTING, MANY ORIGINAL OR HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS, THIRTY-NINE ILLUSTRATIONS, AND SIXTEEN SPECIALLY PREPARED MAPS

BY

ROBERT LOGAN JACK

LL.D., F.R.G.S., F.G.S., M.INST.M.M.

EX-GOVERNMENT GEOLOGIST, QUEENSLAND, PREVIOUSLY OF THE GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF SCOTLAND
AUTHOR OF
"HANDBOOK OF QUEENSLAND GEOLOGY"; "THE MINERAL WEALTH OF QUEENSLAND";
"THE BACK BLOCKS OF CHINA," ETC.
AND JOINT-AUTHOR (WITH ROBERT ETHERIDGE, JUNIOR) OF
"THE GEOLOGY AND PALAEONTOLOGY OF QUEENSLAND AND NEW GUINEA"

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOL. I

CONTENTS

VOLUME. I

(There are 50 chapters in Volume I. Chapters 1 to 10 are included in this ebook.)

I. INTRODUCTION
II. AUSTRALIA DISTINCT FROM NEW GUINEA. MAGELHAEN, QUIROS AND TORRES
III. VOYAGE OF THE "DUYFKEN" TO NEW GUINEA AND THE CAPE YORK PENINSULA, 1605-6
IV. THE VOYAGE OF THE "PERA" AND "AERNEM," 1623: I. THE SAILING ORDERS
V. THE VOYAGE OF THE "PERA" AND "AERNEM," 1623, continued: II. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE EXPEDITION AND ON THE "PERA" NARRATIVE
VI. THE VOYAGE OF THE "PERA" AND "AERNEM," 1623, continued: III. THE OUTWARD VOYAGE
VII. THE VOYAGE OF THE "PERA" AND "AERNEM," 1623, continued: IV. THE RETURN VOYAGE OF THE "PERA"
VIII. THE VOYAGE OF THE "PERA" AND "AERNEM," 1623, continued: V. THE "AERNEM"
IX. TASMAN'S VOYAGE OF 1644
X. VOYAGES OF THE "BUIJS" AND "RIJDER," 1756: VAN ASSCHENS AND GONZAL

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NORTHMOST AUSTRALIA

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The Cape York Peninsula, forming, as it does, the link binding the two great islands of Australia and New Guinea, is necessarily of the highest importance from a geological, ethnological, zoological, botanical, historical, political and strategical point of view.

It so happens that the Peninsula is the first part of Australia to which authentic written history refers. On the earliest landing of Europeans there arose the complex questions which obtrude themselves whenever civilisation comes into contact with barbarism.

My practical interest in the Peninsula began with a tour made in 1879 in the course of my Geological Survey work. On my way to the recently rushed and still more recently abandoned "Coen" gold diggings, I crossed the base of the then almost unknown Cape Melville Peninsula, where I found indications of auriferous country, and also the rivers south of Princess Charlotte Bay, down which the unfortunate explorer Kennedy had struggled in vain to keep his appointment with the relief ship twenty-two years earlier. From the Coen, I was only able to push out to the north for a period inexorably limited by the condition of my horses and the quantity of food remaining in my saddle-bags. Even under these conditions, however, I penetrated for some distance into the McIlwraith Range, and on the heads of the river which I named the Peach (unaware that it was the river named the Archer by the Brothers Jardine, who crossed it near its mouth) I found widespread evidence of the presence of gold and tin.

From the Laura Telegraph Office, from Cooktown, and ultimately from my headquarters at Townsville, I made such communications as were possible in anticipation of a complete report to the head of the Department of Mines, which administered the Geological Survey.

My individual impression was that the reefs in the district traversed were of more importance than the alluvial gold, but there had been neither means nor time at my disposal to enable me to satisfy myself of the value of either, and this view I duly represented in my correspondence with the Department.

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The desire of the Government, and of the eager diggers throughout Queensland, was to discover an alluvial goldfield on the pattern of the Palmer, which was by that time approaching exhaustion.

A party of miners, headed by James Crosbie, volunteered to go and settle the question of the existence of payable alluvial gold, and they asked for and obtained government assistance, and I was instructed to lead them to the spot. In addition, a prospecting party was equipped, with money subscribed in Cook-town, and sent out to anticipate the expedition subsidised by the Government.

The combined geological and prospecting parties left Cooktown on 26th November, 1879, and striking out from the "bend of the Kennedy" on the Cooktown-Palmerville road, reached the "Peach" (Archer) River on 20th December. The prospectors commenced operations at once, and were rewarded with "prospects" which led them into the jungle-clad recesses of the McIlwraith Range. Here, to their disappointment, although prospects were obtained here and there, the creeks and gullies were found to run over almost bare rocks, their beds being too steep for the retention of any quantity of alluvial "washdirt." On 30th December, the wet season set in. For the remainder of our time in the field, the creeks were too swollen for the "bottom" to be reached where there was any washdirt at all, or the ground was too sodden to carry our horses. There were long and vexatious delays when it was neither possible to work nor to travel. Nevertheless, we continued, during breaks in the bad weather, to cross the McIlwraith Range and touch the Macrossan Range. Regaining the summit of the McIlwraith Range, we followed it to its northern extremity, where the valley of the Pascoe River separates it from the mountain mass which we named the Janet Range. It was found that the Pascoe River bounds the Janet Range on the south and east, and we practically followed it down till we had finally to cross it where it took an easterly course towards the Pacific. We had already made up our minds that it was safer to chance the unknown in the north than to return to Cooktown across several great rivers, now all certain to be flooded. No sooner had we left the Pascoe than we entered on the Bad Lands or Wet Desert of "heath" and "scrub" without anything for horses to live on. From the Pascoe to the Escape River, our course must have coincided in many places with Kennedy's on his "forlorn hope" journey, and we repeated many of his experiences, as told by his surviving companion Jackey-Jackey, but happily not the series of disasters which resulted in his own death and the disasters which overtook the two parties he left behind to await the relief he went to bring. The natives displayed in our case, as in Kennedy's, a persistent hostility which hampered our

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movements and partially incapacitated me during the final stages of the journey. Horses died of starvation or poison, and the men of the party were running perilously short of food--the journey having been prolonged beyond our calculations--when we reached Somerset on 3rd April, 1880.

Kennedy's maps and journals (1848) perished with him, and what we know of his expedition is taken (as far north as the Pascoe River) from the narrative written by William Carron, one of the three survivors, and (north of the Pascoe) from the "statement" of the black boy Jackey-Jackey, another of the survivors and the only one of the thirteen men to make the complete journey from Rockingham Bay to Somerset. The Geological and Prospecting Party's route only coincided for a short distance, from the head of the Jardine River to its westward bend, with that of the Jardine Brothers (1865). Day after day, during the whole of my journey, I was mapping the mountain ranges, rivers and other features of the country, checking my latitudes by star-observations whenever the night sky was clear enough, and as far as charting was concerned we were in virgin ground.

My report on the two expeditions was completed at my Townsville office in the winter of 1880 and sent to the Minister for Mines, Brisbane, with the relative map, which had taken a good deal of time, subject to interruptions by other duties. The report was printed and officially issued on 14th September, 1881, without my having had any opportunity of seeing it through the press, and to my astonishment the map--which might have been supposed to be of the first importance--was omitted. What became of the map and of my office copy will be seen in Chapter LXVII.

After the map had reached Brisbane and before my report was published, my map had been reduced to a smaller scale and embodied in official maps issued by the Department of Lands. In that form, however, my charting was open, in parts, to an interpretation which I could never have sanctioned.

In 1913, when.I had been out of the government service for about fourteen years, and when for the first time some degree of leisure had begun to fall to my share, I commenced to prepare a revised and corrected issue of the report, with its map reconstructed from my notes, with the intention of offering it to the Government for republication (the report itself having been long out of print). Some progress had been made when my friend James Dick, of Cooktown, sent me proofs of a pamphlet in which he proposed to summarise the narrative of the Geological and Prospecting Expeditions. When I had gone over the proofs, correcting them only in so far as statements of fact were concerned, I fully realised how misleading my original narrative must have been, misprinted as it was, and unaccompanied by the map which

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formed its most essential part. I resumed my task with renewed vigour, and with a wider scope, and Mr. Dick, up to the date of his death, assisted me in many ways through his local and personal knowledge, happily of more recent date than mine. I am grateful to his memory, and am conscious that he was, in a sense, "the only begetter of these ensuing lines."

Between 1880 and 1913, a great deal of charting of the interior had been accomplished by the Departments of Lands and Mines, although even now that work is incomplete. The new lines gave me, when I was recharting the lost map, an opportunity of correcting my sketching to correspond with actual surveys.

The first lesson to force itself upon me was that my estimates of distances covered had been influenced by fatigue or difficulties on the one hand (leading to over-estimation) or by good-going and good-feeding for the horses on the other (leading to underestimation).

The second lesson was that, even in the direction of my course, I had in many instances strayed to the right or left, as a ship may steer a definite course and yet make leeway owing to the pressure of forces incorrectly estimated, or even not recognised. In short, the personal equation had to be introduced and allowed for before I could hope to reconcile my supposed with my actual position on any given date.

Long before I had finished the revision of my own narrative, it had become evident that its significance could not be fully understood without a critical study of the diaries of explorers who had gone before me and whose paths I had crossed from time to time. This led me back from Mulligan to Leichhardt, and as one by one the writings of honoured pioneers came under my review, I subjected them to the tests already applied to my own, and to the best of my ability substituted where the writers were for where they thought they were, and made the necessary allowances and corrections. Then it seemed that the story might as well be continued to the present date by the addition of the developments which have taken place since 1880 through the instrumentality of surveyors, explorers and prospectors. Some of the actors are, happily, still alive, and these have rendered material assistance by the contribution of original matter. Among these are Webb, Bradford, Paterson and Embley. To the last-named gentleman, especially, I am indebted for assistance rendered doubly valuable by his prolonged residence in the Peninsula, and which, in some parts of the work, almost amounted to collaboration.

While dealing with land explorers it was borne in upon me that they owed some of their difficulties and many of their errors to an imperfect comprehension of the work of earlier maritime explorers. They were not, indeed, to be blamed for this, as in few instances could they have perused the narratives or seen the

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charts of the sea-adventurers. As it was, the Dutch sailors named "reviers," or inlets, on the Gulf coast, and subsequent explorers of the interior, almost without exception, made bad guesses at the connection of their rivers with the inlets on the coast line. I do not propose any reform so drastic as to restore their original names to the western rivers of the Peninsula, but content myself, after years of research, with distinguishing the original, or right, or de lure names from the de facto names, the product of pardonable misidentifications sanctioned, in many cases, by half a century of popular and official usage. I have, I hope, succeeded in making it clear that, in many instances, the de facto names are in reality not those bestowed by the earliest explorers, but rather what are called "complimentary" names.

From the preceding explanation, it will be understood that this work began, so to speak, in the middle, and followed lines dictated by the questions which arose during its progress. It was ultimately realised that it would be advisable to arrange it in chronological order, so that the tale told by each explorer might be compared with the facts ascertained by his predecessors and at the same time be complete in itself. Of no less importance was the consideration of precisely how much knowledge each explorer had of the achievements of his predecessors; and this point has exacted very careful study. I am forced to the conclusion that in most instances the later explorers knew very little about their predecessors, having taken what little they knew at second hand and without having had access to important documents, some of which, indeed, only came to light after their own time.

While aiming at chronological order, it must be conceded that it is not always possible to observe it strictly. It may be that the stories of two observers overlap; or a statement may demand historical investigation into the past; or, again, it may be convenient at once to trace the outcome of a newly discovered fact downwards to the present time. Hence a certain amount of repetition is inevitable, as facts or statements are viewed by one observer after another from a different angle.

It is impossible to define the exact base of the Cape York Peninsula, and in writing of it one must occasionally follow its pioneers beyond its southern boundary, however liberal or elastic the definition of the latter may be. The historian of France needs no excuse for referring to happenings in Germany or Italy. In a parallel way, what was commenced as a history of the Cape York Peninsula has come to include Torres Strait, the "Gulf" country west to the boundary of Queensland and the Pacific country as far south as Bowen.

SYDNEY,
30th September, 1920.

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CHAPTER II

AUSTRALIA DISTINCT FROM NEW GUINEA. MAGELHAEN, QUIROS AND TORRES

SIXTEENTH- AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY IDEAS OF THE GREAT SOUTH LAND. WAS NEW GUINEA PART OF IT? SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE KNOWLEDGE. THE DAUPHIN CHART. DUTCH IDEAS. BULL OF POPE ALEXANDER VI. THE SPANISH MAIN. ENGLAND AND HOLLAND IN THE FIELD. MAGELHAEN'S VOYAGE TO THE PHILIPPINES. HIS DEATH. DID HIS OFFICERS TOUCH AUSTRALIA I QUIROS DISCOVERS SANTA CRUZ AND TRIES TO ESTABLISH A COLONY. WYTFLIET'S BELIEF THAT NEW GUINEA WAS DISTINCT FROM THE GREAT SOUTH LAND. SPANISH KNOWLEDGE OF THE STRAIT. QUIROS' NEW EXPEDITION. FLAGSHIP AND CONSORTS SEPARATE AT ESPIRITU SANTO (NEW HEBRIDES). QUIROS TAKES THAT ISLAND TO BE PART OF THE SOUTH LAND. TORRES DISPROVES THIS. LAYING-OUT THE NEW JERUSALEM. TORRES' REPORT DISCOVERED IN 1762. QUIROS' REPORT DISCOVERED IN 1876. TORRES' VOYAGE. STRIKES THE SOUTH SIDE OF NEW GUINEA. CLEARS TORRES STRAIT, PROBABLY BY THE BLIGH CHANNEL, ABOUT 24TH SEPTEMBER, 1606. DOES NOT CLAIM THE STRAIT AS HIS OWN DISCOVERY AND PROBABLY MADE FOR IT ON INFORMATION ALREADY IN HIS POSSESSION. REACHES THE MOLUCCAS ABOUT 28TH NOVEMBER, 1606. SUCCESSFULLY CONDUCTS LITTLE WAR AT TERNATE. REACHES THE PHILIPPINES ABOUT 12TH MAY, 1607.

A mass of vague and fragmentary evidence points to the conclusion that by the middle of the sixteenth century Spanish and Portuguese navigators had become aware that New Guinea was separated by a strait from a continent lying to the south. The knowledge was, however, jealously guarded. A significant passage occurs in an English edition, published in Louvain in 1597, of CORNELIS WYTFLIET'S Descriptionis Ptolemicae Augmentum (1597):

"The Australis Terra is the most southern of all lands. It is separated from New Guinea by a narrow strait. Its shores are hitherto but little known, since, after one voyage and another, that route has been deserted, and seldom is the country visited, unless when sailors are driven there by storms. The Australis Terra begins at two or three degrees from the equator, and is maintained by some to be of so great an extent that, if it were thoroughly explored, it would be regarded as a fifth part of the world."[1]

The inference, as pointed out by Collingridge, is inevitable that Wytfliet referred t0 sources of information other than Dutch.

Collingridge adduces2] reasonable support for his contention that the western coast of Australia had been "charted". (although the word "sketched" might be more appropriate) by the Portuguese

[1) Collingridge, Discovery of Australia, p. 219.]

[2) British Association for the Advancement of Science: Sydney meeting, 1914. See also his work, The Discovery of Australia, Sydney, 1895, p. 172, where the "Dauphin Chart," dated 1530-1536, is reproduced.]

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and the eastern coast by the Spanish prior to the year 1530. In the DAUPHIN CHART, on which this conjecture is founded, the point identified as Cape York is, however, not depicted, as it really is, south of New Guinea, but as lying west of Timor and in the latitude of the north coast of Java. The supposed Gulf of Carpentaria has for its western limit the eastern end of Java, and from its south-western corner what may be called a strait or channel, or still more correctly a canal, runs westward between "Jave" on the north and "Jave la Grande," or Australia, on the south. The supposed Gulf of Carpentaria is, according to the map, interrupted by a few islands, and on it is written, in the Portuguese language, the legend "Anda ne Barcha" (no ships come here).[1] Collingridge conjectures that the French compiler of the map, ignorant of Portuguese, copied this legend from an older Portuguese map, under the impression that it was the name of the Gulf or of the group of islands.

In the sixteenth century, the islands between Asia and Australia came to be well known to European adventurers. In 1512, Portugal took possession of the Molucca group, the centre of the "Spice Islands," and this possession speedily grew to great commercial importance and passed into the hands of Spain. Magelhaen "discovered" the Philippines in 1520 and Spain annexed them fifty years later. Meantime the Dutch and the English were on the alert and looking for a foothold.

As far back as July, 1493, a BULL OF POPE ALEXANDER VI had fixed a north and south line of demarcation between the claims of Portugal and Spain to future discoveries. Portugal was to occupy the hemisphere to the east and Spain the hemisphere to the west of that line, which was placed 100 leagues (5° 43')[2] west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands. The generosity of the Pope was no doubt fully appreciated by the- two beneficiaries, but the line was not quite satisfactory to either of them; besides, it was ill-defined, because some six degrees of longitude extend between the westmost Azores and the eastmost Cape Verdes. A private arrangement or treaty was therefore made on 4th June, 1494, by Don Juan II of Portugal on the one hand and Isabella and Ferdinand of Spain on the other, whereby it was agreed that the line should run 370 leagues (21° 9') west of the Cape Verde Islands.

Assuming 25° W. to be the mean longitude of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, the bull of 1493 bisected the globe by the meridians of 40° 43' W. and 149° 17' E., the latter meridian giving to Portugal the islands of the Pacific west of the eastmost cape of New Guinea and to Spain all those east of that cape. The treaty

[1) The equivalent of the phrase in modern Spanish, viz. "Barcas no andan," differs so little from the Portuguese that some hesitation may be felt in settling the question on the sole evidence of language. Blank ignorance of Portuguese on the part of a French cartographer is rather a bold assumption. The most genuinely learned men of these days were to be found among the compilers of maps.]

[2) I7½ Spanish leagues= 1 geographical degree.]

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of 1494 cut through the globe by the meridians of 46° 9' W. and 133° 51' E.

It must be remembered that COLUMBUS had just discovered the West Indian Islands a year before the issue of the papal bull. The mainland of America was discovered in 1497 by SEBASTIAN CABOT, a Venetian in the service of Henry VII of England. Then the passage of the SPANISH MAIN, the sphere of influence granted to Spain, became, for Europe, a question of very practical politics, over which much blood was to be shed, as other nations claimed the freedom of the sea. It was not till 1588 that the question was settled by the decisive defeat of the Spanish armada by the English fleet.

Had the nations outside of Spain and Portugal admitted the validity of the bull, the greater part of Australia would have belonged to Portugal, and a slice of the eastern coast, covering Sydney, Brisbane and Rockhampton, would have been Spanish. By the treaty (which was a sort of reciprocal Monroe doctrine), the western half of Australia would have been Portuguese and the eastern half Spanish.

It is needless to say that no other maritime powers ever assented to the partition between Spain and Portugal of all lands to be discovered in the future. The title of the two Powers was soon to be disputed by the rising maritime nations England and Holland. Moreover, the definition of the treaty line in the Pacific raised, between Spain and Portugal themselves, questions which brought them to the verge of war.

Here,then,was an excellent reason why Spaniards and Portuguese should preserve secrecy or practise deceit regarding the location of discoveries in the vicinity of the boundary line, whether by bull or treaty. The interest of a Portuguese tempted him, sometimes beyond his strength, to place his discovery west, while a Spaniard was tempted to place his discovery east of the boundary line in the Pacific. Secret instructions must have been issued to navigators by the authorities of both countries, in consequence of which they would systematically misrepresent their longitudes, and the truth would be arrived at by the authorities on reading the reports and charts with the aid of a "key."

Granting that the "Dauphin Chart" was compiled in parts from Spanish or Portuguese originals and that the land shown to the south of Java really represents the northern portion of Australia, which was already, early in the sixteenth century, vaguely known to both Spanish and Portuguese, the westward-moving of the new continent was clearly in the interest of Portugal, and the warning or danger signal "ships do not (or cannot or must not) come here"--in other words, "not navigable"--was clearly a "bluff." It was, therefore, probably a Portuguese map which was drawn upon for the information given in the Dauphin chart.

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MAGELHAEN AND CANO

MAGELHAEN, a Portuguese who had taken service with Spain, set out with five vessels from Luzar on loth September, 1519. After passing through the strait which now bears his name, he reached the Philippine Islands, where he was killed by the natives. Only one ship of his squadron returned to Europe, via the Cape of Good Hope, carrying eighteen persons, all very sick. This ship was the "Victoria," Captain Juan Sebastian del CANO. The "Victoria" sailed via the Moluccas to Timor. Thence she must have gone south-westward till "certain islands" were discovered under the tropic of Capricorn. As this land, according to Cano, was only 100 leagues (5° 43') from Timor, it is more likely to have been the continent of Australia (somewhere between Onslow and Carnarvon, Western Australia) than Madagascar, as has been assumed by some writers. Whether Cano actually landed here is uncertain, but it may be taken for granted that in these days no ship could afford to neglect an opportunity of landing for the purpose of taking in water.

TORRES

A Spanish expedition under ALVARO MENDANA DE MEYRA, with PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS as second in command, sailed from Callao on 9th April, 1595, and discovered the island of SANTA CRUZ (lat. 11° S., long. 166° E.), where an attempt was made to establish a colony. The result was a disastrous failure, and Mendana's death took place soon after. WYTFLIET'S MAP (1597[1]) shows, in the same latitude as the southmost Solomon Islands (10° S.), a strait dividing Nova Guinea and Terra Australis, and this is actually the latitude of Torres Strait. The map has a note stating that TERRA AUSTRALIS is "SEPARATED FROM NEW GUINEA by a narrow strait. Its shores are hitherto but little known, since, after one voyage and another, that route has been deserted, and seldom is the country visited unless when sailors are driven there by storms." In this harmless statement, there is surely no ground for Collingridge's accusation of fraud on the part of the Dutch, or of a desire to filch the credit of the discovery of the strait. Collingridge adduces a good many fragments of evidence that both the Spanish and the Dutch were well aware of the existence of the strait before the end of the sixteenth century, but after Wytfliet's admission there was a growing tendency on the part of the Dutch to deny the existence of such a strait, and several failures on their part to verify it only strengthened this doubt. They doubted more and more until the question was finally settled by Cook in 1770.

[1) The Discovery of Australia, by George Collingridge, 4to, Sydney, 1895, p. 218.]

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That the strait was known to Spaniards early in the seventeenth century is proved by a remarkable document, dating from somewhere between 1614 and 1621. This is a MEMORIAL which DR. JEAN LUIS ARIAS, a lawyer in Chili, writing on behalf of a number of priests, addressed to King Philip III, urging more vigorous exploration, on humanitarian and religious grounds. NEW GUINEA is referred to in it as "a Country ENCOMPASSED WITH WATER."

QUIROS, who persisted for years in urging the colonisation of Santa Cruz and the further exploration of the South Land, was at last given the command of an expedition, which left CALLAO, Peru, on 21st December, 16o5. He hoisted his flag on the "San Pedro y San Pablo" (usually referred to in narratives as "El Capitano," or the Flagship), with, as his Captain or Chief Pilot, JUAN OCHAO DE BILBAHO. This officer was not a man of his own choice, but was forced upon him by the Viceroy at Lima, whose relative and protege he was. In the course of the voyage he was disrated and replaced by the Junior Pilot GASPAR GONZALEZ DE LEZA. TORRES commanded the "San Pedro" (usually called, "for short," the "Almirante," or Lieutenant's ship). A zabra, or tender, named the "Tres Reyes," was in charge of PEDRO BERNAL CERMEÑO.

The flagship parted company with her consorts at the island of Espiritu Santo, and thereafter the two fragments of the expedition pursued separate courses. It is only with the section commanded by TORRES that the historian of the Cape York Penin'sula is directly concerned, but the full significance of Torres' voyage cannot be correctly estimated without some consideration of the events which preceded the separation.

Quiros and Torres were among the last of Spain's navigators of the first order: by the time their expedition set out, Spain's influence in the Pacific was on the wane. The records of their experiences met with the usual fate of such documents. In accordance with what had become almost a matter of routine, they were at first jealously kept secret. Pigeon-holed, they were in due time forgotten, only to be unearthed, piece by piece, through the diligence of patriots, politicians and historians. In reviewing the progress of discovery subsequent to Quiros and Torres, it is necessary to remind ourselves that at any given date the information available was limited to such documents as had come to light, and the problems confronting new explorers were not at all those which would have been before them had they been fully aware of what had already been done. It may be confidently asserted that had the various reports of Quiros and Torres been given to the world in their true chronological order, the course of history would have differed widely from what it has been. Up to comparatively recent times the achievements of Quiros were only known at second hand, and chiefly through the meagre references by Torres, Arias and

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Torquemada. It was only in 1876 that the text of QUIROS' VOYAGE was given to the world by JUSTO ZARAGOZA, whereupon clouds of tradition and misconception were dispelled. Practically the whole of the Quiros documents have been skilfully marshalled by the late SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM for the Hakluyt Society in the two volumes published in 1904. The chief items in the QuirosTorres bibliography are enumerated in the footnote.[1]

On leaving Callao, the expedition steered WSW. into 26° south latitude, somewhere in the vicinity of Easter Island, when, from considerations of the lateness of the season and other reasons, Quiros turned his ships towards WNW. His original intention had clearly been to go much further south, as may be seen from the text of his directions to Torres:--

"You are to be very diligent, both by day and night, in following the 'Capitano' ship, which will shape a WSW. course until the latitude of 3o° is reached, and when that is reached, and no land has been seen, the course will be altered to NW. until the latitude of 10° 15'; and if no land has yet been found, a course will be followed on that parallel to the west in search of the Island of Santa Cruz. There a port will be sought in the bay of Graciosa, in 10° of latitude and 1,850 leagues from the city of The Kings [Lima] to the South of a great and lofty volcano standing alone in the sea, about 8 leagues from the said bay. The Captain who arrives first in this Port, which is at the head of the Bay, between a spring of water and a moderate-sized river,

[1) Historia del Descubrimiento de las Regiones Austriales hecho por el General Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, publicado per Don Justo Zaragoza, 3 vols. Madrid, 1876. This document was written by Quiros' Secretary Luis de Belmonte Bermudez, and signed by Quiros for authentication. (English translation by Markham, 1904.)

The Voyages of Fernandez de Quiros, 1595-1606, translated and edited by Sir Clements Markham, 2 vols., 1904. Hakluyt Society.

True Account of the Voyage that the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros made by order of His Majesty to the Southern Unknown Land, by Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza, Chief Pilot of the said Fleet (translated by Markham, 1904). Corroborates Bermudez. The author confines himself to facts, courses and latitudes, and ignores the insubordination or mutiny.

Torquemada's Voyage of Quiros, Seville, 1615 (translated by Markham, 1904). A sketchy account compiled from the documents available in 1615.

Torquemada is to Quiros as Hawkesworth to Cook.

Relation of Luis Vass de Torres, concerning the Discoveries of Quiros, as his Almirante [Lieutenant]. Manila, July 12th, 1607. A copy fell into the hands of Alexander Dalrymple, 1762, and he published the Spanish text in Edinburgh in 1772. Dalrymple afterwards translated the Relation into English, and it was first printed in Burney's Discoveries in the South Seas, 1806. Reproduced by Collingridge and also by Markham.

Charts of Diego de Prado y Tobar. Sent from Goa in 1613. They are four in number and represent (1) Espiritu Santo, and (2, 3, and 4) Localities in Southern New Guinea, and give the dates of the discoveries.

Markham observes:--"All the maps are signed by Diego de Prado y Tobar, who thus claims to be their author. The Surveys were no doubt made by Torres himself or by his Chief Pilot Fuentiduefias. Prado y Tobar may have been the draughtsman." The charts were discovered about 1878, and were reproduced by Collingridge and Markham.

Two letters to the King sent by de Prado 24th and 25th December, 1613, enclosing the above charts, and also a general chart of Torres' Discoveries (which has not been found). Printed by Collingridge and Markham.

The Arias Memorial (1614-1621).

A Voyage to Terra Australis in the Years 1801, 1802 and 1803 in His Majesty's Ship the "Investigator," by Matthew Flinders, R.N., 2 vols, fcp. London, 1914, vol. i., pp.vii, x, xi.

See also, The Discovery of Australia before 1770, by George Collingridge, 4to. Sydney, 1895. The First Discovery of Australia and New Guinea, by George Collingridge. Sydney, 1906. The Part borne by the Dutch in the Discovery of Australis, by J. E. Heeres, LL.D. Leiden and London, 1899. Life of Tasman, by J. E. Heeres, fol. London, 1898.]

{Page 12}

Much confusion has arisen, and much speculation has been indulged in, owing to a doubt as to the correct interpretation of references by Torres to the "prescribed latitude." The general and very natural impression has hitherto been that Quiros was under orders not to turn north until he had reached a certain southern latitude, the precise situation of which he and Torres were ordered to keep secret.

The narrative of Bermudez (as the mouthpiece of Quiros), only recently given to the world, proves conclusively that there was no mystery and no intentional concealment. Quiros, as a matter of fact, received no orders from Spain, and the valedictory epistle of the Governor of Peru did not restrict his discretionary powers.

The expedition was manned by 130 seafarers and six priests. The flagship and the "Almirante" were vessels of 150 and 120 tons respectively.

QUIROS had barely gone to sea when he began to be ill, and he was more or less of an invalid during the whole of the voyage. From the occasional references to headaches and other symptoms, a layman would conjecture that he had got a "touch of the sun" at Lima. At all events, he was frequently too ill to take his proper place of command and was under the necessity of leaving to subordinates many decisions which were among his own obvious duties. The narrative (written, it must be remembered, by a faithful admirer) naïvely shows him to have been by turn querulous, weak, timid and vacillating, although ever honestly and even zealously solicitous for the glory of his God and the advantage of his King. His sentiments, as reported by Bermudez, were humane, honourable and far ahead of his time, and I do not think they were cant, such as flowed readily enough from the pens of some previous and contemporary navigators. His shortcomings may charitably, and I think justly, be set down as symptoms of his malady.

The too early abandonment of the initial WSW. course was unfortunate for Quiros, who, had he persevered, would probably have anticipated Tasman's discovery of New Zealand. Torres protested against it and endeavoured to induce Quiros to carry out his original intention of touching 30° S. before "diminishing his latitude," but to no purpose.

{Page 13}

There is reason to believe that Quiros was influenced in his decision to steer WNW. n0 less by the insubordinate, if not mutinous, conduct of a section of his crew than by the lateness of the season. Probably enough, with a commander of greater firmness, the ugly word "mutiny" would never have been heard.

Having reached, approximately, the latitude of I0° S., the expedition steered west for VERA CRUZ, driven by the imperative need for fresh water and firewood. These requisites, however, were obtained at an island named TOUMACO, and the project of making for Vera Cruz was abandoned.

By this time, the INSUBORDINATION on the flagship had to be dealt with. The ringleader was the Chief Pilot, or Captain, JUAN OCHOA DE BILBAHO, for whom Quiros considered that a sufficient punishment was to be relieved of his office and sent on board the "Almirante"--a proceeding which was perhaps a little hard on Torres. Ochoa was replaced by GASPAR GONZALEZ DE LEZA, Junior Pilot.

A bitterly spiteful enemy of Quiros, and necessarily a supporter of the disrated Captain, was DIEGO DE PRADO Y TOBAR, who, according to his own account, voluntarily accompanied Ochoa and boarded the "Almirante" at Toumaco. In allowing an officer of the flagship t0 desert openly and to side with a degraded malcontent, it seems to me that Quiros displayed a weakness which was most reprehensible, unless it was to be pardoned as a "symptom" of his illness. Be this as it may, we owe to the desertion of Prado, as will afterwards appear, a much fuller knowledge of Torres' subsequent proceedings than we should have had if Prado had not accompanied Torres for the remainder of the expedition. In the letters already referred to, Prado states that: "I went as Captain of the ship Capitano,' knew what took place on board and took part in it, and as it was not in conformity with the good of Your Majesty's Service, I could not stay. So I disembarked at Toumaco and went to the Almirante,' where I was well received." The assertion that he was Captain is sheer impudence, as there can be no question that the Captain was Ochoa. Prado was perhaps a mate" of some sort, and the sailing of the ship may at some time have temporarily devolved upon him in the course of duty, but beyond this there was never any justification for his claim. His version of the story is that he gave Quiros timely warning of the mutinous disposition of the "Capitano's" officers and crew, and he insinuates that Quiros either did not believe him or stood so much in fear of the malcontents that he made things so unpleasant that he (Prado) was glad to exchange into the "Almirante."

At Toumaco, the natives were understood to say that large lands (which, of course, might prove to be the desired South Land) lay to the south, and the course was changed accordingly. In latitude 15° 40' S. and longitude 176° E., the promised land

{Page 14}

seemed to have been reached at last, on 30th April, 1606. Good harbourage was afforded by the GRAN BAYA DE SAN FELIPE Y SANTIAGO (Saints Philip and James), otherwise the Port of VERA CRUZ (True Cross), thus going one better than Mendano with his Santa Cruz (Holy Cross). On the banks of the JORDAN RIVER, at the head of the bay, the site for the great colonial city, the NEW JERUSALEM was selected. The country was at first called the Land of ESPIRITU SANTO (Holy Ghost), but as Quiros became convinced that itwas part of the great Southern Continent, he expanded the title to AUSTRALIA DEL ESPIRITU SANTO, [1] and took formal possession, in the name of his Sovereign, of "all lands then seen, and still to be seen, as far as the South Pole." The grandiose names bestowed illustrate not only the innate piety but also the weakness for superlatives which characterised the Spaniard of the seventeenth century.

It has been argued (e.g., by the late Cardinal Moran) that Quiros, with three ships under his command, could not have spent five weeks at the Island of Santo without discovering that it was no part of a continent. The fact remains that he did believe it to be continental, although from the first Torres did not agree with him. Quiros approached the island predisposed to believe as he did. The elaborate ceremony which marked his stay, including the nomination of municipal officers, the erection of a votive church and the inauguration of an order of Knighthood of the Holy Ghost, sufficiently attested the sincerity of his belief. The ceremonies and the hopes t0 which they testified were, indeed, as Sir Clements Markham observed, in the light of our present knowledge, not a little pathetic.

In after years the conviction obsessed him, till he besought his King and the world to believe that he had added to the Spanish Crown a territory of hardly less importance than that gained by the discoveries of Columbus. He died, broken-hearted, shouting this belief into deaf ears.

The argument that Quiros had time enough to ascertain that Santo was an island is sufficiently answered by the fact now clearly discernible from the narrative of Bermudez, that the exploration which took place during the five weeks was confined to the "Gran Baya" and its environs, and that Quiros, in the flagship, was never outside of the bay until the day when he finally departed from it, to be driven out of sight of land and separated from his two consorts. Unexpected confirmation of this fact is supplied by the CHART OF THE GRAN BAYA (brought to light as recently as 1878) signed by PRADO, which shows so many anchorages inside the bay that it may easily be believed they account for as many of the

[1) Markham supports the view that the name should read--as it sometimes does, spelling in the seventeenth century being capricious--Austrialia, a claim to Austria being signified in one of the titles of the King of Spain.]

{Page 15}

thirty-five days as were not spent ashore. The chart, whether the credit of the surveying or only of the draughtsmanship belongs to Prado, agrees so well with modern Admiralty Charts of that portion of the island, that there can be no question of the accuracy of Captain Cook's identification--made, of course, without the assistance of Prado's Chart, which, in 1770, lay unknown in the Spanish archives.

Sir Clements Markham, for many years President of the Royal Geographical Society, had no difficulty in admitting the honesty of Quiros' belief that he had discovered the southern land, and wrote of his approach to the Island of Espiritu Santo:--

"Island after island, all lofty and thickly inhabited, rose upon the horizon, and at last he sighted such extensive coast-lines that he believed the Southern Continent to be spread out before him. The islands of the New Hebrides Group, such as Aurora, Leper, and Pentecost, overlapping each other to the south-east, seemed to him to be continuous coast-lines, while to the south-west was the land which he named Austrialia del Espiritu Santo. All appeared to his vivid imagination to be one continuous continental land."

The expedition, as has been mentioned, remained in the Bay of Saints Philip and James for thirty-five days, viz., from 3rd May to 8th June, 1606, the numerous anchorages laid down on Prado's chart showing how thoroughly the shores must have been examined. The sailors made themselves very much at home and behaved with such arrogance, cruelty and rapacity that the natives treated them with well-merited hostility, and although Quiros "deplored" such excesses, he seems to have taken no suitable steps to stop them, beyond formally prohibiting profane swearing and other unseemly practices. It is noteworthy that the outrageous conduct of Prado was so far condoned that he figured in the list of officers of the municipality of the New Jerusalem as Depositario General. This term is translated by Markham as "General Storekeeper," but in my opinion, the fact that Prado carried off with him, among other things, the manuscript, or at least a copy, of the new chart of the bay and its environs, favours the view that the office held by him was the more responsible one of receiver or recorder.

The three vessels left the bay on 8th June, presumably with the intention of coasting along the continent to the north-west, or, should Espiritu Santo prove to be a cape, of running south-west to 20° S. north-west to 4°, and west on that parallel to the coast of New Guinea, given an open sea, in accordance with the spirit of the instructions given to Torres for his guidance in the event of a separation. As soon, however, as they cleared the cape which formed the north-western horn of the bay, they met with a strong wind from the south-east and endeavoured to get back into the bay for shelter. In this attempt the "Almirante" and the tender succeeded, but the FLAGSHIP was blown further and further to

{Page 16}

leeward and in the morning succeeding the first night was out of

sight of land and hopelessly SEPARATED FROM HER CONSORTS. Quiros

himself was "below," too ill to direct the conduct of his vessel. Prado asserts, indeed, that Quiros was a prisoner in the hands of mutineers, but as he was not on board and could only have obtained his information at second hand, and, moreover, was prejudiced and malicious, the statement may be disregarded. Quiros himself, as he complained, had enemies on board, discontented and sulky, but there can be no doubt of the loyalty and devotion of his new Captain, de Leza, and his Secretary, Bermudez, who, perhaps jointly, conducted affairs during Quiros' incapacity.

The "Capitano," having reached 10° S., the latitude of Santa Cruz, without seeing the island, being probably between it and the Solomon Group, it was resolved on 18th June to make for Acapulca. unless some friendly port should first be discovered suitable for refitting and repairing the ship. On a NE. by N. course the line was crossed on 2nd July. The course was shortly altered to NE., and lay, in all probability, between the Marshall and Gilbert Islands. Having reached 38° N. latitude, the vessel steered ESE. until North American land was sighted in 34° on 23rd September. The Mexican coast was then followed to the SE. and Acapulca was reached on 23rd November, 1606. Only one death occurred during the voyage, that of an old priest. Quiros, who landed without resources, was coldly received. He, however, managed to reach Madrid on 9th October, 1607. The remainder of his life was spent in making passionate appeals to the King for the means to prosecute his discoveries and develop the imaginary continent in the interests of Spain. Wearied by his importunities, the Government got him out of the way by giving him an open letter to the Governor at Panama, who was instructed to assist him to his object, at the same time sending an0ther letter in which the Governor was secretly instructed to string him on and delay him ad infinitum. Fortunately for himself, he died on the voyage to Panama (1609-1610) unaware of the treachery of which he was to be the victim. He was only fifty years of age, but was, says Markham, "worn out and driven to his grave by Councils and Committees with their futile talk, needless delays and endless obstructions."

The flagship having disappeared, TORRES waited and searched for it for fifteen days, before feeling himself free to form his own plans for carrying out the instructions given him by Quiros. He weighed anchor on 26th June, and commenced the voyage which took him through the passage on which Dalrymple afterwards conferred the name Of TORRES STRAIT.

Torres' relation or report on this voyage occurs in the form of a letter from Manila, dated 12th July, 1607, addressed to the King of Spain, and is, so far as is known, the first recorded account of the passage of Torres Straits. Had this report been published

{Page 17}

at once future explorers would have foll0wed different lines from those now marked by history. We have already seen how this report disappeared. There are indications that Robert de Vaugondy had got some inkling of it, or of charts relating to it, between 1752, when his map of the region showed no strait, but only a "bight" on the western side (the Dutch idea), and 1756, when his map showed the strait. The report was, in fact, discovered at Manila[1] in 1762, when a copy fell into the hands of Alexander Dalrymple, who printed the Spanish text in Edinburgh in 1772, as an appendix to his Charts and Memoirs. He had not, apparently, mastered its contents, or grasped its significance, in 1770. Years later,. he translated it into English, and permitted Captain James Burney to print the translation in his Discoveries in the South Seas in 1806. Dalrymple, in fact, only knew of Torres' achievement at second hand, and chiefly through the references of Arias, when Cook sailed in the "Endeavour" in 1768.

Up to the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the references to the voyages of Torres, second hand and unauthenticated as they were, contained in Arias' Memorial (written between 1614 and 1641) were practically all that were known to the world of Torres and Torres Strait.

The last, and not the least important, of the sources of information regarding Torres have come to light as recently as 1878. These are CHARTS signed by PRADO, and purporting to have been drawn during his voyage with Torres. It appears that Napoleon I looted the treasures of the Spanish Archives in a wholesale fashion and sent them to Paris. "There," says Collingridge,[2] "they were found some years ago by a friend of mine, who caused them to be restored to their original owners, and acquainted me with their existence." They were reproduced in the Bol. de la Soc. Geografica de Madrid, tom. iv, January, 1878, and, with two letters of Prado, dated 24th and 25th December, 1613, again reproduced by Collingridge.[3] Possibly, as Markham suggests, the surveys were the work of Torres or his Sailing Master, Fuentidueñas, and only the draughtsmanship is to be credited to Prado; but in any case the charts are undoubtedly authentic and in accuracy of surveying bear comparison with modern Admiralty work. Fortunately, Torres followed the pious custom of his time in naming places discovered by him after the Saint or Saints whose festivities appeared in the Calendar of the day, and thus we get several important dates for which no other authority can be cited.

Our sources of information regarding Torres' important voyage are, therefore, practically limited to (I) Torres' Letter to

[1) Flinders' Voyage to Terra Australis in 1801, 1802 and 1803, London, 1814, vol. i, p. 10.]

[2) First Discovery of Australia, p. 122.]

[3) The First Discovery of Australia and New Guinea, Sydney, 1906, pp. 246-256.]

{Page 18}

the King of Spain, (2) Prado's Charts and Letters and (3) the Arias Memorial. In the order in which these became known t0 the world they should read (1) Arias, (2) Torres and (3) Prado.

It may be here observed that Torres apparently wrote without having the charts before him, as he is vague and unreliable as to latitudes; that Prado's charts contain latitudes which agree with modern official maps; and that the Priests for whom Arias wrote had to rely, to a great extent, upon hearsay evidence and were not able to quote from either Torres or Prado, although it is possible that they had seen the general map of the work of the expedition referred to by Prado in one of his letters, and which is still missing.

In spite of short rations, rough winds and the unwillingness of his crew, Torres, after leaving Espiritu Santo, sailed south-west and claimed to have passed, by one degree, the latitude indicated by the sailing orders. In other words, he reached 21° S. He considered that he had thus proved Espiritu Santo to be an island. In reality he demonstrated that if it was a part of the mainland at all it must have been a cape jutting out from it to the northeast. Having now passed the "prescribed latitude" by a degree without seeing land, he altered his course to the north-west, and again (probably about the latitude of Princess Charlotte Bay, Queensland) to the north-east, and "FELL IN WITH THE BEGINNING OF NEW GUINEA," and after coasting to the west for five days, landed On what he named TIERA DE BUENAVENTURA on 18th July, 1606. Collingridge clearly identifies this land as BASILISK ISLAND, so named by Captain John Moresby, R.N., in 1873.[1] West of Basilisk Island lies Hayter Island, which is separated from New Guinea proper by the narrow China Strait.

Torres then sailed along the south coast of HAYTER ISLAND (which he failed to distinguish from the mainland of N. Guinea) and westward along the south coast of New Guinea, noting "many ports, very large, with large rivers and many plains." "In these parts," he says, "I took possession for Your Majesty," adding: "We caught in all this land twenty persons of different nations, that with them we might be able to give a better account to Your Majesty." Shoals extending to the west were skirted, and eventually cleared, according to Torres, in 11° S. lat.

Having thus passed through TORRES STRAIT, Torres hugged the coast of what is now DUTCH NEW GUINEA, mainly on a north-west course, landing in many places and "taking possession for Your Majesty," and noted that the natives had "iron, China bells and other things, by which we knew we were near the Molucas." At last the point was reached" where NEW GUINEA COMES TO AN END, fifty leagues before you reach the Molucas." Here the adventurers

[1) See Prado's Chart No. 2 and Discoveries and Surveys in New Guinea and the D'Entrecasteaux Islands, London, 1876.]

{Page 19}

found MAHOMEDAN RESIDENTS, with whom they traded for such of their immediate necessities as they could afford to pay for with cloth. The Mahomedans "gave them news of the events of the Molucas" and spoke of Dutch ships.

Torres in his report gives impossible latitudes in and about the GULF OF PAPUA, and the inference is inevitable that he was writing from memory and without having the charts of his voyage, or perhaps even his log, before him. Therefore, the southmost point (11°) at which he says he cleared the strait is open to grave doubt, especially as it is actually nineteen minutes south of Cape York.

Prado's No. 3 Chart[1] shows the expedition in "THE GREAT BAY OF ST. LAURENCE and PORT OF MONTEREY" (modern ORANGERIE BAY), lat. 10° 25' (Prado has it 10° 10'), long. 149° 40', with the legend "Discovered by D. Luis Vaes de Torres, 10 August, 1606." This careful survey, which agrees admirably with modern charting, is sufficient evidence of a sojourn of at least a few days, while the sketched rectangular subdivision of the coast land into what are probably agricultural areas or PLANTATIONS suggests that the site was considered to be well adapted for a settlement.

In Prado's No. 4 Map, of the BAY OF S. PETER OF ARLANCA (lat. 3° 40' S., according to Prado, more correctly 3° 56', according to modern charts, long. 134° 7' E.), we have no difficulty in recognising, with Collingridge, TRITON BAY, in Dutch New Guinea, nor in identifying the "ISLA DEL CAPan. LUIS VAES DE TORRES" with the modern AIDUMA ISLAND. A legend on the map reads: "Discovered by D. Luis Vaes de Torres, 18th October, 1606."

THE PASSAGE OF TORRES STRAIT, therefore, took place between the dates of Torres' touching at Orangerie Bay, 0th August, and Triton Bay, 18th October. Considering that, once he had cleared the reefs and banks of the Gulf of Papua, and taken a north-westerly course along the Dutch New Guinea coast, his difficulties were over, it would only be reasonable to assign two-thirds of the time to the voyage east and one-third to that west of the turning-point. On this assumption, the approximate date of clearing the strait would be 24th September.

Torres' report was written at Manila and dated 12th July, 1607, and he states that he had been in that city for two months, thus fixing the date of his arrival at the PHILIPPINES approximately at 12th May.

The time employed between Trit0n Bay (18th October) and the Philippines (12th May), nearly seven months, has now to be accounted for. If we allow ten days for bargaining with the Mahomedans at Triton Bay and leaving New Guinea "where it comes to a termination fifty leagues before you come to the

[1) See Collingridge's Discovery of Australia, p. 251.]

{Page 20}

Molucas," the time to be accounted for is narrowed to the period between 28th October and 12th May.

At the outside, the run from the west end of New Guinea to BATCHIAN (lat. 0° 37' S., long. 117° 36' E.), at the south-east end of the Moluccas, in a sea already well known to the Spanish, could hardly have taken more than a month, so that we may provisionally date Torres' arrival there at 28th November.

On his arrival at BATCHIAN, Torres met a priest who had about one hundred Christian followers, within the territory of a friendly Mahomedan king. The priest, says Torres, "begged me to subdue one of the Ternate islands inhabited by revolted Mahomedans, to whom Don Pedro de Acunha had given pardon in Your Majesty's name, which I had maintained; and I sent advice to the M. de Campo, Juan de Esquival, who governed the islands of Ternate, of my arrival, and demanded if it was expedient to give this assistance to the King of Batchian; to which he answered that it would be of great service to Your Majesty, if I brought force for that purpose. On this, with 40 Spaniards and 400 Moors of the King of Batchian, I made WAR, and in only four days I defeated them and took the fort and put the King of Batchian in possession of it in Your Majesty's name, to whom we administered the usual oaths, stipulating with him that he should never go to war against Christians and that he should ever be a faithful vassal to Your Majesty."

Assuming a week to have been occupied by the journey of Torres' messenger, and another week for the four-days' missionary war and preparations for the voyage, it was probably about 12th December when Torres himself sailed for TERNATE (lat. 0° 48' N., long. 127° 18' E.). He probably did not take more than three days to reach the latter port, say 15th December.

It is likely enough that Torres stayed for some time at Ternate, where he was well received by Esquival, the Governor, for he did not, as we have seen, arrive at MANILA till about 12th May, and the voyage of about 1,200 knots could hardly have taken five months.

The Moors, or Mahomedans, near the eastern extremity of New Guinea (Triton Bay?), says Torres, "gave us news of the events of the Molucas and told us of Dutch ships." Collingridge observes[1] that "the events of the Molucas were of a stirring nature at that time," and raises the question of whether the Dutch expedition of 1606 could have been sent out in consequence of the Dutch having heard of Torres' discoveries.

The "Duyfken's" cruise along the coasts of New Guinea and the Cape York Peninsula took place within the limits set by the yacht's departure from Bantam on 18th November, 1605, and its return in or before June, 1906. It is therefore simply impossible that the Dutch could have heard, prior to the despatch of the

[1) Discovery of Australia, p. 236.]

{Page 21}

"Duyfken" of the doings of Torres, who only reached Ternate on 2th December, 1606. In fact the "Duyfken" had returned to port before Torres had got in touch with civilisation near the western extremity of New Guinea.

In Torres' narrative, there is not a word implying that he laid any claim to the discovery of a passage between New Guinea and Australia. On the contrary, everything points to his having made for a passage regarding which he was already in possession of some information, and there is a great deal of evidence that the passage had already been used many times by Spanish and Portuguese, although its existence was hidden from the Dutch and English. The fact that Prado carefully labels the charted landing-places on the south coast of New Guinea as having been discovered by Torres in no way supports the claim (which Torres never made) to the discovery of the strait itself.

The narrow sea (ninety-eight knots across) known as TORRES STRAIT, between New Guinea and Cape York, is crowded with islands and coral reefs, among which a newcomer would be lucky indeed, as well as bold and skilful, if he found an east and west passage. Modern surveys have laid down nine such practicable passages, known, in their order from north to south, as Napoleon, Bligh, Bramble, Yule, Simpson, Dayman, Prince of Wales, Normanby and Endeavour. The question is, by which of these did Torres clear the strait?

As Torres himself gives an impossible northern latitude for his voyage in the Gulf of Papua, and the southern latitude (11º) he assigns to the strait is no less impossible, for the reason that it would have brought him well into Queensland, there can be no doubt that he was speaking from memory, and in round numbers, without, for the time, having access to the documents which would have enabled him to make accurate statements. On the other hand, his description of the point where he was able to turn from a southerly to a north-westerly course is of the highest value. "Here," he says, "there were many large islands and there appeared to be more to the southward." Such a description would be ludicrously incorrect if written from any point of view whatever in 11° S. lat., but it fits admirably what would be seen by an observer passing through the BLIGH CHANNEL (10° 20' S.). This is the second channel which Torres could possibly have found, and I eliminate the first, or Napoleon, channel because it is obviously hard to enter and barely navigable without the aid of steam. Torres was, in fact, sailing west, with Jervis and the Belle Vue Islands on his right and the two large islands, Mulgrave and Banks, on his left, while catching glimpses of Hammond, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Horn and Prince of Wales Islands still further to the south. I cannot, therefore, agree with Collingridge's suggestion that CAPTAIN COOK in 1770 merely

{Page 22}

rediscovered, in his Endeavour Strait, the channel used by Torres in 1606. No exception can be taken to the name of Torres being applied to the whole of the strait, but the merit of finding channels among its dangerous reefs is considerably greater than if the.reefs had been visible islands.

{Page 23}

CHAPTER III

VOYAGE OF THE "DUYFKEN" TO NEW GUINEA AND THE CAPE YORK PENINSULA, 1605-6

EARLY PORTUGUESE AND SPANISH KNOWLEDGE OF NEW GUINEA. DUTCH POSSESSIONS IN THE EAST. "DUYFKEN" VISITS CERAM TO COLLECT INFORMATION ABOUT NEW GUINEA (1603). "DUYFKEN'S" VOYAGE TO NEW GUINEA (1605-6). NINE MEN KILLED BY NATIVES IN NEW GUINEA PROPER. TORRES STRAIT PASSED UNOBSERVED. SOUTHWARD ALONG EASTERN SHORE OF GULF OF CARPENTARIA. A MAN KILLED BY NATIVES AT CARPENTIER INLET. "DUYFKEN" TURNS BACK AT CAPE KEERWEER.

"THE discovery of NEW GUINEA is most commonly credited to the Portuguese. In the early days, these people--then famous for their brave efforts in exploration and settlement--held Malacca[1] and the Spice Islands (i.e., the Moluccas). In 1527, one Jorgo de Meneses was sent from Malacca to the latter islands. He attempted a new route by going round the north of Borneo, and is said to have then discovered New Guinea. He called the new island Papua, because of the fact that the natives of the Molucca Islands called the New Guinea aborigines 'Papuans,' on account of their woolly hair. Next in order came the Spanish navigator Alvaro de Saavedra, in 1537. In 1545 his countryman Ortis de- Retes, proceeding to take a more southerly course to the Moluccas, in order to catch more favourable winds, sighted the island, and imagined he was the discoverer, and named it Nueva Guinea. The island first appeared on Mercator's chart of 1569."[2]

The Dutch had been more or less in possession of Java since 1597, but even within the first decade the necessity for expansion had begun to be felt, and had a spur been needed it would have been supplied by the rivalry excited by the comings and goings of the Spanish and Portuguese. The Dutch "General United East India Company," founded in 1602, was a power in the East for three centuries, until its functions were absorbed by the Government of the Netherlands.

On 0th April, 1602, at Banda Island, on board the ship "Gelderlant," a general meeting of ships' officers was held by order of Admiral Wolphert Hermanszoon. The meeting drew up instructions for the yacht "Duyffken" [sic], Skipper Willem Corneliszoon Schouten, and Supercargo Claes Gaeff.

The ship was to proceed to the island of Ceran [sic], calling at certain ports, e.g., Queuin, Quelibara, Quelilonhen and Goulegoulij, where trade might be expected, and to enquire whether anything was to be had besides sago, what was the commerce of

[1) (Malay Peninsula.)]

[2) "Kaiser's Lost Domain, Late German New Guinea. Early Settlement and Development," in Sydney Morning Herald, 27th May, 1916.]

{Page 24}

the port and to what places, what commodities were in demand, how far their navigation had extended, if they knew anything of Nova Guinea, and if they had sent ships there or had been visited by ships from that country.

The above instructions were entered in the "Gelderlanes" log of 10th April, 1602, and under date 15th May following a

note gives what appears to be a brief summary of the report brought back by the "Duyfken":--

"They [the Ceramites, when interrogated] can say nothing definite respecting the island of New Guinea, but say that white people live on the south side, inhabited by Portuguese, but they had seen no Portuguese ships. They can give no information about their [the New Guineans'] commerce and products."[1]

The language of the note is somewhat involved, but it may be taken to mean "white people, possibly Portuguese." Portugal had been in possession of the Molucca Islands, then usually referred to as the Spice Islands, since 1512, and it is more than likely that in the course of nearly a century her sailors had acquired some knowledge of the not very distant southern coast of New Guinea proper and had even spent some time on the land.

In 1605, Jan Willemszoon Verschoor, Manager of the Dutch East India Company at Bantam, Java, sent out the "Duyfken" on a voyage of discovery, under command of WILLEM JANSZOON. The Subcargo (Junior Supercargo?) was JAN LODEWIJS VAN ROSINGIJN.

There is much room for doubt as to whether the "Duyfken" was (1) the 60-ton yacht of the expedition which was equipped in 1603, was commanded by Steven van der Hagen, and came out to the East Indies, or (2) the 30-ton yacht attached to the expedition which left the Texel in Holland on 2nd April, 1595, and which sailed by Madagascar, reaching the south-west coast of Sumatra on 1st June, 1596, called at Bali in 1597, turned back on 26th February of that year, and returned to Holland via the south coast of Java and the Cape of Good Hope, reaching the Texel on 14th August, 1597.[2]

No description of van der Hagen's 60-ton "Duyfken" is available, beyond the statement of her tonnage. The Texel "Duyfken" is described as "a small yacht of 30 tons, carrying 20 men, and having 2 large and 6 small guns, with 2 bombards," and her master was Simon Lambertsz(oon) Mau. The other vessels of the expedition were of 400, 400, and 200 tons respectively. It is reasonable to suppose that this "Duyfken" acted as a tender to the larger vessels, and it is unlikely that in addition to her armament and twenty men she could have had carrying

[1) The Part borne by the Dutch in the Discovery of Australia, 1606-1765, by J. E. Heeres, LL.D., Professor at the Dutch Colonial Institute, Delft. Published by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society in Commemoration of the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of its Foundation. Leiden, E. J. Brill; London, Luzac and Co., 1889, p. 3.]

[2) Collingridge, pp. 216, 222, 240.]

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capacity for native "trade" and stores for her crew sufficient for a voyage of seven months. In the course of the voyage on which she is first heard of, she probably drew supplies periodically from the larger ships of the expedition. I incline, therefore, to the opinion that the 60-ton yacht was the one which Willem Janszoon commanded from November, 1605, to June, 1606.

The "Duyfken" left BANTAM for New Guinea on 28th November, 1605, and was back at BANDA ISLAND in or before June, 1606. Janszoon visited KEI and ARU ISLANDS and made the coast of NEW GUINEA in 5° south latitude. He then followed the land south-eastward, passing TORRES STRAIT without settling the question of whether or not there was a passage, although less than six months later TORRES left the New Hebrides and made for the strait, evidently guided by previous information. Still under the impression that he was off the New Guinea coast, Janszoon kept the land in sight to 131 degrees of south latitude. Instructions drawn up for the use of ABEL TASMAN in 1644 refer to the "Duyfken's" voyage in these terms:--

"It being ascertained that vast regions were for the greater part uncultivated and certain parts inhabited by savage, cruel, black barbarians, who slew some of our sailors, so that no information was obtained touching the exact lie of the country or the commodities obtainable or in demand there; our men having, from want of provisions and other necessaries, been compelled to return and abandon the discovery they had begun, only registering in their chart, by the name of KEERWEER, the extreme point of the discovered land in 13¾° south latitude[1] [correctly, 13° 58' S.]."

JOHN SARIS, an English shipmaster, resided in Bantam for five years in the capacity of factor for the English East India Company, which had been established in 1600.[2] He kept a diary, in which the following entries obviously deal with the "Duyfken," although the vessel is not named:--

"18th Nov., 1605 [old style = 28th November, new style].--Heere departed a small Pinasse of the Flemmings[3] for the discovery of the land called Nova Guinea, which, it is said, affordeth great store of Gold.

"15th June, 1606 [old style = 25th June, new style].--Heere arrived Nockhoda [i.e., Skipper] Tingall, a Kling man from Banda, in a Java Juncke..He told me that the Flemmings[3] Pinasse which went upon discovery for Nova Ginny was returned to Banda, having found the iland; but on sending their men on shoare to intreate of Trade, there were nine of them killed by the Heathens, which are man- eaters. So they were constrained to returne, finding no good to be done there."

The States of Holland and West Friesland had given the (Dutch) GENERAL UNITED EAST INDIA COMPANY certain advice

[1) Quoted by Heeres, p. 5.]

[2) Observations of Captain John Saris of Occurrents which happened in the East Indies during his Abode at Bantam, from October, 1605, till October, 1609, in Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas, His Pilgrimes. By Samuel Purchas, B.D., vol. iii, p. 490, of new edition. Glasgow, James Maclehose and Sons, MCMV.]

[3) Heeres, translating into Dutch, substitutes "Hollandse" for "FIemnings."]

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touching a charter for the Australia Company, and a Memorandum, dated 2nd August, 1618, was laid before the East India Company as a basis for the reply. It is argued in this document that the Australia Company should be excluded from the southern parts between the meridian of the east end of Ceylon and that lying 100 miles east of the Solomon Islands, because the East India Company had already busied itself with this part of New Guinea, instancing the explorations, about 1606, by the "Duyve" ("Duyfken") by Skipper Willem Janszoon and Supercargo Jan Lodovijkszoon van Rosingijn, "who made sundry discoveries on the said coast of Nova Guinea, as is AMPLY SET FORTH IN THEIR JOURNALS." Heeres remarks that therefore the journals 0f the expedition must have been extant in 1618. They were extant, I have no doubt, in 1623, when CARSTENSZOON sailed the "Pera" along the west coast of Cape York Peninsula. Indeed, a close reading of the "Pera's" log gives the impression that the "Duyfken's" charts and journals were the daily study of the officers of the "Pera." Yet there is no reference in Tasman's instructions, drawn up in 1644, to the charts and journals of the "Duyfken."

The "Pera's" log, hereinafter quoted at length, contains the following entry, dated 11th May, 1623:--

"In the afternoon we sailed past a large river (which the men of the 'Duyfken' went up with a boat in 1606, and where one of them was killed by the missiles thrown by the blacks). To this river, which is in lat. 11° 48', we have given the name of REVIER DE CARPENTIER[1] in the new chart."

I take this to be evidence of Carstenszoon's familiarity with the "Duyfken's" charts and journals.

There is no absolute certainty that any of the "Duyfken's" men, who "went up" the Carpentier River "in a boat," set foot on the land. The man killed by missiles may have been speared in the boat. If any of the crew landed, this is the EARLIEST RECORDED LANDING Of white men in Australia.

The exact locality of the greater disaster which, according to the Kling skipper, resulted in the death of nine of the "Duyfken's" crew, is not stated. It may, however, be presumed that the slaughter took place at CAPE KEERWEER, and finally determined the abandonment of the enterprise. The loss of nine men, added to the loss of one at the Carpentier River, must have left a 30-or even a 60-ton vessel very short-handed.

The probability that the Duyfken "made still another voyage to New Guinea, including possibly the Cape York Peninsula, has been argued from the following passage in A Narrative and journal of the Voyage made from Bantam to the Coast of Choromandel and

[1) This river is now named the SKARDON (see Queensland 4-mile Map, Sheet 21A).]

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"On the 4th of March, 1607, through God's mercy, arrived before the Castle [of Victoria, Amboyna]...Here we found the yacht Duyfken' which had come from Nova Guinea [was van Nova Guinea gekommen]."[1]

When van Solt arrived at Amboyna, only nine months had elapsed since the "Duyf ken" had put in to Banda on her return from her famous voyage. She might very well have made another voyage to New Guinea in that time, but on the other hand, she may only have been pointed out to van Solt as the vessel which had made the adventurous and disastrous voyage, the fame of which had not yet been forgotten.

At the time when Torres made his way through the strait between New Guinea and Australia--a strait which had probably been known to others before him--and when Janszoon sailed past the western opening of the passage and coasted Australia for 250 miles to the south, never doubting that he was following the coastline of New Guinea, Queen Elizabeth was not long dead and William Shakespeare was still a living force. The events occurring in the Cape York Peninsula some three centuries later were contemporaneous with the gay adventure of Germany in setting forth, carrying "sword and fire, red ruin and the breaking up of realms," for the acquisition of "world-domination," her title being that she was strong enough to take whatever she coveted, and found instead the "downfall" which had been ironically alluded to in her boasting as the absurd and wholly unimaginable alternative.

Through the first three centuries of Australian history, contemporary events in Europe affected more or less the course of exploration. The reader will be apt to reflect, as an example, 0n the bearing of the Napoleonic wars on the career of Flinders, and I venture to assert that Australian history is no isolated phenomenon, but will be best understood by a reader who can picture to himself what, at any given date, was happening in other portions of the globe.

[1) Heeres, p. 6.]

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CHAPTER IV

THE VOYAGE OF THE "PERA" AND "AERNEM" (1623)

MINUTE SUMMARY OF PREVIOUS DISCOVERIES AND FAILURES. INSTRUCTIONS TO EXPLORE AND SURVEY THE COAST OF THE SOUTH LAND AND INQUIRE INTO ITS COMMERCIAL RESOURCES. To MAKE TREATIES WITH NATIVE KINGS. To TAKE POSSESSION OF ANY LAND OF SUFFICIENT VALUE. To CAPTURE SOME NATIVES, WHO MAY IN TIME GIVE USEFUL INFORMATION.

REPORTS having reached Batavia of the loss of the English ship "Triall" and the perilous experiences of three Dutch ships, the "Wapen van Hoorn," "Amsterdam" and "Dordrecht," on the north-western coast of Australia, the Governor and Council of the East India Company at Batavia resolved to dispatch an expedition for further explorations of the Southern Land. Instructions were accordingly made out for the yachts "Haring" and "Hasewint." Unforeseen circumstances having, however, prevented these yachts carrying out the orders, they were taken over by the "Pera" and "Aernem."

The full text of the instructions is given by PROFESSOR HEERES in his Commemoration Volume, 'The Part borne by the Dutch,' together with an English translation by Mr. C. Stoffel. The latter is followed hereunder, except that I have occasionally employed an English word or two which appeared "more agreeable to the text" than the expression selected by the translator.

"INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE YACHTS 'HARINGH' AND 'HASEWINT,' SELECTED FOR THE JOINT EXPLORATION OF THE SOUTHERN LAND."

INASMUCH as our Superiors earnestly enjoin us to despatch hence some yachts, with the object of making discoveries in the Southern Land; and since, moreover, experience has taught, through great perils incurred by several of our ships, and still more through the destruction of the English ship 'Trial' on the said coast, how necessary it is to have full and accurate knowledge of the true position of this land, so that further misfortunes may henceforth be prevented as much as is possible; and as, moreover, it is desirable that this land, or any inhabited portion thereof, should be explored, so as to ascertain whether any trade with them might be worth while;

"THEREFORE, for the purpose before mentioned, we have resolved to fit out the yachts ' Haringh' [herring] and ' Hasewint' to undertake the voyage and to discover as much regarding the resources of these regions as God Almighty shall permit.

"You will accordingly set sail from here together, run out of Sunda Strait, and steer your course from the western extremity of Java to the South Land, keeping as

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close to the wind as ever you can, so as not to be driven too far west by the southeasterly winds which generally prevail in these waters. You may therefore run on as far as the thirty-second or thirty-third degree if you do not before that fall in with the land. If you should have sailed so far, and yet have seen no land, you may conclude[1] that you have fallen off too far westward, for sundry ships coming from the fatherland have accidentally come upon the South Land before these latitudes. In this case, you will have to shape your course eastward and run on in that direction until you sight land.

"In running over to the South Land aforesaid, you will have to keep a careful lookout, as soon as you get in 14° or 15°, seeing that the said English ship Triall,' when in 20° 10' S. lat., got on certain sunken rocks, which, according to the observation of the English pilot, extend for 7 miles north-east and south-west, although no dry land was visible. Nevertheless, the men who saved themselves in the pinnace and boat and arrived here stated that about 13° or 14° they had seen masses of reeds, wood and other drift floating about in the sea, from which they concluded that there must be land or islands somewhere in the neighbourhood. The aforesaid sunken rocks on which the Triall' was wrecked ought, according to the report of the Englishmen, to be due south of the west cape of Java.

"Having reached the South Land in the said latitude or near it, you will then sail along the same as far as lat. 50°, in case the land extends so far south, but if the land should come to an end before you have oversailed the said latitude, and should be found to trend eastward, you may follow it in that direction for a little, but if you find no further southward extension possible, you had better turn back. You will do the same if the land should turn westward. On the return voyage you will run along the coast as far as it extends to the north, and next eastward or otherwise as the land goes, and thus follow the land as close and as far as possible and as you judge your provisions will suffice for the return home, even if, in so doing, you should sail round the whole land and emerge to southward.

"The main object for which you are dispatched on this occasion is that from 45 or 50 degrees, or from the furthest point to which the said land shall be found to extend southward between these latitudes, up to the northmost end of the South Land, you are to discover and survey all capes, forelands, bays, lands, islands, rocks, reefs, sandbanks, deeps, shallows, roadsteads, winds, currents and whatever else appertains to the same, so that they may be charted and noted, with their true latitudes, longitudes, bearings and conditions. You will moreover land in various places and carefully observe whether they are inhabited, and what sort of people and country there are, what towns and villages there are, their government, their religion, their policy, their war-equipment, their waters, their vessels, their fisheries, and their commodities and manufactures, and more especially what minerals they have, such as gold, silver, tin, iron, lead and copper, as well as precious stones and pearls, and what vegetables, animals and fruits these lands afford.

"To all of which particulars and whatever else may be worth noting you will pay diligent attention, keeping a careful record or journal with reference thereto, that we may get full information of all your doings and experiences and the Company may obtain due and perfect knowledge of the natural resources of these lands in return for their heavy outlay.

"To all the places which you touch at, you will give appropriate names, choosing for the same either the names of the United Provinces or of the towns therein, or any other dignified names. Of all which places, lands and islands, the Commander and Officers of the said yachts will, by order and pursuant to the Commission of The Honourable the Governor-General, Jan Peterszoon Coen, sent out there [i.e., to the East Indies] by their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands, together with Messieurs the Directors of the General Chartered United East India Company in these parts, by solemn declaration signed by the Ships' Councils, take formal possession, and in token thereof, besides, erect a stone column in such places as

[1) It will be observed that no direct observation for longitude is suggested.]

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shall be taken possession of, on which should be recorded in bold, legible characters the year, the month, the day of the week and the date, the person by whom, and when such possession has been taken on behalf of the States General above mentioned. You will likewise endeavour to enter into friendly relations and make covenants with as such kings and nations as you shall happen to fall in with, and prevail upon them to place themselves under the protection of the States of the United Netherlands; of which covenants and treaties you will likewise cause proper documents to be exchanged with the other parties.

"All lands, islands, places, etc., which you shall take possession of, as aforesaid, you will duly mark in the chart, with their true latitude, longitude and bearings, together with the names newly conferred on the same.

"According to the oath of allegiance which each of you, jointly and severally has sworn to the Lords States General, His Princely Excellency and Messieurs the Directors, none of you shall be allowed to secrete, or by underhand means to retai any written documents, journals, drawings or observations touching the expedition but every one of you shall be bound on his return here faithfully to deliver up the same without exception.

"According to the writings of Jan Van Huygen [van Linschoten] and the opinion of several others, some parts of this South Land are likely to yield gold, a point in which you should inquire as carefully as possible.

"We also give you, for an experiment, divers ironwares, cloths, 'coast' dress [Heeres explains, in a footnote, 'from the coast of Coromandel'] and linen stuff which you will show and try to dispose of to such people as you may meet with, always carefully noting what articles are found to be most in demand, what quantities might be disposed of, and what might be obtained in exchange for them. We also send samples of gold, silver, copper, iron, lead and pearls, that you may inquire whether these articles are known to the inhabitants and might be obtained there in any reasonable quantity.

"In landing anywhere you will exercise extreme caution, and never go ashore inland unless well armed, trusting no one, however simple the people may appear be, or how plausible, but be always ready to stand on the defensive, so that no disaster may overtake you, such as, God knows, has often happened in like cases. Should people come out to you from the land, you will take the like care that they suffer no harm from our men.

"Coming to the northern extremity and east side of the South Land, you will diligently enquire whether any sandalwood, nutmegs, cloves, or other aromatic fruits grow there. Item, if there are any good harbours or conveniently situated or fruitful lands, where colonies might be planted which might be amply self-supporting. In a word, let nothing pass you unobserved, and whatever you find bring us a full and particular report of it, by which you will do the States of the United Netherlands service and lay up special honour for yourselves.

"In places where you meet with people, you will, by dexterity [behendlicheyt] or otherwise, get hold of some adults, or, still better, young lads or girls, to the end that they should be brought up here, and later, when opportunity offers, be broken in at the said quarters.

"The command of these two yachts is given to JAN Vos, who, during the voyage will carry the flag, convene the Council and preside therein, by virtue of Our Special Commission granted to the above-named Vos for that purpose.

"Given in Fort Jacatra the 29th September, Ao. 1622."

No better instructions could have been drawn up to serve the guidance of sailors setting out on a voyage of discovery with the object of acquiring geographical and commercial knowledge (although some clauses indicating what was expected, such as the references to kings and nations and treaties of alliance, may bring

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a smile on the faces of those who have come to know what was the actual condition of affairs. In other parts, the language employed is intentionally and diplomatically ambiguous. A notable instance

is the instruction regarding the CAPTURE OF SLAVES. The word "behendlicheyt" meaning literally "hardihood," might be rendered as dexterity, adroitness, ingenuity, strategy, smartness, trickery or treachery, and the addition of "or otherwise" left no room for delicate scruples. The sailors made no mistake in interpreting their orders to mean that they were to capture slaves, with a minimum of friction, if possible, but in any case to capture them somehow. It is not so written, but it is easy to understand that the voyagers were expected, by the capture of "adults, or, still better, young lads or girls," to do something substantial towards recouping the expenses of the expedition. Ample evidence will be found in the log of the "Pera," which carried out the instructions originally drawn up for the "Harengh" and "Hasewint," that this was the true meaning of the instructions. One hundred and thirty-three years later, the Dutch ship "Rijder" was carrying on the same tactics as were employed by the "Pera," and on the same western shore of the Cape York Peninsula. Even while the "Pera" was at sea, Torres was at work on the same lines, for his Spanish masters, on the southern shores of New Guinea; only he was more successful, as he records with satisfaction that in the course of the voyage he had captured twenty persons.

Early in the seventeenth century, the idea that there was anything reprehensible in slavery had barely suggested itself to the European mind, and I desire to point out that the Dutch were neither better nor worse than their contemporaries. If their proceedings appear simply abominable to readers in the twentieth century, there can be no doubt that those of their contemporary rivals were dictated by the same principles and carried out by the same methods.

At the present day we are confronted by the spectacle of savage populations dying out wherever they come in contact with comparatively civilised men. Belated Christianity, benevolence, philanthropy, charity or fair dealing seem alike powerless to arrest the working of what appears to be a natural law. In these circumstances, it is open to argument that for savage races a probationary period of SERVITUDE is preferable to its only alternative, EXTINCTION.

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CHAPTER V

THE VOYAGE OF THE "PERA" AND "AERNEM" (1623)

II. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE EXPEDITION AND ON THE "PERA" NARRATIVE

SAILING ORDERS FOR THE SHIPS, WITH A "COVERING LETTER" CONTAINING FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS. JOURNAL OF JAN CARSTENSZOON, COMMODORE, KEPT ON THE "PERA." ENGLISH TRANSLATION. THE COMMAND OF THE SHIPS AND THE "FULL COUNCIL." CAPTAIN OF THE 64 AERNEM" AND NINE OTHERS KILLED BY NATIVES OF NEW GUINEA PROPER. EXPEDITION PASSED "TORRES STRAIT" SATISFIED THAT IT WAS ONLY A SHALLOW BIGHT AND THAT THE CAPE YORK PENINSULA FORMED PART OF NEW GUINEA.

THE history of the voyages of the "Pera" and "Aernem" in 1623 may be studied in the original records of the Dutch East India Company by those who have the opportunity. They consist, in the first place, of a "covering letter," dated 3rd January, 1624, from the Governor-General and Council to the Directors of the Company, and secondly, what is entitled Journal kept by Jan Carstensz.(oon) on his Voyage to Nova Guinea.

The letter states that, in January, 1623, Governor VAN SPEULT dispatched from AMBOINA the yachts "Pera" and "Arnhem" for the purpose of cultivating friendly relations with the inhabitants of Queij, Aroe and Tenimber and of exploring the land of Nova Guinea. The above-named islanders, it is further stated, had of their own free will placed themselves under the rule and protection of the States of the United Netherlands and promised to come and trade with the fortresses of Banda and Amboina. For the remaining portion of the voyage, along the land of Nova GUINEA (which was described as a barren country, inhabited by absolutely barbarous, cruel savages), the Directors were referred to the enclosure itself.

The second document, the JOURNAL, was printed in full by L. C. D. Van Dijk, in 1859, in Mededlingen Oost-Indisch Archief: No. 1, Twee Togten naar de Golf van Carpentaria. The portions relating to Australia were subsequently printed by Professor Heeres (Leiden, E. J. Brill , London, Luzac and Co.) in his work The Part of the Dutch in the Discovery of Australia, 1606-1765, issued by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society on its twenty-fifth anniversary, in 1899, together with an English translation by Mr. C. Stoflel. The Journal itself is bald and businesslike, makes no pretensions to literary form, and is even careless as to grammatical

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accuracy. Stoffel's translation, on the other hand, is a dainty piece of work. It is as if he had rewritten a plain tale with the object of suiting it for acceptance by a high-class magazine. He has, indeed, while taking no serious liberties with the facts, presented the tale in the garb of early seventeenth-century English, the trick of which he has caught admirably. The only fault to be found with the translation is that it is better than the original. In the following pages, I have ventured, while freely acknowledging my indebtedness to the Dutch translator, to present an almost literally translated English version which, in my opinion, more nearly reflects the rough-hewn story of the author.

The Report is in the form of a DIARY kept on board the "Pera," and is probably in the main a transcription of the ship's log, and is signed by JAN CARSTENSZOON, the COMMODORE of the Expedition. It is headed "Journal kept by Jan Carstensz," that being the contraction in common use at a time when surnames denoted only that the person known by a certain Christian name was the son (zoon) of somebody else.

Although the "Pera" and "Aernem" took over the orders originally drawn up for the "Haringh" and "Hasewint," the SKIPPER of the "Pera," JAN SLUIJS, was not in the position which was to have been occupied by Jan Vos, who, presumably, was the skipper of one of the two vessels. Vos, it was intended, should carry the flag, convene the Council and preside therein." In short, he was not only to command his own ship but to be commodore of the expedition as well. The SKIPPERS of the "Pera" (Sums) and "Aernem" (MELISZOON) had no higher status than that of SAILING MASTERS, and although most of the hard work was assigned to them, they were evidently of less importance than the merchants or traders (kooplieden), as witness the order of precedence observed in the Aru and Queij inscriptions.

A democratic institution, viz., a "FULL COUNCIL" of the assembled officers of both ships,[1] seems to a modern lay reader to have been well calculated to destroy all order and discipline, and yet there is no evidence that on these two ships any serious trouble resulted.

From a reference in the log to a resolution of the Council on a certain date, which resolution is not mentioned in the log of that date, there is reason to suppose that the proceedings of the Council were recorded in a separate minute book, which has been lost, or lost sight of.

It would be interesting to know the names of all the adventurers who set out in 1623 and who lighted upon the Cape York Peninsula, but no list is given in the log, only a few names being mentioned incidentally, while a few more can be gathered from other documents.

[1) The composition of the Full Council is explained in Tasman's instructions.]

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JAN CARSTENSZOON, "Opper Coopman" (Upper merchant, or trader or SUPERCARGO) on the "Perez," acted as COMMODORE of the expedition. The ASSISTANT SUPERCARGO Of the "Pera" was PIETER LINGTES Or LINTIENS. The SKIPPER was JAN SLUIJS. The UPPER STEERSMAN (Chief Mate)was AREND MARTENSZOON DE LEEUW, and the UNDER STEERSMAN (Second Mate) was WILLEM JOOSTEN VAN COOLSTEERDT, who was made skipper of the "Aernem" on the death of Meliszoon, the original master (loth February, 1623). The number of the crew is nowhere stated, but at any rate it was large enough to furnish a boat's crew of thirteen men on occasion. A CARPENTER and an "ASSISTANT" are referred to, but it is not clear whether the latter was the carpenter's apprentice or a midshipman. A CORPORAL and TEN MUSKETEERS are mentioned, but it is doubtful whether these were marines or sailors armed for the occasion. There was also a BARBER-SURGEON, and a "JUREBASS," who was an expert swimmer and who died of liver complaint or of the operation performed by the barber. Stoffel is unable to give an English equivalent for "jurebass" and no more can I, nor can any Dutchman whom I have had an opportunity of consulting. We must, therefore, for the present be content to define a Jurebass as "a person who performs jurebassial functions." My conjecture wavers between a slave, prisoner, convict or hostage on the one hand and a lent or temporarily impressed local pilot on the other.

The "Aernem" set out on the voyage under command of DIRK MELISZOON, assisted by an unnamed FIRST MATE and a SECOND MATE named JAN JANSZOON. On loth February, 1623, Meliszoon was killed by natives of New Guinea, together with an "assistant." (midshipman?) named JAN WILLEMSZOON VAN DEN BRIEL and eight others. After this disaster, VAN COOLSTEERDT, second mate of the "Perez," was given command of the "Aernem," and JANSZOON, the "Aernem's" second mate, was made FIRST MATE.

It is beyond the scope of this study to follow the fortunes of the expedition except in so far as they are connected with the Cape York Peninsula, but it may be mentioned that the "Pera's" officers completed their voyage under the mistaken impression that they had demonstrated the CONTINUITY OF CERAM AND NEW GUINEA, although pre-existing maps showed this stretch of land to be divided into a chain of islands. When DE LEEUW--evidently some time after the voyage--drew his famous sketch-chart, he must have been satisfied of the error of this conclusion, as he showed the islands. The expedition abandoned the search for the alleged opening now known as TORRES STRAIT, believing that it DID NOT EXIST, and coasted Australia for eight degrees southward, having failed to realise that New Guinea was a distinct island. On the other hand, they furnished the earliest account of a portion of Australia and added materially to the knowledge of New Guinea.

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CHAPTER VI

THE VOYAGE OF THE "Pera" AND "AERNEM" (1623), continued

III. THE OUTWARD VOYAGE

ATTACK BY NEW GUINEA NATIVES. Bows AND ARROWS. A NATIVE KILLED. FALSE CAPE, FREDERICK HENRY ISLAND (SUPPOSED TO BE PART OF NEW GUINEA). EASTWARD ALONG SOUTH COAST OF NEW GUINEA. ENTANGLED IN THE "DRY BIGHT." SATISFIED THAT THERE IS NO STRAIT BETWEEN NEW GUINEA AND THE SOUTH LAND. POOR SAILING QUALITIES OF THE "AERNEM." A MEETING OF THE COUNCIL. SHIPS VISITED BY NEW GUINEA NATIVES, FOR WHOM "TRADE" HAD NO ATTRACTIONS, BUT WHO WOULD GIVE SOMETHING FOR A BOY. TOO WARY TO BE CAUGHT. INEFFECTUAL ATTEMPT TO LAND ON NEW GUINEA COAST. ESCAPE FROM THE "DRY BIGHT" INTO DEEP WATER. AUSTRALIA (CAPE YORK PENINSULA) SIGHTED AND LOST SIGHT OF. SIGHTED AGAIN NEAR CAPE KEERWEER. A DIFFICULT LANDING. ATTEMPT TO ATTRACT NATIVES. ANOTHER LANDING NEAR MOUTH OF MITCHELL RIVER. NO NATIVES. ANOTHER LANDING. THE NATIVES AND THEIR WEAPONS. A NATIVE CAPTURED. DEATH OF THE "JUREBASS" UNDER AN OPERATION BY THE BARBER-SURGEON. A LANDING FOR FIREWOOD. AN ATTACK BY NATIVES REPULSED. LATITUDE OF 17° 8' S. REACHED. MEETING OF COUNCIL. RETURN DECIDED ON. REWARD OFFERED FOR CAPTURE OF NATIVES A LANDING FOR WATER. ANOTHER LANDING. NATIVE FOOTPRINTS. MEMORIAL TABLET ERECTED. STATEN INLET NAMED (ACCIDENT INLET, ONE OF THE MOUTHS OF THE GILBERT RIVER). FLINDERS MISTAKES POSITION OF STATEN INLET.

[BRITISH ADMIRALTY CHART NO. 447, "WESTERN APPROACHES TO TORRES STRAITS," CORRECTED UP TO AUGUST, 1900.]

On 11th March, 1623, the "Pera" and "Aernem" anchored off a promontory, which they named VALSCH CAEP (False Cape), the western extremity of what is now distinguished as FREDERICK HENRY ISLAND, and is separated from the mainland of New Guinea by the narrow Princess Marianne or Dourga Channel. From this point, the "Pera's" log, dealing with an attempt to find an eastward passage through the suspected TORRES STRAIT, the "DRY BIGHT" which was supposed to be "all there was" to it, and the cruises along the western coast of the CAPE YORK PENINSULA, is reproduced almost verbatim.

"In the morning of the 12th [March, 1623], the breeze from the NW. In the forenoon, I, personally, rowed to the land, with the two boats well manned and armed, in order to see if there was anything worthy of note there; but when we had got within a musket shot from the land, the water became so shallow that we could not reach it, whereupon we all of us went through the clay up to our waists and with great difficulty reached the beach, where we saw a number of fresh human footprints. On going a short distance into the bush, we saw 20 or more huts made of dried grass,

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the huts being so small and cramped that a man could hardly creep into them, from which we could sufficiently conclude that the natives must be poor and miserable specimens of humanity. We afterwards tried to penetrate somewhat further into the bush, in order to ascertain the nature and situation of the country. As we were returning, a number of BLACKS sprang out of the bush and let fly their ARROWS at us very furiously and with a horrible shouting, wounding a carpenter in the belly and an apprentice in the leg. They also made signals to other blacks to come to their assistance. Being thus hard pressed, we fired three or four muskets at the blacks, killing one stone dead, which utterly took away their courage, and they dragged the dead man into the bush. Being so far from the boats and a very difficult path to travel, we returned, rowed out and went on board. The same day, at low water, we saw a great shoal, extending SE., S. and SW. from us, where we had been with the yachts on the 11th. The said shoal stretches fully 4 miles [i6 minutes] WSW. and W. by S. of the land or hook, to which has been given in the new chart the name of VALSCH CAEP, and which is in lat. 8° 15' S. [really 8° 21' and about 70 miles [280 minutes] east [really SE.] of Aru.

"NOTE that the land which we have touched at, as above mentioned, is low-lying and half-submerged to the north, so that a large part of it is under water at high tide. In the south it is somewhat higher, and here some men inhabit it, and possess huts, but so far as we could ascertain it is barren, although closely covered with tall, wild trees. The men are quite black and naked. Their hair curls, like that of the Papuans. They wear certain fish-bones through the nose, and through the ears pieces of the bark of trees, a span in length, so that they look more like monsters than human beings. Their weapons are ARROWS AND BOWS, with which they are very expert.

"On the 13th, the wind N.: good weather and the current stronger to west than to north. We got under sail in the forenoon, course WNW. to get into deeper water, and when we had run a short distance we got about 8 feet, upon which we turned back, and towards evening anchored in 2 fathoms.

"On the 14th, good weather, the wind N. by W., and the current, as before, strong to the SW. At midday, both boats sent out to take soundings, and they went fully a miles WNW. of the yachts without finding anywhere more than 1½ or 2 fathoms of water. The same day, it was found practicable to set up again the 'Aernem's' main topmast (which had been lowered because it was useless in the calm weather), for which the weather was now every day becoming more suitable.

"On the 15th, wind NNE., good weather, and the current as strong as before. At midday, got under sail, on a tide coming from the NW., in the hope of getting clear of the shoals, but after beating about till towards evening, we were forced by contrary currents to anchor in 3 fathoms.

"The 16th, good weather, the wind NE. by E. Got under sail before midday. In the course of the day the wind dropped. Towards evening the wind veered round to WSW. Course NNW. along the shallows, in 2½ and 2 fathoms. In the evening, anchored in 3 fathoms. We have found that in these parts the currents set very strongly to SW., as before mentioned, and that the water rises and falls fully 1½ and 2 fathoms at each tide.

"The 17th, the wind E. in the morning. Thereupon we set sail, course WNW. and W. by N., getting into deeper water, about 5 fathoms. At noon the latitude was 8° 4'. In the evening we anchored in 6 fathoms, having sailed WSW. 4 miles [16 minutes].[1]

"In the morning of the 18th, good weather, the wind W. In the afternoon we set sail, with a rising tide coming from the W. Course SW. by S., in 6 fathoms. When we had got into water deeper than 7 and 8 fathoms, course changed to SE. by E., and ESE., in 10, 12, 14, 18, 20, 26 and 28 fathoms. Towards evening, we went over to E., having sailed from morning to evening on the course first mentioned 5½ miles [22 minutes] and from evening to morning E., 9 miles [36 minutes].

[1) Carstenszoon's "miles" are Dutch "Leagues," of four minutes (16 to a degree).]

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"On the 9th, course E. and wind W., having VALSCH CAEP NNE., 5 miles [20 minutes] off, the land extending N. by W. The water being now 24 fathoms deep here, went over to ENE., making 4 miles [16 minutes], got 6 fathoms, so we cast anchor about 4 miles from the land.

"On the 20th, wind NNE., good weather, course as before, in 6 fathoms. In the evening we anchored in 5½ fathoms, having this day sailed 7½ miles [30 minutes].

"On the morning of the 21st, we again set sail, the wind NNW. and the course NE., for 4 miles [16 minutes], in 4 fathoms. In the afternoon we made 8 miles E. In the evening anchored in 7 fathoms, just beyond an island lying a mile or more south of the mainland.[1] A quarter of a mile N. by E., and S. by W. of the islet is a rock, on which two leafless trees are standing.

"On the 22nd, the Council having been convened, it was finally resolved to land with the two boats properly manned and armed, seeing that the coast here is covered with coco-nut trees, and is also higher, better looking and more fruitful than any country which we have seen hitherto: afterwards when we failed to get ashore because of mud-flats, we rowed to the before-mentioned islet, and let go the anchor in order to visit it. While we were so engaged, the yacht 'Aernem' got adrift, owing to the force of the current and the wind, and ran foul of the bows of the ' Pera,' much damage being done to both ships...This prevented any further sailing for some days, and indeed had God not specially looked after them, both yachts would have gone ashore..

"On the 23rd, good weather, and the Council having been convened once more, I proposed to try every possible means to get the 'Aernem' into sailing trim again and in the first place another rudder so as not to delay the voyage, but there was absolutely no means of doing this because in neither of the yachts were there any spare rudders or old ones which could be cut down. Prevented thus from making a proper job of it, it was finally resolved (to expedite the voyage and not have the yacht lagging behind) that with the materials available a rudder should be constructed Javanese or Chinese fashion. For this purpose the Pera will have to give up her main topmast, the rest of the required wood to be fetched from the land, and we shall stay here until the rudder has been made.

"On the 24th (while the rudder was being made) the subcargo,[2] with both the boats, went to the aforesaid island to get water for the Aernem (which was very short of it) and came on board in the evening with four firkins full, after great trouble.

"On the 25th, the yacht Aernem again seaworthy (Praise God!) with good weather and a favourable wind got under sail once more, course E., in 5½, 6 and 6½ fathoms along the land. In the evening, in 2½ fathoms and 2 miles off the land, we cast anchor, having sailed ten miles [40 minutes] this day.

"NOTE that the island hereinbefore mentioned lies in 8° 8' S. lat. [8° 16' according to modern charts.--R.L.J.] about a mile N. and S. [i.e., S.] of the mainland, as aforesaid, is pretty high and is well timbered with wild trees on the east side and quite bare on the west. It is about a quarter of a mile in circumference and is surrounded by many boulders and rocks (on which plenty of oysters grow). The soil is very good and suitable for all sorts of plants and cereals. It carries, by our estimate, upwards of too full-grown coco-nut trees, with many young ones coming on, and also some bananas and oubis, with fresh water, which comes trickling through the clay in small rills and may be caught in pits dug for the purpose. There are also a great many bats (vleermuijsjen) which live in the trees, for which reason in the new chart we have given the island the name of VLEERMUIJS EIJLANDT. We have seen no huts or human beings on it, but found unmistakable signs that men had been there before. [The island appears on modern charts as Habeeke Island.--R. L. J.]

[1) The wording ("near an island lying a mile or more south and north of the mainland") is ambiguous, but the island, which was afterwards named Vleermuijs Eijlandt (Bat I.) must have been south of the land. The island and rock are easily identified on modem charts as Habeeke Island and Sametinke Rock.--R. J.]

[2) Ondercoopman, Under Trader, Sub-Cargo, or Assistant Supercargo.]

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[1) At the head of this paragraph the words "Clapper Cust" (Coco-nut Coast) occur as a marginal note.--R.L.J.]

[2) A sly allusion to the terms of the sailing orders.--R.L.J.]

[3) This day the modern boundary line between Dutch and British New Guinea waters was passed.--R.L.J.]

[4) According to modern charts, the northmost navigable waters here (in Heath Bay) are about 9° 13' S.]

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Aernem to take soundings in various directions for 2 or 3 miles out from the yachts. At low water we saw several sandbanks and reefs lying dry, to wit: ESE., SSW. and W. In the afternoon the Aernem's boat came back, having found shoals in every direction for two miles out. Towards evening the Pera's boat also returned, and from the Steersman we learned that they had been about 8 miles E. by S. and ESE. of the yachts, and at that distance had found very shallow water, such as 7, 8, 9 and 10 feet, which continued for more than a mile, the depth thereafter increasing to 2, 2½, 3, 5 and 7 fathoms; that the land stretched E. and E. by N., being very low and muddy and overgrown with a tangle of brushwood and wild trees.

"On the 31st, the wind NNE., with rain. After midday I went personally, with both boats, to one of the reefs, to see how things were between the yachts and the land, which area had fallen dry with the low tide. In the afternoon the skipper of the Pera was commanded to take the boat, properly manned and armed, to the land, in order to ascertain what could be done for the service of our masters, and to parley with the people, and, if practicable, get hold of one or two. Very late in the evening, the boat returned, and we were informed by the skipper that, although it was high water, they could not come nearer than a pistol-shot to the land, owing to the mud and shoals, and that the low and submersible land was full of brushwood and wild trees.

"NoTE.--Having heard the above-written reports regarding the shoals to the east, we are sufficiently assured (to our great regret) that it is not possible any longer to trace the land which we have followed so far to the east. Having sailed into the shoal as into a trap, we must get out the same way, trying one direction and another and taking advantage of the ebb; and having attained deeper water, first run south to the 16th degree, or even further, should it be found advisable, and then turn the bow northward along the coast of New Guinea, according to our previous resolution come to on 6th March.[1] We were now, as before mentioned, in lat. 9° 6' S. [say 9° 13'.--R.L.J.] and about 125 miles east of Aru, and, according to the chart furnished to us,[2] and the estimates of the skippers and steersmen, not more than 5 miles from New Guinea, so that the space between us and the aforesaid New Guinea appears to be a bight, which, because of its shoals, we have named the DROOGE BOCHT [Dry Bight] in the new chart.[3] To the land which we have followed up to date, we have, by resolution, given the name of the WESTEINDE VAN NOVA GUINEA (West End of New Guinea), seeing that we have in reality found the land to be an UNBROKEN WHOLE, although marked as islands, such as Ceram and the Papues, in the charts, owing to misunderstanding and misleading information.[4]

"April 1st, the wind W. by S., good weather. Weighed anchor, and with the ebb coming out of the NE., drifted with the stream 1 miles SW., and anchored in 6 fathoms.

"On the 2nd, wind W. by N. Tried to get away to the W., on the ebb, in 4, 5 and 6 fathoms. During the whole day variable winds. Towards evening, anchored in 4 fathoms, 3 miles from the land, and this day advanced W. and W. by N. 4 miles.

"On the 3rd, sailed again at daybreak, the wind N., course WNW., in 7, 2 and 1½ fathoms, the water in these parts being of greatly varying depths, so that the lead

[1) The fact that this resolution is not mentioned in the diary of 6th March leads to a presumption that the minutes of meetings of the Full Council were kept in a separate book; this would be an interesting document.--R.L.J.]

[2) They must have been furnished with the "Duyfken's" charts.--R.L.J.]

[3) A marginal addendum to this note (presumably made by the writer of the Diary itself) reads: "The Drooge Bocht, where we had to leave the west end of New Guinea, is in 9° 20' S. lat."]

[4) The charts available in 1623 already showed the insularity of Ceram, and clusters of islands extending eastward and almost bridging over the space separating Ceram from New Guinea. An observer sailing eastward to the south of these islands (especially if insufficiently acquainted with charts of the region) might be pardoned for regarding the land as unbroken from Ceram to New Guinea. The information in possession of the Spanish and Portuguese of the period was by no means "misleading."--R.L.J.]

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had to be used all the time. In the afternoon, anchored in 4 fathoms, having drifted with the ebb 2½ miles.

"On the 4th, the wind NE. by N., good weather. Set sail again. In the afternoon, anchored in 7 fathoms, out of sight of land, having drifted with the current 8 miles W. by N.

"NOTE.--Here, after immense difficulty and peril, we had again (God be thanked!) got clear of the aforesaid shoals, between which and the land we had sailed as into a trap. The shoals extend S. and N., from 4 to 9 miles out from the mainland, and are 10 miles from E. to W.

"On the 5th, we sailed again at daylight, the wind ENE., on courses varying between SW. and S., whereby we got into deeper water, from 14 to 26 fathoms, and sailed a miles [72 minutes] this day [" het etmael," a day of 24 hours: hence, probably, from daylight of the 5th to daylight of the 6th.--R.L.J.].

"On the 6th, the wind SW., with rain, course SE. At night, latitude 9° 45', and sailed in the day ESE. II miles. [How was the night latitude determined?--R.L.J.]

"On the 7th, the wind SE., course E., in 15 or 16 fathoms water, and till evening sailed 4 miles. At night turned SE., and towards daylight [of the 8th.--R.L.J.] anchored in 4 fathoms, but as the yacht swung to the anchor came on z fathoms, and during the night sailed 3 miles.

"In the morning of the 8th, saw distinctly many stones lying on the bottom, but to have such a change in the water (as from z6 fathoms) showed that the land here (though unseen) must he very dangerous to touch at, and it was only through God's providence that the yachts were not wrecked. Got under sail at noon, being in 10° 15', the wind W. by S., and later on variable, till next morning [9th], sailed 6 miles SSW., in 10 and 11 fathoms."

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--The Admiralty chart shows, in lat. 10° 15' S. and 141° E., a reef or shoal reported by the "Glamis Castle" in 1881, and it was probably here that the "Pera's" captain was alarmed by the sudden shoaling of the water in a cable's length.--R.L.J.]

"On the 9th, the wind NE., with rain, course SE. In the evening wind SE. Therefore anchored in 11 fathoms, and this day sailed 5 miles.

"In the morning of the l0th, the wind ENE., course SE., in 9, 10 and 11 fathoms. In the evening wind SE., whereupon anchored, having sailed 5 miles.

"On the 11th, the wind E. by N., a fair breeze, course SSE., lat. at noon 11° 30'. For the whole of this day and night tried, with varying winds and courses, to get south, and in the 24 hours sailed 22 miles [88 minutes]. Course held SE. [SEE MAP B.]

"In the morning of the 12th, the wind SE., good weather, and at sunrise saw the land of NOVA GUINEA (being low, with neither mountains nor hills), 13½ fathoms, clay bottom, course SSW., noon latitude 11° 45', and sailed in the 24 hours SW. 10 miles [40 minutes]."

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--The men on the "Pera" first saw AUSTRALIA, which they believed to be continuous with New Guinea, on 12th April, 1623, probably from a distance of about 35 knots, the nearest land being that west of Port Musgrave. My many attempts to chart the "Pera's," course across the western entrance to Torres Strait only serve to convince me that Carstenszoon overestimated the distances covered, and this tendency probably reflected the mood of the navigators after their escape from the

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"Drooge Bocht" and their belief that they were at last making satisfactory progress.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 13th, the wind SE. by E., being in 24. fathoms, the fore-mentioned land still in sight, and of the same character as before, course SW. Midday latitude 12° 53'. For the rest of the day and night, with the wind as above, and on various courses, tried to make southing, and in the 24-hours' day [noon, 13th-14th?--R.L.J.] sailed 22 miles [88 minutes] on a SW. course.

"On the 14th, the wind E. by W., course S. by E., in10, 11, 12, 13 and 14 fathoms, parallel to the land. At midday the latitude was 13° 47', and the land out of sight. For the rest of the day and the whole of the night, with diverse winds and on different courses, in 7, 6, 5, 4, 3 and 2½ fathoms, we tried to get the land alongside [i.e., changed the course as much as possible to the east.--R.L.J.]. [SEE MAP D.] Towards daylight [15th], we were so near it that we might have recognised persons on the strand. [This must have been at, or near, CAPE KEERWEER, where the "Duyfken" turned back.--R.L.J.]

"On the 15th, in the morning, the wind strong from the east, course S. by E., in 3 and 2½ fathoms, along a bank which lies about a mile from the mainland. At midday the latitude was 14° 30'. [SEE MAP F.] The land which we have hitherto seen and followed extends S. and N., and is low and without variety, and in some places has soft, sandy beaches. Near midday the wind dropped, and we ANCHORED, having sailed 11 miles [44 minutes] south. Great volumes of smoke being visible on the land, the assistant supercargo[1] was ordered to land, with both boats, duly manned and armed, and was specially enjoined to use his utmost endeavours in the interests of our Masters. On the return of the boats in the evening, the assistant supercargo reported that the boats could get no nearer than a stone's-throw to the beach, in which a man would sink to his middle, but that they had seen, in various places, BLACKS emerging from the bush, while others were hiding in the scrubs. They therefore sent one of the hands of the boat ashore, with pieces of iron and beads tied to a stick, in order to attract the blacks. And so, as nothing else could be done, and night was coming on, they turned back. [The anchorage must have been approximately in 14° 40' S. lat.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 16th (Easter Day), wind E. Set sail, course S. by E. Midday latitude 14° 56'. Anchored in the evening in 5½ fathoms, having sailed S. 10½ miles [42 minutes. This distance from the last anchorage would give the position about 15° S.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 17th, the wind S. by W., with rain, and the tide setting to the S. At noon, the wind E., so made sail, course S. by W., in fathoms, along the land. Towards evening the wind dropped, anchored on the ebb, and I, personally, with both boats properly furnished, landed, and with the party went a long way inland, finding a level, fine country, with few trees, and good soil all about for planting and sowing, but, so far as we could make out, absolutely without fresh water. Nor did we see any human beings, or even signs of them. At the edge of the sea, sandy, with a fine beach, and abundance of excellent fish. [This anchorage was probably a little south of the principal mouth of the MITCHELL RIVER.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 18th, the wind ENE., course S. by W., along the land. About midday, in 3½ fathoms, clay bottom, having seen persons on the beach, we anchored, and the skipper of the Perez' was ordered to row ashore with both boats armed for defence. Later in the afternoon, when the boats returned, the skipper reported that as soon as the party had landed a great mob of BLACKS, some with arms and some without, had come up to them, and were so bold and free as to touch the men's muskets and try to take them off their shoulders, and in fact, wanted to take everything they thought they might have use for. These being kept interested with

[1) In the "Summary Extract" of the Journal, this officer's name is given as PIETER LINTIENS. The inscriptions at Aru and Queij Islands spell it Lingtes.--R.L.J.]

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iron and beads, an opportunity was espied, and one of them was seized by a string which he had round his neck and taken on board the boat. The others who were on the beach made a great hubbub and outcry, but those who were concealed in the bush remained there. The said people are pitch black, thin in body, and stark naked, with basket-work or nets round their heads. As regards their hair and figure, they are like the blacks of the coast of Coromandel, but they seem to be less cunning, bold and wicked than the blacks at the west end of New Guinea. Their weapons, some of which we are bringing with us, are assegais, shields, clubs and sticks about 1½ fathoms in length, and are not so formidable as those we have seen among other blacks. As regards their manners and policy, and the nature of the country, Your Worships will in time perhaps be able to elicit some information from the captured blacks, to whom I refer you. [This day's diary concludes with the following curious passage, which, although omitted by Heeres, no doubt because of its irrelevancy, is here reproduced, as given by Van Dijk, because of its reference to two members of the ship's company who are not mentioned elsewhere.--R.L.J.]

"The same day, the slave assigned to us (?) [medgogeven Jurebasse] at Aru, after having been ill for two days, had an intolerable pain in his liver, and consented to be opened by the barber, when there was to be seen mach congealed blood, which had overrun the heart, and this had evidently been the cause of his death.

"On the 19th, the wind SE., so we stayed where we were, and as the yachts were found to be almost out of firewood, the skipper of the Pert:' went ashore, with both the boats duly manned and armed, and when the men were engaged in cutting it, a large party of BLACKS more than 100 in number, came upon them, and tried all sorts of tricks to take them by surprise and club them [` den clop to geven ']. Out of this the necessity arose to fire two shots, whereupon they fled, one of them being hit and having fallen. Such of our people as penetrated further inland observed many weapons, and brought some away as curiosities. On their march they also saw many human bones in different places, from which it may be safely presumed that the New Guinea blacks [the crew thought they were still in New Guinea.--R.L.J.] are cannibals, and when hungry do not spare one another."

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--I conjecture that the scene of the landings of 18th and 19th April must have been about 15° 17', or 17 English miles N. by E. of ANGERAM MISSION STATION.-R.L.J.]

"On the l0th, the wind SE., got under sail, course SSW. At noon, with the ebb tide running from the south, anchored in 3½ fathoms in clayey bottom, and the skipper was ordered to land, with both boats duly prepared for defence, and make careful observations, as far as time and place should allow. On his return in the evening, he informed us that a very strong surf covered the beach, so that he could not get near it, still less land. [This was probably about 3 miles north of Angeram Mission Station.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 21st, the wind SE., set sail, course SW., along the land. At noon, lat. 15° 38'. In the evening, anchored with the ebb, in 3½ fathoms. [Say 15° 50', or about 3o miles S. by W. of Angeram.--R. L. J.] [SEE MAP H.]

"In the morning of the 22nd, the wind ENE., course S. Midday latitude 16° 4'. Towards evening, the wind being W. by N., anchored in 2½ fathoms about a mile from land. [Approximately 16° 91.--R.L.J.]

"On the 23rd, the wind NNE., stiff breeze, set sail, course SSW., in 3½, 3, 2½ and 2 fathoms, clay bottom, along the land. Midday latitude 16° 32'. For the rest of the day, tried to get south, with variable Winds. Towards evening, anchored in 3 fathoms close to the land.

"On the 24th, the wind E. by S., course SSW., in 2½, 3½ and 4½ fathoms, clay bottom, along the land. Midday latitude 17° 8'. [SEE MAP M.]

"Item.--This same day, the Council having been convened, the question was submitted by me whether it would be advisable to sail further south: that, after

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several speeches regarding the difficulties which were to be expected, it was agreed that we might get into a huge bight, and it is evident that hereabouts in these climes in the east monsoons north winds prevail, just as south [north?] of the line in the forenamed monsoons south winds do, and so we might fall on a lee shore. On which considerations, it was judged to be best for the interests of our Masters, and was determined and resolved to TURN BACK, and to follow the coast of New Guinea northward as far as it may be practicable also to touch at various places and examine them carefully, and then shape our course for Aru and Queij...It was further proposed by me, and ultimately agreed to, to offer to the boats' crews for each black captured on the land and brought on board ten reals of eight, and that, to this end, the crews may use greater care and diligence, so as to do our Masters signal service, for which they might expect to reap due recognition.

"On the 25th, the skipper of the Pera' was ordered to land, with both boats well manned and armed, and especially to look out for fresh water, with which we are now very poorly provided. About midday, the skipper returned and reported that he had sunk pits at various places on shore, but could find no water: also that they had seen 7 small huts on the beach, made of hay, and 7 or 8 blacks, who would not stop to parley. In the afternoon, I, personally, taking both boats, went up a salt inlet for about half a mile [about 2 1/3 English miles.--R.L.J.], and then, with the party, walked a good way into the land, which was under water [salt water?--R.L.J.] in many places, recalling the Waterland in Holland, so that it may be presumed that further into the interior there may be great lakes or marshes. We also saw many footprints of men, and the tracks of large dogs, going from south to north; and since by resolution it has been determined to begin the return voyage from here, we have, in default of stone, nailed to a tree a wooden tablet, on which the following words were engraved:--' Anno 1623 den 24n April sijn hier aen gecomen twee jachten wegen de Hooge Mogende Heeren Staten Gen'.' ['In the year 1623 the 24th April hereto came two yachts on behalf of the High and Mighty Lords States General.'] The addition of the aforesaid river is denominated the STATEN RIVER in the newly made chart." [A marginal note reads:--" The Staten Revier is in latitude 170 8'."--This was the latitude of the anchorage.--R.L.J.]

[EDITORIAL NoTE.--The exact position of the inlet named the "STATEN REVIER" by the Commodore of the Expedition is open to question--within certain narrow limits.

The position is not defined with sufficient accuracy by the midday solar observation of 24th April.

On that date, the "Pera" sailed southward till midday, close to the land, as indicated by the soundings, which had a maximum of 4½ fathoms. At noon, the sun was taken, and gave the latitude 17° 8' S. As soon as the latitude had been calculated and noted, orders were given to let go the anchor, and probably the anchorage was an (English) mile or two south of 17° 8', and very near the beach. We may assume that it was 2 miles south of the noon position, or, say, 17° 10', i.e., 4 (English) miles north of Accident Inlet. The "Pera," no doubt, waited some time for the arrival of the "Aernem" (which always lagged behind), in order that the officers of both ships might meet in "full council" on board the "Pera." The question of sailing further south or turning back having been discussed at some length, the latter course was decided on, and by this time the afternoon was too far advanced for a landing.

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The skipper of the "Pera" was "ordered" to land on the 25th, and to look out for fresh water. He landed, there can be no doubt, on the nearest beach, where he saw huts and a few natives, and dug unsuccessfully for water. There is no indication whatever that he landed at, or because he saw, any "revier" or inlet. He returned to the "Pera" at noon.

In the afternoon, the Commodore (Carstenszoon) took the two boats and, having found a "salt inlet," rowed up for some 21 (English) miles. The probability is that he searched to the south for an inlet, the coast-line to the north having already been seen from the ship the day before. Assuming the anchorage to have been 17° 10', there were only 4 (English) miles to go before falling in with ACCIDENT INLET, in 17° 12', one of the mouths of the Gilbert River. It was this inlet, there is every reason to believe, which was named the STATEN REVIER. It would have been 9 (English) miles from the anchorage to the nearest inlet to the north, viz., the (erroneously named) Van Diemen Revier (17° 3' S.), which is another mouth of the Gilbert, known inland as the Smithburne River, and the 18 miles of rowing at sea, added to 4 on the inlet, would have taken so much of the afternoon that the landing party would not have had daylight enough to do all that they did on shore.

There is no ground whatever, now that we have the information furnished by the log of the "Pera," for continuing to hold the belief embodied in Flinders' chart (1802) and all subsequent official maps, that the "Pera's" Staten River runs into the Gulf of Carpentaria between latitudes 15° 24' and 15° 30' S.

The party left the boat and walked some distance, over country which was partly "under water"--presumably stagnant salt water, lying in "claypans." Thereafter they scratched an inscription on a wooden slab, which they nailed to a tree before returning to the ship.--R.L.J.]

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CHAPTER VII

THE VOYAGE OF THE "PERA" AND "AERNEM" (1623), continued

IV. THE RETURN VOYAGE OF THE "PERA"

COASTING NORTHWARD FROM STATEN INLET. "AERNEM" LAGS BEHIND AND DISAPPEARS. Two LANDINGS AND UNSUCCESSFUL SEARCH FOR WATER. "PERA ” CONTINUES NORTHWARD VOYAGE. NASSAU INLET NAMED. MISIDENTIFICATION BY SUBSEQUENT OBSERVERS. FURTHER SEARCH FOR WATER. SUCCESSFUL AT LAST (1ST MAY) IN THE MITCHELL RIVER DELTA. THE WATERING-PLACE RECORDED. CARSTENSZOON'S POOR OPINION OF THE LAND AND PEOPLE. THE VEREENICHDE INLET (THE PRINCIPAL MOUTH OF LEICHHARDT'S MITCHELL RIVER) NAMED. LANDING AT CAPE KEERWEER (5TH MAY). WARLIKE NATIVES. LANDING (7TH MAY). FORMIDABLE OPPOSITION BY NATIVES. ANCHOR SOUTH OF PERA HEAD IN LATITUDE 13° 7' S. LANDING NEXT MORNING (8TH MAY). TRACK NATIVE FOOTPRINTS NORTHWARD TO THE COEN INLET. COLLECT ESCULENT HERBS AND CARRY THEM TO BOAT. NATIVES APPEAR. A NATIVE CAPTURED BY A RUSE. ANOTHER KILLED. FLINDERS' MISIDENTIFICATION OF CARSTENSZOON'S COEN RIVER. FALSE PERA HEAD = RIJDER'S HOEK. LANDING AT PERA HEAD (9TH MAY). ANOTHER WATERING-PLACE. ACROSS ALBATROSS BAY. ROUND DUYFKEN POINT. LAN DING SOUTH OF PORT MUSGRAVE ( 10TH MAY). SAN D -DUN E S. FOOTPRINTS. NATIVES REFUSE TO PARLEY. PORT MUSGRAVE (ESTUARY OF BATAVIA RIVER) NOT OBSERVED. INLET (SKARDON RIVER, DE FACTO) NAMED CARPENTIER INLET AND IDENTIFIED AS THAT WHERE ONE OF THE "Duyfken's" CREW WAS KILLED. LANDING AT THIS INLET. ENCOUNTER WITH NATIVES. VAN SPULT INLET, WHERE SHIPS CAN DIP FRESH WATER (ONE OF THE MOUTHS OF THE "JARDINE" RIVER) RECORDED AS A WATERING-PLACE. WOODY, WALLIS AND PRINCE OF WALES ISLANDS. SANDBANKS AND SHOALS FINALLY CLEARED (22ND MAY). SAIL FOR AMBOINA.

"On the 26th [April, 1623], as in this place there was no water (whereof there was great need), as we could hold no parley with the savages, and as nothing of importance could be done, set sail again, the wind ENE., stiff breeze, course N. along the land. [SEE MAP M.] At midday latitude 16° 44'. In the evening anchored in 4 fathoms close under the land. [SEE MAP H.]

"NOTE.--That the yacht ' Aernem,' because of its poor sailing qualities and the small liking and inclination for the voyage which the skipper and steersman had shown, had on various occasions and at different times seriously delayed the voyage, for the ' Pera' (which was leaking badly and had to get more than 8,000 strokes of the pump every 24 hours) was nevertheless obliged to seek and follow her every day for I, 2 or more miles to leeward.

"On the 27th, the wind E. by S., good weather, the skipper of the 'Pera' rowed ashore, with both boats, duly provided for defence, to look for fresh water, and sunk several holes, in which none was found; whereupon we set sail, course SE. by E.,[1]

[1) An obvious mistake, as (1) a SE. by E. course would have run the ship ashore, (2) the coast here runs NNE. to SSW., and (3) the "Pera" made thirty-eight or forty minutes of northing between morning and noon.--R.L.J.]

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along the land. Midday latitude i6° 30' wind W. by N. So we made for the land, two full hours before sunset, with foresail only, so as not to outpace the Aernem ' (which was a howitzer shot behind us), and in the evening, in 3 fathoms, 1½ miles from the land, hung out a lantern, that the ernem ' might keep clear of us when dropping anchor, but this proved useless, because it is quite clear that, with deliberate malice and perversity, and contrary to the instructions and resolution, she ran away from us and shaped a course for Aru (to have a good time there); but that time will show."

[The few particulars available regarding the subsequent proceedings of the "Aernem" will be mentioned later on.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 28th, the wind E. by S., lovely weather, the skipper landed here with the boat, to look for water, and sunk several holes in the sand, without finding any: therefore set sail, course NE. by N., in 2, 3, 4 and 5 fathoms, along the land, and had got 2½ miles [io minutes] when a violent land wind drove us off the land, and we anchored in 3 fathoms: and the BLACKS made on the land such a great fire and smoke that we could hardly see the shore. In the night, in the first watch, again set sail, and, having gained 3½ miles NNE., anchored in 2 fathoms.

"In the morning of the 29th, wind SE. good weather, course NE. by E., ran 1½ miles along the land, in 2½ and 3 fathoms, and anchored in 2 fathoms, and here also, as before, landed to look for water. Several pits were dug, a good way in from the shore, and no fresh water was found. Here the BLACKS showed themselves at a distance, but were too shy to parley, nor did we succeed in luring any towards us by any sort of strategy. At noon, in the latitude of 16° to', we passed an inlet which is named the REVIER NASSAU in the chart, and having satisfied ourselves [by landing or by observation from the sea?--R.L.J.] that nothing profitable could be done here, set sail again, the wind E., course NNE., along the land, and in the evening anchored in 2½ fathoms."

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--The inlet, in lat. 16° 1o', named the NASSAU by Carstenszoon was, no doubt, the mouth of the unnamed creek between Leichhardt's "Rocky Creek" and the "Staaten River" of modern land maps. The creek in question has been traced from east to west through the pastoral blocks Rocky No. 2, Wynola No. 4 and Wynola No. 3 for a distance of about 13 miles. It may be referred to as the NASSAU de jure, to distinguish it from the NASSAU de facto, which falls into the Gulf in lat. 15°55'. The lower course of the Nassau de facto has been named the Nassau from an erroneous identification of it with the Nassau de jure, while its upper course is known as Dunbar Creek. This creek or river is one of the mouths of Leichhardt's MITCHELL RIVER.

The Nassau de jure traverses the continuous deltas of the Mitchell and the Staaten de _facto, and in times of high flood would probably be found to be connected with both rivers, as in the whole of this coastal flat the mouths of the large rivers anastomose in a manner which could only be satisfactorily traced in flood seasons (when nobody goes there) with the aid of a canoe. It is, perhaps, more likely that a canoe survey would prove the Nassau de jure to be a trickle emanating from the Mitchell River than from the Staten River de facto.

Although it is quite clear that the inland rivers have, in many cases, been erroneously identified with the "reviers," or inlets,

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named by the Dutch navigators, a wholesale RENAMING of the rivers would be IMPRACTICABLE at the present day. The names of the inland rivers have been irrevocably fixed by the fact that they have entered into history, into literature, into official maps, proclamations and other documents, and even into title deeds. In the circumstances, all that can now be done is to distinguish between the inlets named by the Dutch (de jure) and the watercourses to which the Dutch names have been erroneously applied in the first place, to be afterwards sanctioned by usage (de facto). It must, however, be clearly understood that the de facto names are not names conferred by the Dutch navigators, but names given in compliment to them.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 30th, the wind SE., steady weather, course NNE., in 3 fathoms, along the land. At noon, latitude 15° 39', and anchored in 2½ fathoms, and here, as before, LANDED with the boat to look for fresh water and try to fall in with natives, and after diligently digging several pits found nothing. Then set sail again and in the evening anchored in ½ fathoms [say, 15° 30' S.--R.L.J.]. [SEE MAP F.]

"May.--In the morning of the 1st, the wind E., and the skipper again went ashore with the boat, and in three holes which were dug found fresh water (which forced its way through the sand), and we did our best to take in a supply. About 400 paces north of the outermost hole sunk was a little lake (lagoon) with fresh water, but the water collected in the pits was thought to be better.

"In the morning of the 2nd, the wind ENE., and later in the day SW., continued taking in water.

"On the 3rd, continued taking in water as before, the wind NE., and about midday SW., and I LANDED personally with 10 musketeers and went a good way into the thick bush, without meeting any human beings. The land here is low and flat, the same as hitherto, and continues so as far as 15° 20',[1] but very dry and barren, for during all the time we have been ashore here and have explored the same and examined it to the best of our ability, we did not see a single fruit-bearing tree nor anything thatm an could make use of. There are no mountains or heights, so that it may safely be presumed that there are no metals, nor any valuable timbers, such as sandalwood, aloe or calumba, and in our judgment this is the dryest and barrenest region that could be found in the world. And even the men are more miserable and unsightly than any I have seen in my age and time. Here they use no implements, large or small, which results from the scarcity of large trees, of which there is not one on the whole coast.[2] This is near the place we were at[3] on the voyage out on Easter Day, 16th April, and we have, in the newly made chart, called it the WATERPLAETS (Watering-place). At this place, in the more sheltered localities, are fine and good-looking sandy beaches, with delicate fish." [A marginal note reads: "De Waterplaats leijdt op de hoochte van 15 gr., 30 minuten." Van Dijk and Heeres agree in this.]

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--In the marginal note, the verb is evidently "liegen," "to lie." Writers of the early seventeenth century

[1) "Leijt op de hoochte van 15 gr. 20 min." Here the verb employed is obviously "leiden," "to lead to."--R.L.J.]

[2) This sentence is obscurely expressed in the original, but I think I have got the drift of it. Mr. Stoffel translates it: "As there are no large trees anywhere on this coast, they have no boats or canoes, whether large or small."--R.L.J.]

[3) They did not land on the 16th, but on the following day, after a few hours' run in the afternoon, the anchor was dropped, on the failing of the wind, "towards evening," and Carstenszoon went ashore, and remarked on the flat, good-looking land, with few trees. The probability is that, writing on 3rd May, he inadvertently referred to the landing as having taken place on the 16th instead of the 17th April.--R.L.J.]

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were trammelled by no canons of spelling. in the text, the writer meant to convey that the dry and barren country he described extended from the Watering-place to 15° 20' (his knowledge of its extent having been derived from the observations made on the outward voyage), and in the marginal note he estimates the position of the Watering-place as 15° 30', or 10 minutes south of the place touched at on 16th (correctly, 17th) April. Accepting this as correct, the Watering-place was about 8 English miles SSW. of Angeram Mission Station, at the mouth of Topsy Creek.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 4th, the wind ENE., good weather, course N. in 7½ fathoms, the land plainly in sight. At noon the latitude 15° 12', and a little to the north an inlet was seen, which we have named the VEREENICHDE REVIER. Wind W., course NNE., near the land for the whole of the night."

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--Evidently the "main" mouth of the river which Leichhardt afterwards named the MITCHELL. The latter name has been too well established by usage for a restoration of the original name to be practicable at this date.--R.L.J.] [See Map D.]

"In the morning of the 5th, the wind E., course N. Noon latitude 14° 5'. Shortly afterwards, the wind W., whereupon made for the land and anchored in 2 fathoms, and I personally went ashore with the boat, duly armed. The BLACKS came towards us offensively with their weapons, but afterwards took to flight. Then our party walked some way inland, and found, leaning against trees,. specimens of their weapons, such as assegais and callaways, which we did not disturb, except that we tied pieces of iron and beads to them to attract the blacks, of which, however, they took little notice, but, in the course of several advances, they insolently held up their shields and launched them at the muskets. These men, like all the others, are lank and meagre of body, and quite naked, but malignant and cruel by nature. [Cape Keerweer.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 6th, the wind E., whereupon set sail, course N., in 3 and 4 fathoms, along the land. At noon, the wind W., in latitude 13° 29'. In the evening, E., 3 fathoms, anchored [13° 20' S.].

"In the morning of the 7th, the wind SE., fine weather, and the skipper rowed to the shore in the boat, having been most strictly ordered to treat the BLACKS well and attract them with iron and beads and capture one while they were engaged with these things. At noon, when they returned, we were given to understand that on their arrival upwards of 100 blacks, with their weapons, had collected on the strand and in a very hostile mood sought to prevent the landing; that a musket shot was fired (to frighten them), whereupon they fled and retreated into the bush, whence they tried every method and trick to surprise and overpower our men. In features and build these people are the same as those we have seen before, pitch black and quite naked, but some of them had their faces painted red and others white, with feathers stuck through their noses. Set sail at noon, wind E., course N., along the land, being then in latitude 13° 20'. [West of mouth of ARCHER RIVER.--R.L.J.] Towards evening, wind W., and anchored in 3½ fathoms.

"In the morning of the 8th, wind ESE., good weather, and I LANDED personally with 10 musketeers. We saw numerous footprints of men and tracks of dogs (going from south to north). We therefore spent some considerable time in following the said footprints, which took us to a river, where we plucked very delicate vegetables

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or pot herbs. When we had got into the boat again, the BLACKS emerged with their weapons from two different points of the bush and came out on the strand. There we enticed them with iron and beads which we held out, till we got close to them, and one of them, who had dropped his weapon, was seized round the waist by the skipper, and then the quartermaster threw a noose round his neck, by which he was dragged to the boat. The others, seeing this, tried to help the captive, furiously throwing their assegais, so that, in our defence, one of them was shot dead, and the others ran away, upon which we embarked without further delay. These men are, like all the others, pitch black and quite naked, with a braided net on their head. Their weapons are assegais, callaways and shields. Beyond this, we cannot give any account of their manners or their ceremonies, or of how the land is populated, on which points we could throw no light, with the few opportunities which we had for exploration or examination. As to what relates thereto, Your Worships may in time, please God 1 get something out of the captive, to whom I refer you. The above-named river lies in latitude 13° 7' and is entitled the REVIER COEN in the the chart. In the afternoon, the wind W. Set sail, course N., along the land, and in the evening anchored in 3 fathoms." [MARGINAL NOTE.-"The Revier Coen lies in lat. 13° 7'."]

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--It is quite clear from the narrative that the "Pera" anchored on 7th May in lat. 13° 7', and that on the following morning a party landed, probably on a beach, and without having observed any inlet, but having found human footprints, followed them north to a river which they named the COEN (the COEN, de jure). [1] Nothing is said as to whether the water was fresh or salt, the only observation made being that the neighbourhood yielded esculent herbs (pigweed 1). There cannot be a river of any importance in this locality, as the Ward River, running from north to south, a few miles to the east, restricts the possible catchment area of the Coen within very narrow limits.

The name Coen has been irrevocably attached to a river (the COEN, de facto) rising near the Pacific coast in lat. 13° 50' and which falls into the still larger Archer River, which empties into the Gulf of Carpentaria in 13° 20'. GOLD was found in this river in 1876, by a party of prospectors, who erroneously identified it with Carstenszoon's Coen River. The establishment of a township named Coen, with a post and telegraph office, followed in due course. As it had become impossible to confer a new name on the Coen, de facto, the Survey Office has begun to call the river of the goldfield the SOUTH COEN, to distinguish it from the COEN, de jure, which it would be an historical injustice to omit from the map. It remains to be seen whether the name of South Coen will receive popular recognition.

It is quite clear that the landing party had for their walk north and south only the time between daylight and noon, when they returned to the "Pera," less the time taken by (breakfast?), rowing ashore, tracking the footprints, gathering herbs, fighting

[1) In the course of the "Investigator's" survey, FLINDERS landed on 7th November, 1802, at an inlet in 12° 13' S., which he described in his Chart as "INLET, PROBABLY COEN R. OF THE OLD CHARTS." It was a most unfortunate misidentification, which has given rise to much confusion. What Flinders took to be the "COEN RIVER of the old charts" is now charted as the PENNEFATHER RIVER, but had been called the Prince Revier by Tasman in. 1644.]

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and rowing to the ship. It was just after noon when they came alongside, and the latitude of the anchorage (i3° 7' S.) having been taken, the anchor was lifted, and the "Pera "resumed her northward voyage. I conclude that they walked about four miles north, and the same distance back,. which would put the COEN RIVER in 13° 4' S. latitude. MR. N. HEY, of the Mapoon Mission, informs me that precisely in this position is a creek, which is the only watercourse between False Pera Head (12° 58' S.), and the mouth of Ina Creek (13° 12' S.). This must be CARSTENSZOON'S COEN REVIER. The subject is discussed in greater detail in the chapters devoted to Mr. J. T. Embley's Explorations and Surveys and Missionary Explorations.

It may be noted here that Flinders' "Chart of Terra Australis," 1802-3 (Admiralty Chart No. 1043), gives the name of "False Pera Head" to a small promontory in lat. 13° 7', while on Sheet 20D of the modern 4-mile map of Queensland issued by the Department of Lands the name is given to a promontory about 3 minutes south of Pera Head, which is in 12° 55'. Although I am not aware on what ground the change was made, I accept it as authoritative, especially as what Flinders called False Pera Head had been named RIJDER'S HOEK in 1756 by JEAN ETIENNE GONZAL.--R.L.J.]

NOTE IN THE DIARY.--" Wherever we have landed, we have treated the blacks or savages with especial kindness by every means in our power, such as offering them presents of iron, beads and cloth, so as by this pretence to win their friendship and be allowed to penetrate some distance inland and make a reliable report on what we saw. But, notwithstanding all this care and fair seeming,[1] the blacks everywhere met us with the most marked hostility, so that in most places our landings were attended with great peril. Thus, and for various other reasons afterwards to be mentioned, it has not been possible to learn how Nova Guinea is populated, what sort of people and soil there are, what towns, what inhabited villages, what distribution of wealth, what religion, what politics, what preparation for war, what waters, what shipping, what raw materials, what manufactures, or what ores of gold, silver, tin, iron, lead, copper or quicksilver are to be had. In the first place, in any further landings, we should have to look out for rain which, at times when need for muskets might arise, would be very damaging to them, whereas the weapons of the savages would not be injuriously affected. Secondly, the paths and roads, which are unknown to us, would have to be surveyed. Thirdly, we might easily, seeing the number of the blacks, be surrounded and cut off from the boats, and then the boats' crews which we always employed in the landings, but who could not be depended upon in the use of their weapons, would have been

[1) This is a very subjective way of putting it!--Note by Heeres.]

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in danger. If, on the other hand, we could make use of trained and proved soldiers (who are really necessary on such an expedition), we might make good reddings and scourings.[1] Still, in spite of all these obstacles and difficulties, we have spared neither labour, trouble nor risk, with the means at our command, to inquire into everything, for our honour and reputation, and that nothing may pass unmarked, the following are the results of our investigations:--

"The land between 13° and 17° 8' is a dry and barren tract, without any fruit trees or anything that man could make use of. It is low and flat, without mountains or heights, overgrown in many places with scrub and stunted timber, with little fresh water and what there is must be collected in holes dug for the purpose. There is also an entire absence of capes or inlets, except for a few bights not sheltered from the sea winds. It extends mainly N. by E. and S. by W., with clay- and sand-bottomed shoals, with numerous salt inlets extending into the interior, across which the natives ferry their women and children by means of dry logs or boughs of trees. The men are in general utter barbarians and built very much alike as to shape and features, pitch black and stark naked, with a braided net on head or neck for keeping their food in, the same consisting, so far as we could make out, of roots which they dig out of the earth, very evil-smelling. Their residences or dwelling-places appeared to us to be on the beaches during the easterly monsoons, as there we saw numerous huts made of hay. We also saw many dogs, herons and water curlews and other wild fowl, and also delicate fish, which may easily be caught with a seine net. They have absolutely no acquaintance with gold, silver, tin, iron, lead or copper, nor even with nutmegs, cloves or pepper, all of which we repeatedly showed them without their evincing any sign of recognising or setting any value on the same. From all of which, taken together with the rest of our observations, it may safely be concluded that they are poor and miserable creatures who prize most such things as iron and beads. Their weapons are shields, assegais and callaways, of the length of I+ fathoms, made of light wood and cane, some with fish-bones and others with human bones fastened to them. As we discovered, they are particularly expert in throwing them by means of a stick half a fathom in length, on which a hook is bound, so as to catch the upper part of the callaway or assegai."

The text of the diary continues:--

"In the morning of the 9th, the wind ESE., good weather: whereupon set sail, course NE. along the land, and after running 2 miles [8 minutes], anchored close to the shore in 9 fathoms [Pera Head.--R.L.J.]. I LANDED IN PERSON, with 10

[1) "Reddinge ende scheuringh," pickings of odds and ends. The old English verb "to redd" means to clean up. Stoffel's free rendering of the phrase is "we might have done a good deal of useful work."--R.L.J.]

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musketeers, and found numerous FOOTPRINTS OF MEN AND TRACKS OF LARGE DOGS, going in a SOUTHERLY direction. We also found FRESH WATER FLOWING INTO THE SEA, and named this the WATERPLAETS. The land is higher here than what we have seen to the south, and in front of the strand there are reefs, which are in 12° 33'."

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--The latitude of 12° 33' is, not 2, but 8½ Dutch miles north of the anchorage at the Coen, de jure. It is evident from what follows that the midday ANCHORAGE of 9th May was still SOUTH of ALBATROSS BAY, and the distance named (2 Dutch miles) would bring the "Pera" to what is now known as PERA HEAD, which is in 12° 55', according to the modern Lands Department map. In deciphering the manuscript, some transcriber, no doubt, mistook the figures 55 for 33.

The latest issue (1908) of the 4-mile Sheet 20D of the Department of Lands shows a small creek falling into the Gulf in 12° 59' S. lat. In this position, says MR. N. HEY (in a letter dated 5th February, 1919), there is only, in wet weather, a SMALL RUNNEL OF FRESH WATER, which could not be called a creek. It is, I have no doubt, the "WATERPLAETS" of 9th May, 1623, regarding which MR. J. T. EMBLEY has given me the following additional particulars, in a letter dated loth August, 1916: "The Waterplaets is at Pera Head. These headlands are about So feet high and consist of soft reddish and whitish sandstone. The red is most conspicuous, as being uppermost, and gives rise to the expression low reddish cliffs ' as in the sea chart and land maps. After the wet season--April and May--small SOAKAGES OF FRESH WATER may be noticed oozing out from the base, and it is this which must have given rise to the WATERPLAETS.' "]

"In the afternoon," continues Carstenszoon, "wind SW., course as before. From the aforesaid watering-place to a high hook, or cape [DUYFKEN POINT.--R.L.J.], is a great bight [ALBATROSS BAY.--R.L.J.] extending NE. by N. and SW. by S., 7 miles [28 minutes]. Anchored in the evening in 4½ fathoms."

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--This night anchorage was in ALBATROSS BAY, and, judging by the course on which next day's journey had to be begun, so as to clear Duyfken Point, outside of the shoals which guard the mouths of the Embley and Mission Rivers. It is singular that Carstenszoon gave no name to the bay, nor to its two "horns," Pera Head and Duyfken Point. On 26th April, 1756, Lavienne Lodowijk van Asschens, in charge of the "Buijs," recognised the bay as that which TASMAN, in 1644, had named VLIEGEBAAIJ, and on 31st May, 1756, Lieut. Jean Etienne Gonzal, commanding the "Rijder," called it MOSSELBAAIJ. The name now current was that of the Queensland Government's steamer "Albatross," which used to patrol Torres Strait during the administration of the Hon. John Douglas.--R.L.J.] [SEE MAP B.]

"In the morning of the l0th, wind ESE., steady weather, set sail, course WNW. [to clear Duyfken Point, after which the course, off the shore, would be N. by E.--R.L.J.] At midday, the latitude 12° 5' [10 miles north of the Pennefather River.--R.L.J.],

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and I personally landed, with the skipper, and, as before, saw many footprints of men and tracks of dogs (going southwards). High dung land, with reefs in front of the sandy beach. When we were pulling back to the ship, the savages showed themselves, with their weapons; whereupon we landed again and threw them some pieces of iron, which they picked up, refusing, however, to come to parley with us; after which we re-embarked. [Apparently the "Pera" lay at anchor in 12 5' S. from noon of the 10th till the following morning.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 11th, the wind ESE., good weather; thereupon set sail, course NNE., along the land, and in the afternoon passed a LARGE INLET (which the men of the Duyfken,' in the year 1606, went into with the boat, and one man was killed by the missiles of the savages) and which lies in II° 48', and is by us, in the new chart, entitled the REVIER DE CARPENTIER. [Although it is not distinctly stated, it is evident that the anchor was dropped here for the night.--R.L.J.]

"In the morning of the 12th, the wind ESE., lovely weather, and here I personally rowed, with the skipper, to the shore, on which stood many NATIVES, quite 200 of them, making a violent noise and with their ARROWS (pijlen) ready to throw, and evidently very distrustful, for, though pieces of iron and other things were thrown to them, they would not stop to parley, but tried every trick with the object of wounding and capturing one of our men. This compelled us to fire one or two shots to frighten them, one of them being hit in the breast and carried to the boat, while all the others retired into the sand dunes. In their wretched huts on the beach we found nothing but a four-edged assegai, two or three little stones, and some human bones, with which they make and scrape their weapons. We also found a quantity of resin and a piece of metal, which the wounded man had in his net, and which had probably been got from the Duyfken's ' men. At last, there being nothing more to be done here, we turned back to go aboard the ship, the wounded man dying on the way."

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--We are now confronted with the most difficult problem raised by the narrative of the "Pera's" eventful voyage, viz., the identification of the "reviers" Batavia and Carpentier.

It will be readily conceded that the diary for 11th May, 1623, proves that the navigators of the "Pera" were familiar with the charts of the "Duyfken," which were undoubtedly then extant. They probably carried copies with them, and would naturally make them their daily study.

Our difficulties begin with the discovery of the "Chart by the Upper Steersman Arend Martensz(oon) DE LEEUW, who took part in the Voyage," in the State archives at the Hague. The chart has no date, but it may be taken for granted that it was compiled prior to 163o, since in that year, Kepler and Eekerbrecht's map followed de Leeuw's in naming the Carpentier Revier the Batavia. It is not stated to what voyage reference is made in the title of de Leeuw's chart, but there can be no doubt that the "Pera's" voyage is indicated. The chart is reproduced in Remarkable Maps, II, 5, and (on a reduced scale) by Heeres (p. 46).

I offer the following as a fair and unbiassed paraphrase of the diary of 11th May, 1623:--

In the morning of the II th, we left the anchorage at 12° 5', and, with good weather and a favourable wind (ESE.), sailed NNE. along the land. Observed the sun at noon and made the latitude

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11° 48'. North of this latitude, and in the afternoon, having passed a large inlet, which we identified as that where the Duyfken' had one of her men killed, and which we named the REVIER DE CARPENTIER (Carpentier Inlet), we dropped the anchor. We landed here next morning..."

The mouth of a river, now known as the SKARDON, enters the Gulf in 11° 45', and everything points to this having been the inlet which Carstenszoon named the Carpentier.

It is very strange that the "Pera" should have passed, without remark, the entrance to PORT MUSGRAVE, which is practically the estuary of the great river which Tasman was the first to notice in 1644 and to which Asschens, in 1756, gave the name of BATAVIA, no doubt believing it to be de Leeuw's Batavia, that is to say, Carstenszoon's Carpentier. According to Mr. J. T. Embley, who is very familiar with the aspect of this portion of the coast, the entrance to Port Musgrave could hardly be missed by a ship passing in daylight and fine weather. Perhaps it was not unobserved by the officers of the "Pera," but the true explanation of their silence regarding it may lie in their anxiety to make northing, coupled with the fact that they were making good progress and the consideration that they passed the entrance too early in the day to be willing to stop. On the other hand, the identification, later in the day, of the inlet which had been the scene of the "Duykken's" mishap formed a perfectly sound reason for a halt with the object of making observations on shore.

Returning to DE LEEUW'S CHART: it bears, to my thinking, internal evidence of having been constructed--perhaps by request--some time after the conclusion of the voyage, and from memory, possibly with the aid of notes, by a man who had not, at the time, access to the ship's log or diary, or to the authentic newly made chart so often referred to therein. The following table shows, by means of parallel columns, how imperfect was de Leeuw's knowledge (or recollection) of the positions of the various inlets referred to in the log.

APPROXIMATE LATITUDES (BY SCALE) ON DE LEEUW'S CHART, COMPARED WITH LATITUDES GIVEN IN THE "Pera's" LOG AND CONFIRMED BY MODERN CHARTING

                                                     De Leeuw.  Correct.

R. Van Spult                                         11° 50' S. 10° 58' S.
R. Batavia (a river supposed by de Leeuw to enter
    Albatross Bay, but not mentioned in the log).    12° 34'       --
R. Carpentier (not mentioned by de Leeuw)               --      11° 48'
Watering-place (Pera Head)                           13° 5'     12° 55'
R. Coen                                              13° 35'    13° 7'
R. Vereenichde (Mitchell River)                      14° 50'    15° 12'
Watering-place (south of Angeram Mission Station)    15° 46'    15° 30'
R. Nassau                                            16° 40'    16° 10'
R. Staten (Accident Inlet, Gilbert River)            17°,20-30' 17° 12'

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The watering-place at PERA HEAD, north of the Coen River, to which de Leeuw assigned the latitude of 13° 5' (correctly, 12° 55') is one of the localities where de Leeuw and the "Pera's" log evidently mean the same thing. North of this watering-place de Leeuw shows a bay, at the head of which his supposed "REVIE R DE BATAVIA falls in. This bay (ALBATROSS BAY) is now known to be entered by the Embley and Mission, both considerable rivers, and although de Leeuw may have been justified in conjecturing that at least one river would enter the bay, it is more than doubtful if he could see either the Embley or the Mission. In any case, he had no authority to name this hypothetical river, or any other.

The captain of the "Pera" had his authority very much curtailed by the "Full Council," and even Carstenszoon had to bow to its decisions. It is quite possible that de Leeuw's memory, when he made his sketch-chart, may have recalled a discussion in the Council in the course of which the name Batavia was suggested, but the log leaves no room for doubt that the name Carpentier was finally adopted for the inlet identified with the "Duyfken's" misfortune.

Nevertheless, de Leeuw "got the ear" of cartographers, so that the name of Batavia appeared on Dutch maps long before Asschens gave that name (in 1756) to the river which enters the Gulf at Port Musgrave.--R.L.J.]

"Set sail at noon [12th May], wind SSW., course NNE., along the land, and having run on for 2 miles [8 minutes] came to anchor on the wind failing [say, 11° 40' S. lat.--R.L.J.].

"In the morning of the 13th, the wind SW., good weather, set sail, course NE. by N., in more than 7 fathoms and about 2 miles from the land. At noon, in latitude 11° 16', the wind E. In the evening, anchored in 2 fathoms, near an inlet (revier), which, in the chart, we have entitled the REVIER VAN SPULT. [SEE MAP A.] On the 14th, sailed before daylight, wind SE., steady weather. From the 9th of this month up to date, we have found the land of Nova Guinea to stretch NNE. to SSW., and from here onwards N. and S. Here [while the ship stood by under short sail] I, personally, rowed to the land, with the skipper and to musketeers, and saw many human footprints and tracks of dogs (going southwards) and also a very fine fresh water river which runs out into the sea, whence water could conveniently be taken by boats or pinnaces, and which lies in 10° 50' latitude, and is noted in the chart as DE WATERPLAETS (the Watering-place). The land is high and duny (sand dunes), with reefs in front of the sandy beach. Seeing that no service could be done, or profit made, here, we returned to the yacht (which was standing by with shortened sail)." [SEE MAPS B AND A.]

[EDITORIAL NOTE.--There is no reason to question the correctness of the observation for latitude (11° 16') made at noon on 13th May. The anchorage for that night, which was "near" an inlet from which fresh water was running out to sea, and which was named VAN SPULT, is another matter. The "Pera" dropped her anchor in the evening of the 13th, and sailed before daylight

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of the 14th, so that there was no opportunity for a solar observation.

The latitude attributed to the anchorage at the Van Spult Inlet must therefore have been more or less of a guess based upon dead reckoning. The guess made by the navigators was 10° 50'. Carstenszoon must have overestimated the distance sailed in the afternoon of the 13th. Had the "Pera" reached the latitude of 10º 50', Barn Island and Red Island could not have escaped observation, and indeed the high land of Prince of Wales Island must have appeared a much more striking object than the low-lying mainland. In view of what took place on the following day (14th May), the probability is that the observed inlet was where the modern chart shows a breach in the coast-line, in 10º 59'. The Van Spult is, therefore, probably a mouth of the JARDINE RIVER. The principal channel of that river (which has been carefully surveyed almost to its head), discharges into the Gulf in 10° 54', and the Jardine Brothers, in 1865, found the tide to flow up it for about 6 miles, even in a very wet season. It is quite possible, however, that another mouth, that named the Van Spult, carries fresh water down to the beach. The point could easily be settled, even by a party on foot, as the inlet is, apparently, not more than 10 miles west of Jardine's crossing of the river at his camp 87. After the landing party rejoined the "Pera" on 14th May, 1623, the narrative continues as follows.--R.L.J.]

"Towards evening [14th May], we were about one mile from three little islands, of which the southmost was the largest [WOODY and WALLIS ISLANDS] and some 5 miles [20 minutes] to the north, by our estimate, was mountainous land [PRINCE OF WALES ISLAND], which, however, it was impossible to approach by reason of shoals; for in almost every direction in which we took soundings very shallow water was found, and we sailed for a long time over 5, 4, 3, 2½, 2 and 1½ fathoms, or even less, and at last were obliged to anchor in fathoms, without knowing where to look for greater or less depths. After sunset, therefore, we sent out the boat to take soundings, and water deeper than 2, 3 and 4½ fathoms was found, to which, very well pleased, we brought the yacht, and anchored in 8 fathoms, thanking God Almighty for His unspeakable grace and mercy on this occasion, as on all others.

"In the morning of the 15th, the wind SE., good weather, thereupon set sail, course W., which took us into shallower water, such as 2, 2½. and 3 fathoms; altered course to SW., where we had 3½, 4, 5 and 6 fathoms, or more. Lost sight of the land, which, because of the shoals, reefs and banks, as well as of the easterly winds, it was not possible to reach and follow further. This was agreed to, and it was resolved--to avoid all the obvious dangers which would be encountered if we continued to coast the land any longer--to TURN BACK and, firstly to shape our course for the Yleermuis Eijlant. We therefore stood out to sea, westwards, in 9½ fathoms and upwards, and, keeping west, made 17 miles [68 minutes] in 24 hours, finding no bottom in 27 fathoms.

"NOTE.--That in our landings between 13° and 11°, we only saw blacks or savages twice, and that they received us with even greater hostility than had the men further south; also that they have some knowledge of muskets, of which, apparently, they had learned, to their great cost, from the men of the Duyfken,' who landed here in the year 1606.

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"...In the morning of the 22nd...we turned our course westward... About noon, we saw the island of ARU ahead of us...The yacht Aernem,' which on the 27th ultimo, being then in 17°, alongside of Nova Guinea, deliberately ran away from the Pera,' was not to be seen, nor was she heard of from the Aruese who came alongside us with their prows...

"On 8th June, in the evening, anchored before the castle of AMBOINA, having thus completed our voyage through the gracious providence of God, Who, we pray, will bestow on Their High Mightinesses the States-General, on His Excellency the Prince of Orange and on the Directors of the United East India Company, and especially on the Most Noble the Governor-General and his Governors, fortune and success in all their good undertakings.

Remaining ever,br Their High Mightinesses', etc., most obedient and affectionate Servant,
JAN CARSTENSZOON."

On the home voyage of the "Pera" MONUMENTS were erected at Aru and Queij, with inscriptions which have to be recorded here because of their significance as historical documents.

I. AT ARU (SEE VAN DIJK, UNDER DATE 22ND MAY, 1623)

"Anchored opposite the native village of Woodgier on the second of the northmost islands of the Aroe group, where they received a friendly welcome. The same day concluded with the Aroe chiefs a TREATY under which they accepted Dutch protection. A high column was erected bearing the inscription:--

"In the year 1623, on the 1st of February, there came here to Aroe the yachts "Pera" and "Arnhem," Commandeur Jan Carstensz., Koopleiden (Traders) Jan Bruwel and Pieter Lingtes,[1] Skippers Jan Sluijs, Dirck Melisz., Stuurlieden (Mates) Arent Martensz. and Jan Jansz., dispatched under order and command of the Noble Lord General Jan Pietersen Coen, on behalf of their High Mightinesses the States-General, His Excellency the Prince of Orange and Messrs. the Directors of the United East India Company; and we have also on the 4th day of the same taken possession of the island for the above-mentioned Highnesses. Likewise the Chiefs and People have placed themselves under the protection and rule of the aforesaid Lords and saluted the Princely flag."

II. AT QUEIJ (SEE VAN DIJK, UNDER DATE 30m MAY, 1623)

"Reached Queij, in front of the native village of Waijer, whose inhabitants, as well as those of Laer and Ada, were informed of the protectorate of the Dutch. At Laer, a high column was erected, bearing the inscription:--

"Anno 1623, the last day of May, here to Queij came the yacht "Pera," Commandeur Jan Carstensz., Coopman Pieter Lingtes, Schipper Jan Sluijs, Stierman Arent Martensz., by order and command of the Noble Lord General Jan Pietersen Coen, sent on behalf of the High Mighty Lords the States-General, His Excellency the Prince of Orange, etc., and Messrs. the Directors of the United East India Company, and by us also on the said 30th the villages of Waijer, Laer and Ada were

[1) Named Lintiens in the Diary.--R.L.J.]

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taken possession of for the aforesaid personages and the Chiefs and People placed themselves under the protection and rule of the said Lords and saluted the Prince's flag."

The formality and quasi-legal phraseology of these inscriptions contrast strongly with the simplicity of the inscription on the board nailed up at the Staten River.

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CHAPTER VIII

THE VOYAGE OF THE "Pera" AND "AERNEM" (1623), continued

V. THE "AERNEM"

CARELESS LANDING ON NEW GUINEA COAST. SKIPPER AND NINE MEN KILLED AND SOME WOUNDED BY NATIVES. "AERNEM'S" INFERIOR SAILING QUALITIES. HER DESERTION OF THE "PERA." CROSSES GULF OF CARPENTARIA. GROOTE ISLAND. ARNHEIM LAND.

NO reader of Carstenszoon's narrative can fail to observe that although the "Aernem" was inferior in sailing qualities to her consort, the "Pera," she was expected to keep up with her, and that her failure to do so was the cause of much friction between the officers of the two ships.

Before the expedition left the shores of NEW GUINEA proper, and approximately in 4° 20' S. lat., the "Aernem" met with a DISASTER which is related by Carstenszoon under date 11th February, 1623:-

"The same day the skipper of the yacht "Aernem," DIRCK MELISZOON, without the knowledge of myself or of the supercargo or first mate of the said yacht, unadvisedly rowed to the open beach in the boat, with fifteen persons, officers and hands, with only four muskets, with the object of fishing. There was great disorder in landing, the men running off in different directions, and presently the BLACKS issued savagely from the bush and, to begin with, SEIZED an assistant named JAN WILLENS(ZOON) VAN DEN BRIEL, who was unarmed, and dragged him away from the others, and so forth, without our people having been able to resist or shoot. Next, with arrows, callaways and oars which they took out of the boat, they SLEW no less than NINE of our men and WOUNDED the remaining SEVEN (among them the SKIPPER, who was the first to run away), who by a miracle, and by means of the boat and a single oar, returned to the ship in a sorry plight, the skipper loudly lamenting his gross imprudence and begging forgiveness for the fault he had committed."

He DIED next day, and was succeeded by WILLEM JOOSTEN VAN COOLSTEERDT, second mate of the "Pera."

The return voyage had barely commenced when the "Aernem" once more lagged behind (27th April, 1623) before dark, and the "Pera" saw her no more. (SEE MAP H.) The latter was then at anchor off the coast of the Cape York Peninsula, in about 16° 25' S. lat. Carstenszoon, in his diary, accuses the "Aernem" of deliberate desertion because her men had no liking for the business, and he believed they desired to have "a good time" at Aru, where, apparently, the natives were kind. It is, indeed, more than likely

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that the "Aernem's" complement were heartily tired of the voyage, which brought them daily recrimination on account of the shortcomings of their vessel, for which they were not to blame. They had hardships enough, saw no chance of profit for themselves and were condemned to play the unenviable part of second fiddle. On the other hand, it is probable that the "jury" rudder was lost, in which case (the wind being SE. by E.), the ship would have to stand out to sea, and in course of time some other substitute for a rudder would have to be rigged up. At any rate, ISACK DE BRUNE, Governor of BANDA, reported to the Governor-General, PIETER DE CARPENTIER, that on 14th May a ship was sighted, which proved to be the "Aernem," and that she had lost her rudder on the 13th.

No report of the "Aernem's" voyage is known to exist, and with her parting from the "Pera" she passes out of the region with which we are dealing. HEERES, who has thoroughly investigated the whole of the available documentary evidence, comes to the conclusion that the first land she saw was GROOTE EYLAND and that afterwards she skirted the north-western horn of the Gulf of Car- pentaria, forming the northern portion (now known as ARNHEM LAND) of the "Northern Territory" of Australia.

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CHAPTER IX

TASMAN'S VOYAGE OF 1644

FIRST TO CIRCUMNAVIGATE NEW HOLLAND (1642-3). TOUCHES VAN DIEMEN'S LAND (TASMANIA). BELIEVES IT TO BE SOUTHERN EXTREMITY OF NEW HOLLAND. COASTS 'NEW ZEALAND. To BATAVIA, VIA NORTH COAST OF NEW GUINEA, WHICH HE BELIEVES TO BE JOINED TO AUSTRALIA. THE 1644 EXPEDITION. THREE VESSELS LEAVE BATAVIA. SAILING ORDERS. SATISFIED THAT THERE IS NO STRAIT BETWEEN NEW GUINEA AND NEW HOLLAND. REPORT, IF ANY, STILL UNDISCOVERED, BUT A SKETCH-MAP SHOWS THAT TASMAN FOLLOWED COAST-LINE FROM THE "DRY BIGHT" (TORRES STRAIT) ROUND THE SHORES OF GULF OF CARPENTARIA, PAST ARNHEIM LAND AND ALONG THE NORTH AND WEST COAST OF AUSTRALIA TO THE TROPIC OF CAPRICORN. A POOR COUNTRY, INHABITED BY MISERABLE BUT MALIGNANT SAVAGES. TASMAN PROBABLY DID NOT CARRY THE "Pera" DIARY OR CHARTS. HAD BEEN FURNISHED WITH AN INACCURATE "SPECIALLY PREPARED" CHART. NAMES NEW INLETS IN CAPE YORK PENINSULA AND OBSERVES MOUTH OF PORT MUSGRAVE ESTUARY. NAMES PRINCE INLET (PENNEFATHER RIVER). NAMES VLIE6E BAIJ (ALBATROSS BAY). MISIDENTIFIES THE "Pera's" COEN AND NASSAU INLETS. ARNHEIM RIVER (= VAN ROOK CREEK?). MISIDENTIFIES "Pera's" STATEN INLET. NAMES VAN DIEMEN INLET (NORMAN RIVER), VAN DER LIJN INLET (BYNOE MOUTH OF FLINDERS RIVER) AND CARON INLET (MOUTH OF FLINDERS RIVER).

Of all her gallant sailors there is none of whom Holland has more reason to be proud than of ABEL JANSZOON TASMAN. In many voyages of discovery he rendered signal services to his country. Only two of these, however, come within the scope of our inquiry.

Prior to the first of these voyages, the western and a portion of the southern shores of Australia were already known, but the theory that the South Land formed part of a great antarctic continent had yet to be disproved. In 1642-3, Tasman demonstrated the INSULARITY OF "NEW HOLLAND" by sailing round it, although at a great distance, with Batavia as his starting- and finishing-post. He touched TASMANIA (named by him Van Diemen's Land) and rounded its southern end, believing it to be the southern limit of the South Land, now to be called New Holland. Thence he sailed eastward to NEW ZEALAND, which he coasted to the north. He returned to Batavia via the Friendly Islands, Fiji and the north coast of NEW GUINEA, which he believed to be the northmost part of New Holland. Tasman's journal is extant and relates, with painstaking industry, the minutest details of his remarkable voyage.

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The voyage which mainly concerns us is that of 1644. The INSTRUCTIONS[1] of the Governor-General and Council of the Dutch East India Company were drawn up at Batavia on 13th January, 1644, and were signed by Antonie Van Diemen, Cornelis Van Der Lijn (Director-General), Joan Maetsuijker, Justus Schouten ("Councillor-Extraordinary to the present assembly"), Salomon Sweers, and Pieter Metschagh (Secretary).

The ships employed in the expedition were the yachts "Limmen" and "Zeemeeuw" and the galiot "Bracq," and their respective complements were:--

"Limmen"    45 sailors, 11 soldiers = 56
"Zeemeeuw"  35           6          = 41
"Bracq"     14                      = 14
                                     ---
Total                                111
                                     ---

From the instructions and a list of members of the Full Council, we gather how each of the ships was officered:--

Limmen.--Commander and Skipper, Abel Janszoon Tasman. Assistant Skipper, Pilot-Major Francois Jacobszoon Visscher. Mate, Crin Hendrikszoon. Trader (Assistant Supercargo), Counsel and Secretary, Anthonio Blauw.

"Zeemeeuw." Skipper, Dirck Corneliszoon Haen. Supercargo, Isaac Gilesemans. Mate, Carsten Jeuraenszoon.

"Bracq." Skipper, Jasper Janszoon Koos. Mate,. Cornelis Robel.

When matters concerning navigation were to be discussed in the FULL COUNCIL, the second mates were to be called in. Councils of individual ships were to consist of the officers, to whom were to be added the Assistant Supercargoes or book-keepers and the master-boatswains. The minutes of the Full Council were to be made out in triplicate.

The fleet left BATAVIA on 30th January, and returned to that port on l0th August, 1644.

The SAILING ORDERS began with a preamble recapitulating the achievements of previous navigators in the region to be visited, and to this narrative we are indebted, inter alia, in default of the "Duyfken's" journal and charts, for some of our scanty information regarding her disastrous pioneering voyage along the coast of the Cape York Peninsula.

The orders were first to go to Banda and there to take in water and firewood and to obtain such information regarding "New

[1) Printed in Dalrymple's Collections concerning Papua, in Major's Early Voyages, in Heeres' Life of Tasman and (partly) in Heeres' Part borne by the Dutch, etc.]

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Guinea" as could be supplied by the Vice-Governor, who, it was said, was likely to have a copy of CARSTENSZOON'S JOURNAL of the "Pera" and Aernem" expedition. This shows that, in 1644, the journal was not obtainable in Batavia; and it may be assumed that the "Pera's" chart was also missing. Tasman, therefore, unless he succeeded in obtaining copies in Banda, must have started on his voyage of exploration without these documents which were so essential to his success in identifying the localities visited and charted by Carstenszoon.

After leaving Banda, Tasman was instructed to make for FALSE CAPE, on the New Guinea coast; to follow the coast east to 9° S. latitude; cautiously to clear the shoals (the so-called "DROOGE BOCHT," the entrance to TORRES STRAIT); to anchor near the High Island (PRINCE OF WALES ISLAND) or the SPEULT RIVER and to send the "Bracq" into the bight to make one more search for the alleged (and actual) passage. Having settled this point, he was to skirt the west coast of "New Guinea" southward to the FURTHEST KNOWN POINT, about 17° S. latitude. Thence he was to follow the coast and connect the coast-line charted by Carstenszoon with the "VAN DIEMEN'S LAND" discovered by himself and supposed to be the southern extremity of the "South Land." He was, however, to carry out only as much of this programme as time would permit; but, in any case, he was to be back in Batavia, via Sunda Strait, "by June or July."

The expedition, as we have seen, returned to Batavia on l0th August, and we are justified in assuming that the instructions were obeyed, although the carrying out of the full programme was impossible. As a matter of fact, Tasman had only followed the Australian coast (already to some extent known) to the Tropic of Capricorn when the prescribed time-limit compelled him to make for Batavia. Considerable portions of the Australian coast west of where the "Pera" turned back had already, however, been discovered and more or less charted from twenty-eight to twenty-one years before; so that Tasman's achievement consisted of a demonstration of the CONTINUITY OF THE LAND from the 44 Drooge Bocht (Torres Strait) to the Tropic of Capricorn. His contributions to cartography were chiefly the southern and western shores of the GULF OF CARPENTARIA and the coast-line from Melville Island to the Tropic of Capricorn.

A clause in the instructions (perhaps mere routine) empowered Tasman to take possession of new discoveries and to enter into Treaties. There is nothing to show that either power was exercised. The tone of contemporary official references to the expedition gives the impression that the Dutch East India Company regarded it as having been only moderately successful and as having failed to add materially to the Company's assets. The presumption is that Tasman did not claim to have discovered any land of value or to

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have fallen in with any potentates with whom it was worth his while to conclude alliances.

Before leaving Batavia, Tasman was supplied with a SPECIALLY PREPARED CHART, which, no doubt, showed all that was known of the south coast of New Guinea (as we know the island to-day) and the north, west and south coasts of Australia. There is reason to believe that, as regards previous exploration of the coast of the Cape York Peninsula, this chart was very imperfect.

In a report under date 23rd December, 164, signed by Van Dieman, Van der Lijn, Sweers, Crooq and Van Alpen (President), representing the Governor and Council of the Dutch East India Company, and addressed to "The Noble, Worshipful, Provident and Very Discreet Gentlemen" (The Directors of the Company in Holland), it is stated that Tasman's expedition, after leaving Bantam on 29th February, 1644, "followed the coast-line, but found NO OPEN CHANNEL between the half-known Nova Guinea and the known land of Eendracht or Willem's River in 22½° S. latitude and 119° longitude.[1] They, however, found a large, spacious BAY OR GULF, as shown in the annexed CHART AND JOURNALS. Nor did they make any profit by bartering, having only met with naked, beach-roaming wretches, destitute of rice and not possessed of any fruits worth mentioning, excessively poor and in many places of a very malignant nature, as Your Worships may in great detail gather from the BATAVIA MINUTES, in which are recorded the courses kept and the incidents of the voyage, under date 4th, 5th and l0th August last, at which time the said Tasman returned to our port through Sunda Strait, from the latitude and rongitude aforesaid of the South Land (having continually sailed in shallow water along the coast)...This vast and hitherto unknown South Land has by the said Tasman been sailed round in two voyages and is computed to comprise 2,000 miles of land, as shown by the delineation of the Charts, which we subjoin for Your Worships' inspection."

Whatever became of Tasman's journal, it has not come down to us. There is, however, a CHART, on the scale of 1 cm. to a degree of longitude, showing Tasman's routes in 1642-3 and 1644, entitled "Company's New Netherlands. To the east the large Land of Nova Guinea forming one land with the first-known South Land, and all of it joined together, as may be seen from the dotted course-line of the Yachts 'Limmen' and Zeemeeuw' and the Galiot 'Bracq' anno 1644." A further inscription says: "This Work has been put together out of divers Writings, together with Personal Observations by Abel Janszoon Tasman anno Domini 1644." The chart shows a continuous New Guinea and Cape York Peninsula, with a shallow bight between. PROFESSOR HEERES,

[1) Actually 113° E. The Dutch of this period reckoned longitude from the meridian of the Peak of Teneriffe, which is 16° 46' W. of Greenwich.]

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in his great work, The Life of Tasman,[1] describes it as having been "drawn-up immediately, after the (164 expedition and under the eye of Tasman himself." It may, indeed, be a copy of the chart forwarded with the Report by the Governor-General and Council at Batavia to the Directors in Holland. It was reproduced by JACOB SWART in his Journaal van de Reis nar het Onbekende Zuidland in den Jare 1642 door Abel Janszoon Tasman (Amsterdam, 1860), and HEERES, in his Life of Tasman gives a version of it, with the place-names and other inscriptions translated into English.

The names along the west coast of the Cape York Peninsula in the charts reproduced by Swart and Heeres are as in Column I of the table below, and the latitudes as in Columns II and III; but the small scale of the map, together with a "personal equation" resulting from mechanical differences in drawing between the two maps, makes it impossible, in some cases, to be certain of the positions indicated within a few minutes of latitude. [Table not reproduced in this ebook]

[1) The full title is: "Abel Janszoon Tasman's Journal of his Discovery of Van Diemen's Land and New Zealand in 1642, with Documents relating to his Exploration of Australia in 1644, being Photo-lithographic Fac-Similes of the Original Manuscript in the Colonial Archives of the Hague, with an English Translation and Fac-Similes of Original Maps; To which are added Life and Labours of Abel Janszoon Tasman, by J. E. Heeres, LL.D., Professor at the Dutch Colonial Institute, Delft, and Observations made with the Compass on Tasman's Voyage by Dr. W. Van Bemmelen, Assistant Director of the Royal Meteorological Institute, Utrecht". Amsterdam, 1898.

It is almost needless to say that the greater part of the facts quoted in this chapter relating to Tasman's voyage are borrowed from this exhaustive work, for which Professor Heeres is peculiarly qualified not only because of the exceptional opportunities enjoyed by him for obtaining access to the original documents, but also because of his critical and judicial mind. He is, however, not at all responsible for the views and comments herein. I may claim, perhaps, better opportunities for access to Australian documents and charts.--R.L.J.]

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It would be of great assistance to know whether or not Tasman succeeded in getting Carstenszoon's diary and charts from the Vice-Governor at Banda. I am inclined to think that he left Banda without these important documents[1] and had to rely entirely on the general chart with which he was furnished at Batavia. Had he been able to refer to the original report and chart, he would surely have adopted for the northmost "Watering-place" at which he touched, Carstenszoon's name of "Van Spult Revier." The question arises, was the sketch-chart made by de Leeuw, mate of the "Pera," prepared for the guidance of Tasman? I conclude that it could not have been, or Tasman would have used de Leeuw's name of "Batavia Revier" instead of Carstenszoon's "Carpentier."

The note at 17° S. latitude, on Tasman's 1644 chart, which may be freely translated: "Some people have been as far as this," was, in all probability, of the nature of an instruction. To that point the coast had been explored, and it was in Tasman's discretion (I) to hurry past it and begin where Carstenszoon left off, or (2) to land from time to time for the purpose of verifying Carstenszoon's report. His decision would depend upon how much time he was prepared to spend on an already-known coast.

In all probability, he landed, or at least anchored, in several places on the coast of the Cape York Peninsula short of previous explorers' furthest south, as he makes observations, or leaves names, which he could not possibly have got from pre-existing charts, e.g., the Prince Revier 12'), the Revier mit Bosch (If 30' or 12° 33'), Vliege Baij (13° 12'), Visscher's Revier (13° 42', named after his Assistant Skipper) and the Pera Revier (i6° 15'). It remains for us to consider the places named by Tasman, one by one, in their order from north to south.

Having given the shoals of the "Drooge Bocht" a wide berth, the first position noted in Cape York Peninsula is the WATER PLAETS to which the latitude of II° S. is assigned.

Carstenszoon, in the "Pera," on 14th May, 1623, noted an inlet (SEE MAP A) which he named "WATERING-PLACE" and also "REVIER VAN SPULT," in, as he said, 10° 50' S. lat. For reasons already given, I have pointed out that this (which is the latitude of Red Island) is impossible, and that the Van Spult Inlet must be a mouth of the Jardine River, and in, or about, 10° 59' S. Carstenszoon having described it as an ideal watering-place, where fresh water could be taken up in buckets lowered from ships, Tasman was likely enough to have paid it a visit, especially if he needed water. If he really found and identified it, he was practically

[1) My son, R. Lockhart Jack, suggests that if Tasman had a difficulty in obtaining the "Pera's" charts, he would endeavour to enlist and carry with him some of the "Pera's" old sailors, in the hope of getting from them assistance in the identification of Carstenszoon's reviers.--R.L.J.]

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correct in placing it in 11°. But why did he not 'adopt Carstenszoon's name of "Van Spult"?

The next position noted by Tasman is the "STAETEN REVIER," in II° 50' (Swart) or 11° 54' (Heeres). (SEE MAP B.) Close to the coast and in either of these latitudes, Tasman would be looking into the mouth of PORT MUSGRAVE, the estuary common to the Batavia, Ducie and Dalhunty Rivers of modern maps. He had just passed (apparently without observing it) the river to which Carstenszoon gave the name of CARPENTIER (called the SKARDON RIVER in modern maps), and still believed that river to be a long way south and this shows how inaccurate was the chart on which he had to rely for information as to his predecessor's discoveries. Having missed the real Carpentier and found another "revier" not very far to the south, he would almost certainly have called the latter the Batavia had he been in possession of either de Leeuw's chart (date uncertain, say 1623-30) or Kepler and Eekerbrecht's chart (1630), as de Leeuw had altered Carstenszoon's name of Carpentier to Batavia and Kepler and Eekerbrecht had copied from him. TASMAN' DID NOT, however, CALL THE INLET THE BATAVIA, but, believing it to be new, called it the Staeten (States) Revier. Why he should have called it by that name is a mystery, seeing that (as proved by his subsequent erroneous identification of another Staeten Revier in 16° 47') Carstenszoon's Staten Revier was shown (although, incorrectly, to the north of lat. 17°) in the "specially prepared" map which he carried.

Up to the date when Tasman passed Port Musgrave, the singular state of affairs was that NO inlet had yet been named the Batavia, although the name even then stood on at least two charts. As a matter of fact, the name was first applied in 1756 to the principal river debouching into Port Musgrave by VAN ASSCHENS, the mate in command of the "Buijs," who, no doubt, was in possession of Kepler and Eekerbrecht's chart, if not of de Leeuw's. Thus Tasman was the first to notice the mouth of the Port Musgrave Estuary, but he gave it a name (Staeten) which cannot be accepted, and Van Asschens was the first to apply the name Batavia to the principal river discharging into the estuary.

Tasman's third position is in 12° 18' (Swart) or 12º 13' (Heeres), and is named the PRINCE REVIER, probably in honour of Prince Frederik Henry, then Stadtholder of Holland. The only opening between 12° 13' and 12° 18' is the mouth (12° 14'-12° 15') of the PENNEFATHER RIVER, which has figured on maps for several decades as the "COEN" River, from Flinders' erroneous identification with the "revier" to which Carstenszoon gave that name. Tasman had named the inlet in question the "PRINCE" more than two centuries before it was named the Pennefather.

Tasman's "REVIER MIT BOSCH"" (Wooded Inlet) is placed in 12° 33' by Swart and in 12° 30' by Heeres. On modern charts,

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the mouth Of PINE or NOMENADE CREEK is in 12° 30', but to reach it Tasman must have doubled sharply round DUYFKEN POINT, and it is very odd indeed that his 1644 chart gives no indication of this very prominent cape. The omission may be attributable to a desire to avoid overcrowding the chart with details.

If Tasman really sailed to the mouth of Pine Creek, he was then well inside of ALBATROSS BAY, and his next inlet, which he calls the "REVIER CARPENTIER," 1S placed in a bay in 12° 48'. In 12° 40', the EMBLEY RIVER discharges into Albatross Bay. Tasman's observation may be correct, but why should he have given a new name (Staeten Revier) to Carstenszoon's Carpentier Inlet? And why should he have identified as Carstenszoon's Carpentier an inlet 55 minutes to the south of it? It is easier to believe that he was supplied with a very imperfect chart of Carstenszoon's voyage than that he was careless in his identifications. I conclude that he did not find Carstenszoon's diary and chart at Banda, as the Governor and Council at Batavia expected he would, and that the "special chart" supplied to him was imperfect and misleading.

Tasman next writes "VLIEGE BAIJ" (Fly Bay) on the coast in 13° 12' S. Towards the latter end of the nineteenth century, this bay was labelled by the Hon. John Douglas (I am afraid unalterably) "ALBATROSS BAY." It extends from Duyfken Point (12° 33' S.) to Pera Head (12º 55' S.), and receives the important, and to some extent navigable, MISSION and EMBLEY RIVERS. Here, for the first time, Tasman's latitude will not square with modern charting, as, even if the latitude given by him is meant to be that where he left the bay behind him, he is wrong by 17 minutes too much south. In any case, his name of Fly Bay has priority, by more than two and a half centuries, over the de facto name Albatross Bay. The name probably records the fact that mosquitoes had forced themselves on Tasman's notice. The skipper of the "Buijs," in April, 1756, recognised VLIEGE BAIJ, although, a month later, the skipper of the "Rijder" named it MOSSEL BAIJ. (SEE MAP D.)

South of Albatross Bay, an inlet in 13° 30' (Swart) or 13° 27' (Heeres) was named the REVIER COEN by Tasman, who evidently believed that he had identified the inlet (in 13° 7') so named by Carstenszoon.

The "Investigator" Chart by FLINDERS (1802), corrected by the Admiralty surveyors up to 1896, shows no break in the coast-line in the position (13° 7' S.) assigned to the Coen Revier by Carstenszoon in 1623; nor does the Lands Department map. In the chapter devoted to Missionary Exploration it is shown that the "Pera's" anchorage was in 13° 7' and that a boat's crew landed there, and a short walking distance to the north found a small inlet remarkable only for the presence of esculent herbs, and which was named the COEN. The Rev. N. Hey, of the Mapoon Mission,

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informs me that there is such a water-course in 13º 4' S. lat. Tasman was mistaken in his identification of the inlet in 13° 27-13° 30' with Carstenszoon's Coen, which is in 13° 4'. Tasman's inlet is, in fact, in lat. 13° 20'-13° 21', and is the mouth of the important river named the ARCHER by Jardine in 1865. Some 70 miles from its mouth, the Archer splits into two branches, and the southern and shorter has borne the name of the COEN since 1876, for the reason that the discoverers of a GOLDFIELD on its upper reaches believed it to be the head of the "Pera's" (i.e., Carstenszoon's) Coen. The Lands Department maps now call the river of the goldfield the "SOUTH COEN." Tasman's erroneous identification was probably due to the imperfection of the charts with which he had been supplied.

It would not surprise me if direct investigation were to prove the inlet in 13° 27'-30' which Tasman mistook for the Coen to be a mouth of the Archer. Considering the "habit" of rivers on this coast, I should expect a river like the Archer to have several mouths. In fact, a sketch-map recently made by the Rev. A. Richter, and certified by the Rev. N. Hey, shows a mouth named the DUGALLY RIVER in 13° 33'. There are probably 'other inlets or mouths of the Archer between 13° 33' and 13° 20', where the only charted mouth is located, and in this case we need not even suppose an error of a few minutes of latitude on Tasman's part.

Next in order, in Tasman's 1664 chart, is VISSCHER'S REVIER, in 13° 42'. Here, again, no inlet appears on the most recent Admiralty charts or on the maps of the Lands Department. On the latter, the whole of the coast-line from the mouth of the Archer River to Cape Keerweer is a blank; but my charting (not very far to the east) of Jardine's route of the last days of 1864, from his camp numbered 55 to that numbered 57, shows that a group of considerable streams must find their way to the sea somewhere on this stretch of coast, unless they all go to feed the Archer River. It is, however, equally probable that, assuming Tasman's latitude to be correct, the inlet which he named in compliment to his Assistant-Skipper was a mouth of the Archer itself. So far, there is no reason for suspecting any serious error in Tasman's latitudes. The fact that he named what he believed to be a new "revier" in 13° 42' is strong evidence that he actually landed in or near that latitude.

The next locality noted on Tasman's chart is CAPE KEERWEER (where the "Duyfken" turned back), which he places in 14° 36'. In that latitude nothing like a cape appears in modern official sea charts or land maps. I suggest that his course here was too far out at sea to enable him to lay down this not very prominent cape from his own observation and that he copied it from the defective chart which he carried. (SEE MAP F.)

South of the real (13° 58') and the imaginary (14° 36') Cape

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Keerweer, Tasman's chart shows the "VEREENIGDE REVIER" (the "main channel" of the MITCHELL RIVER), in 15° 12' (Swart) or 15° 6' (Heeres). Modern charts place it in 15° 9'. Did Tasman identify the inlet so named by Carstenszoon, or did he merely copy from the chart supplied to him?

Next in order comes the "WATER PLAETS" in 15° 30', which agrees with Carstenszoon's data. I doubt if Tasman would have attempted to land here if he had had access to the text of Carstenszoon's diary, which shows that water was only to be collected by a tedious process and in trifling quantity. For this reason, I conclude that he did not land, and that he merely copied the note from the chart supplied to him. (SEE MAP H.)

Tasman next places the REVIER NASSAU in 15° 37' (Swart) or 15° 48' (Heeres), instead of in 16° 10' where it was placed by Carstenszoon, and where, according to modern maps, an unnamed creek runs into the sea. A large river, which modern maps name the Nassau, and which is one of the mouths of the Mitchell River, runs into the sea in latitude, 15° 54', but it was unnoticed by Carstenszoon. It is more likely that Tasman copied the Revier Nassau from the imperfect chart supplied to him than that he was 33 or 22 minutes out in his own observation, so that I doubt if he really visited it. His supposed identification of Carstenszoon's Nassau was, unfortunately, accepted by FLIN DERS (1802), and has, since then, passed into geography and literature, so that the error cannot now becorrected. It must, however, be understood that the "NASSAU" MOUTH of the MITCHELL, as it appears on modern land maps, is not Carstenszoon's Nassau, and that the name is merely a complimentary one.

On an inlet in 16° (Swart) or 16° 15' (Heeres), Tasman bestows the name of the REVIER PERA. If the latitude (16°) scaled from Swart's version of Tasman's chart correctly conveys Tasman's meaning, this Pera Inlet must, according to the Lands Department map, be the "TIDAL MOUTH" OF LEI CH HARDT'S "ROCKY CREEK." This mouth is navigable by small craft for four miles. It may, therefore, be conceded that Tasman landed at or rowed up the inlet which he named the Pera Revier.

South of the Pera inlet, and 5 minutes south of the mouth of the large river which modern maps (incorrectly, though irrevocably) name the Staaten River, Tasman places the REVIER ARNHEM in 16° 30'. Modern land maps show that a water-course, known as VAN ROOK CREEK, leaks out of the Einasleigh, a tributary of the Gilbert River, and falls into the Gulf in this latitude, only 6 miles south of the mouth of the Staaten River, de facto, after meandering across the coastal plain, in a general WNW. direction, for 150 miles. Carstenszoon, in the diary of the "Pera's" voyage, made no mention of an inlet in this neighbourhood, where he was fuming over the desertion and supposed treachery of the "Aernem."

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I am inclined to believe that Tasman actually saw the inlet which he named the Arnhem, and that he named it in commemoration of the last appearance of that yacht on the "New Guinea" coast.

In an inlet in 16° 47' (Heeres), Tasman believed himself to have recognised Carstenszoon's STATEN REVIER. The modern land map shows a mouth of the Gilbert River falling into the Gulf in 16° 45', and it may be assumed that this is the inlet mistaken by Tasman for Carstenszoon's Staten Revier. There is, however, as is argued elsewhere, every ground for believing that CARSTENSZOON'S STATEN REVIER was ACCIDENT INLET, another mouth of the Gilbert, in 17° 13'. However, seeing that the note in the chart "specially prepared" for Tasman's use laid down 17° as the limit of previous discovery, he was compelled to recognise, SHORT OF THAT LATITUDE, some inlet or other as that which was the "Pera's" and "Aernem's" furthest south, and which Carstenszoon named the STATEN REVIER. That note itself was incorrect, Carstenszoon's diary giving the latitude as 17° 8', while 17° 13' is probably more accurate. That Tasman accepted the authority of the note is an additional proof, if such were required, that he was not in possession of Carstenszoon's diary or chart.

The foregoing attempt to follow Tasman, with the assistance of modern charts, along the coast previously described by Carstenszoon leads to the conclusion that while he might very well, in following the instructions laid down for his guidance, have passed rapidly over the already-described region and commenced operations where Carstenszoon left off, he adopted the alternative course of spending a considerable amount of time in verifying Carstenszoon's information. That his success was indifferent is probably attributable to the imperfection of the chart with which he was supplied.

It must be remembered that we have not the chart which accompanied Tasman's instructions, and that there are good grounds for the belief that it gave only an imperfect, second-hand delineation of Carstenszoon's discoveries; that Tasman, apparently, was not furnished with Carstenszoon's diary or chart; and that we have not Tasman's account of his own voyage and have to rely on a small-scale chart on which he laid down his discoveries, identifications and observations. (SEE MAP M.)

Free at last, and with an absolutely untouched stretch of coast before him, I am inclined to think that Tasman found that he had already spent too much time in verifying Carstenszoon's data, and that he had to hurry over what should have been the most important part of his task. It may be truthfully said in excuse for him that the whole world presents but few stretches of coast less picturesque than that on which he was now entering. It may well be imagined that he was content, in the first place, by a cursory observation, to

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settle whether "New Guinea" (as he regarded it), or Cape York Peninsula (in reality), was continuous with Arnhem Land or whether a passage to the south lay between.

Presumably with the intention of making certain that he was now on an unexplored shore, Tasman made his first descent at 17° 30' (Swart) or 17° 33' (Heeres), where he named VAN DIEMEN INLET (Revier). Next, he named the VAN DER LIJN and CARON INLETS, the latter in 17° 47'.

FLINDERS, in 1802, in the "Investigator," believed he had identified Tasman's Van Diemen Inlet in the mouth of the Gilbert River (16° 57'). All the attendant circumstances point to the incorrectness of this identification, but it has, nevertheless, been adopted without question in subsequent official maps. Firstly, there is the discrepancy between the latitudes of 16° 57' and 17° 30'. Then it is precisely at his Van Diemen's Inlet that Tasman makes the trend of the coast-line change from S. by W. to W. by S. I see no reason for doubting that Tasman's latitude of 17° 30' was substantially correct, especially as it is here that his chart shows the abrupt change in the trend of the coast-line. There can be no reasonable doubt that Tasman's VAN DIEMEN INLET was the MOUTH OF THE NORMAN RIVER, now the port for the Croydon goldfield and a considerable area of pastoral country. Its latitude is 17° 28'.

Tasman's three inlets, the Van Diemen, Van Der Lijn and Caron, are all, according to his chart, within 17 minutes of latitude. The position in which the name of the VAN DER LIJN is written appears to me to be purposely indefinite, as if it were designed to convey merely that the inlet is between the Van Diemen and the Caron. I take it to be what is now mapped as the "BYNOE" mouth of the FLINDERS RIVER.

The CARON INLET is placed on Tasman's chart in 17° 47', and must be the principal MOUTH OF THE FLINDERS itself. Here, however, Tasman's latitude is incorrect, according to modern charts, which place the mouth of the river in 17° 36', so that Tasman's position is II minutes inland. I am under the impression that Tasman had become rather indifferent as to his true position and had come to regard the continuity of the coast of the Cape York Peninsula with that of Arnhem Land as the problem of the moment.

It may be noted here that FLINDERS' chart of 1802 shows the CAPRON RIVER coming from the east and falling into the Norman River at Normanton. Subsequent Lands Department maps have always given the name of the CARRON RIVER to this water-course, thus creating a mistaken impression. that this was supposed to be Tasman's Caron.

From the Caron Inlet (Flinders River) Tasman passes beyond our ken. By following the coast he established the CONTINUITY OF THE CAPE YORK PENINSULA (which he named CARPENTARIA)

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WITH ARNHEM LAND, and incidentally that instead of a passage to the south therewas merely the GULF OF CARPENTARIA.

SUMMARY

The loss of Tasman's journal reduces us to conjecture and the weighing of probabilities when we attempt to realise what it was that he accomplished, the groundwork or text of such speculations being the sketch-chart containing the names which he bestowed on certain inlets or capes.

So far as the Cape York Peninsula was concerned, he was apparently supplied with a very imperfect and misleading "SPECIALLY MADE" CHART of the voyage of his predecessor, CARSTENSZOON (in the "Pera "). He failed to procure the copies of Carstenszoon's journal and chart which it was expected he might pick up at Banda. Carstenszoon's journal, however, is available to us, although it was denied to him, so that we are in a position to judge how far he succeeded in identifying the inlets, etc. named by Carstenszoon.

The truth is that he was very unsuccessful; but this must be attributed entirely to the defects cif the "specially made" chart and to no fault of his own.

He began his exploration of the Peninsula by rediscovering the "Pera's" "WATERING-PLACE" in or near 11° S. lat., but did not give it the additional name of the "REVIER VAN SPULT" which Carstenszoon had bestowed on it. He next made a very bad guess at the locality of Carstenszoon's COEN REVIER, but either correctly identified or copied from his "specially made" chart (which seems to have been correct in this instance) Carstenszoon's VEREENIGDE REVIER (the MITCHELL RIVER).

Carstenszoon's NASSAU and STATEN REVIERS were incorrectly located by Tasman, the latter inlet being placed north instead of south of 17°, because the "specially made" chart had erroneously fixed that latitude as Carstenszoon's southern limit.

He was the first[1] to notice PORT MUSGRAVE, which--probably misguided by the "specially made" chart--he seems to have taken at first for Carstenszoon's Staten Revier (before he realised that the latter was in the neighbourhood of 17°).

He next found a new inlet (12° 13'-18') which he named the PRINCE REVIER. The name never "caught on." For a good part of the nineteenth century this inlet was believed (incorrectly) to be Carstenszoon's COEN, and towards the end of that century was officially, and irrevocably, named the PENNEFATHER.

He indicated a "REVIER MIT BOSCH" just inside of DUYFKEN POINT, where modern maps now show the mouth of PINE or

[1) Unless he was anticipated by Janszoon, in the "Duyfken," of which there is no record.]

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NOMENADE CREEK. To press Tasman's undoubtedly just claim to priority of nomenclature is not to be thought of, as it would only add one more to the too numerous family of "Scrubby" Creeks.

He was the first to give a name, VLIEGE BAIJ (Fly Bay) to what was afterwards named MOSSEL BAIJ, and, in recent times, ALBATROSS BAY, now unalterably fixed by usage and official recognition.

An inlet in this bay (1z° 48') was named by Tasman the CARPENTIER, although its identification with the inlet so named by Carstenszoon would be absurd. This is one of the few remaining uncharted portions of the coast land, and if there should turn out to be an inlet of any importance in the locality indicated, I would suggest that it be named the TASMAN.

In 13° 27'-30', Tasman was the first to note a revier which he erroneously took for Carstenszoon's Coen, but which must have been one of the mouths of the great river named the ARCHER by Jardine in 1865.

A new Revier, VISSCHER'S, was placed by Tasman in 13° 42'. Should there prove to be such an inlet in this uncharted portion of the coast land, there is every reason why Tasman's name (Visscher) should be applied to it.

CAPE KEERWEER (where the "Duyfken" turned back) is placed in an altogether wrong position. 'It is more than doubtful if Tasman saw it, and I believe he merely copied it from his incorrect "specially prepared" chart.

An inlet in i6° was named the REVIER PERA. This inlet, one of the mouths Of LEICHHARDT'S ROCKY CREEK, is only designated a "TIDAL INLET" in the modern official map, and should have the name given to it by Tasman.

On Tasman's REVIER ARNHEM, long use and official recognition have irrevocably fixed the name of VAN ROOK CREEK.

In Tasman's three inlets named VAN DIEMEN'S, VAN DER LIJN'S and CARON'S, there is no difficulty in recognising respectively (1) the mouth of the NORMAN RIVER, (2) the "BYNOE" MOUTH Of the Flinders River and (3) the "FLINDERS" MOUTH of the Flinders.

The name of the Van Der Lijn does not appear to have ever been adopted by modern maps, but Flinders was responsible for erroneous identifications of the Van Diemen and Caron, and, following him, the name Van Diemen still persists as applied to one of the mouths of the Gilbert River, in i6° 58'. The sooner it is dropped the better. Nor could any useful purpose now be served by restoring Tasman's names for the three inlets, even if it were possible to overcome the weight of long-established private and official use of other names.

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CHAPTER X

VOYAGES OF THE "BUIJS" AND "RIJDER" (1756)

VAN ASSCHENS AND GONZAL

START FROM BATAVIA. SEPARATED BY STORM. "BUIJS" MAKES BANDA HARBOUR. HER VOYAGE RESUMED. SIGHTS PERA HEAD, WHICH IS MISTAKEN FOR THE "DUYFKEN'S" CAPE KEERWEER. COASTING NORTHWARD. TASMAN'S VLIEGEBAIJ (NOW ALBATROSS BAY) RECOGNISED. ASSCHEN'S HOEK NAMED (NOW DUYFKEN POINT). BATAVIA RIVER NAMED. VAN SPULT RIVER RECOGNISED. MAKES FOR THE "Pera's" WATERING-PLACE. BOAT AND CREW LOST. "BUIJS" WAITS AND SEARCHES (WITHOUT LANDING TILL SHORTAGE OF WATER COMPELS THE SURVIVORS TO MAKE FOR TIMOR LAUT, TENIMBER ISLANDS. UNJUST CRITICISM BY THE CHIEF CARTOGRAPHER AT BATAVIA. "RUDER" REACHES FREDERICK HENRY ISLAND. PRINCE OF WALES AND BOOBY ISLANDS SIGHTED. LANDING ON PRINCE OF WALES ISLAND AND EXPLORATION OF PART OF ITS COAST. LANDING ON WEDNESDAY ISLAND. VOYAGE RESUMED. Too FAR WEST. LAND SIGHTED SOUTH OF PENNEFATHER RIVER. VISITED BY NATIVES IN CANOES. LANDING. Two DINGOES SEEN. NATIVES GUIDE PARTY TO WATER. THEN GIVE A CORROBORREE. ARRACK AND SUGAR GIVEN TO NATIVES. ANOTHER LANDING NEXT DAY WITH INTENTION OF KIDNAPPING NATIVES. UNSUCCESSFUL. LANDING NEXT DAY. NATIVES MADE DRUNK. ONE WOUNDED AND DRAGGED TO BOAT. GENERAL ENCOUNTER. "RUDER" ANCHORS IN VLIEGEBAIJ (ALBATROSS BAY), WHICH IS NAMED MOSSELBAAIJ. BOAT PARTY DISCOVERS WATER AT THE "PERA'S" WATERING-PLACE OF 9TH MAY, 1623, WHICH IS RENAMED RIJDER'S WATERING-PLACE. WOOD AND WATER TAKEN IN. SOUTHWARD VOYAGE RESUMED. RIJDER'S HOEK NAMED. LANDING. BRUSH WITH NATIVES. ONE CAPTURED. SAILS FOR ARNHEIM LAND. TIMOR REACHED.

We are indebted to Professor Heeres' Commemoration Volume The Part of the Dutch in the Discovery of Australia for the text of a Summary, forwarded by GERRIT DE HAAN, Chief Cartographer at Batavia, to the Governor and Council of the Netherlands East India Company, of the LOGS OF THE "RIJDER" AND "BUIJS," the former commanded by Lieutenant Jean Etienne Gonzal and the latter by "Stuurman" (first mate) LAVIENNE LUDOWIJK VAN ASSCHENS. The Dutch text is accompanied by an English translation by C. Stoffel, which, however, I have not always followed literally.

The two ships set out together from Batavia on 8th February, 1756, but parted company in a storm which was encountered off the Banda Islands. The "BUIJS" took refuge in the port of Banda and remained there till 1st April. The "RIJDER,"[1] having ridden out the gale, continued her voyage alone.

[1) Rijder, Ritter, Rider, person of equestrian rank, Knight.]

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Emerging from the friendly harbour of Banda on 1st April, the "Buijs" barquentine sailed to the east, and on 23rd April, while in latitude 12° 58' S., "sighted the LAND OF CARPENTARIA, recognising what has been named CAPE KEERWEER." The anchor was dropped at sunset.

On 24th April, the noon latitude was 12° 54'. The anchor was dropped at sunset and bearings gave Cape Keerweer 8 1/3° N. and "the inner hook near the river," (inlet) ENE. (SEE MAP D.)

Assuming the correctness of the noon observation of 12° 54' (and there is no reason to doubt it), the point of land was not Cape Keerweer, which is in 13° 59', but either FALSE PERA HEAD or PERA HEAD itself--probably the former, the latter being the "inner hook." The reference to "the revier" (inlet) is obscure, but this may be the fault of the summary rather than of the log.

Under the mistaken impression that he had identified the Cape Keerweer of the "Duyfken's" voyage, Asschens resolved to steer to the north. In the forenoon of 25th April he cleared PERA HEAD. At noon he was in 12° 42' and he anchored at sunset.

Next morning the northerly course was resumed, and in the forenoon "a red point" was seen to form the northern horn of "a deep bay or bight" (now ALBATROSS BAY) on which the "Buijs" had entered after clearing Pera Head. (SEE MAP B.) The bay was recognised as that which Tasman had designated VLIEGE BAIJ. The Point, which now bears the name of the "DUYFKEN," was charted as ASSCHENS' HOEK, and by right of priority should be so called. The error, however, has so long been condoned by usage as to have become unalterable.

Leaving this point and keeping close to the land, the "Buijs" was in 12° 16' at noon. Smoke was observed.on land, and even what appeared to be men and huts. The anchor was dropped at sunset in a position which may be conjectured to have been about 12° 2' S., a little south of the mouth Of JANIE CREEK, between the PENNEFATHER RIVER (which Tasman had already named the PRINCE REVIER) and MAPOON MISSION STATION.

Setting sail again at daybreak on 27th April, the land was found to fall away to the east. As a matter of fact, in coming from the south, the direction of the coast-line changes, about 7 minutes short of Mapoon, from N. by E. to NE. Before midday, Asschens was abreast of "a revier (inlet) with an island lying off its mouth." The inlet (which had been seen by Tasman) was designated by Asschens the BATAVIA, and by this name the largest river of the Peninsula, ending in Port Musgrave estuary in 11° 56' S., is now known. It is true that the name of Batavia had already figured for some time on Dutch maps, but it was improperly applied (following de Leeuw) to the inlet which

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Carstenszoon had named the Carpentier River in 1623, and which is now known as the Skardon River.

The "Duyfken" had passed this inlet in 1606, and the "Aernem" (once) and the "Pera" (twice) in 1623, without observing it. The records of the "Duyfken's" voyage have been lost, and it may be conjectured that the "Buijs" either sailed closer to the land, or approached it in a better light, than the "Pera" or the "Aernem." The supposed island was, no doubt, a sandbank visible at low tide, 3 miles off the mouth of Port Musgrave.[1]

Without landing at the new river, the "Buijs" sailed on to the north. At noon on the 27th, the latitude was roughly estimated at I° 38'. Smoke was observed on the land, and apparently the mouth of Carstenszoon's CARPENTIER RIVER was not seen. The "Buijs" anchored in the afternoon. At noon on the 28th she was in 11° 29'. At noon on the 29th she was in 11° 3'. (SEE MAP A.) Two hours later, the anchor was dropped in 8 fathoms, the navigators believing themselves to be close to the VAN SPULT RIVER named by Carstenszoon in 1623. In this belief they were quite correct, the solar observation at noon on the 30th giving 10° 56'. They were, in fact, on the Inskip Banks or the "extensive sandy shoals" south of the Banks which are indicated by modern charts.

It had become necessary to take in water and firewood, both of which were running short. The charted Watering-place at the Van Spult River naturally suggested itself to Asschens, but the uncharted shoals called for prudent action. Accordingly, on 30th April, a boat with eight men was sent out to take soundings towards the land. The BOAT was lost sight of before nightfall and was NEVER SEEN OR HEARD OF AGAIN. Whether it was wrecked among the shoals or the crew fell into the hands of the natives must remain a mystery. The "Buijs" waited for the boat till 12th May, when the scarcity of water and firewood compelled her to sail westward for TIMOR LAUT,[2] which was reached on 20th May. No attempt appears to have been made to search the land for the boat's crew, and it may have been that there were too few men left on the "Buijs" to furnish a landing party and risk its loss.

From the cartographer's covering letter, it appears that the sailing orders of the "Rijder" and "Buijs" enjoined some exploration of the interior, and Asschens probably intended to carry out this instruction when the overwhelming disaster overtook him.

[1) Mr. J. T. Embley, who has sailed frequently along this coast, and seen it from probably the same distance as the "Buijs," writes me under date 18th July, 1916: "The Batavia has a little island about three miles out from the mouth, but it is only a high sandbank covered at high tide...The mouth of the Batavia is plainly visible to any boat travelling from the north at a distance of 15 or 20 miles before you come to it. No boat could pass it in the daytime without seeing it."]

[2) The largest island of the Tenimber group, and now known as Yamdena.]

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The cartographer's comment on Asschens is most severe, and, I think, unjust:--

"Of the proceedings of 'Stuurman' Lavienne Lodewijk Asschens (who had command of the barquentine '), the Undersigned can give no account deserving of consideration, while his reports or notes are so misleading that it is clear at the first glance that he can never have had any first-hand knowledge or ocular view of the matters referred to by him, seeing that he has hardly ever been nearer to the land than 3 miles off, at which distance, however, he pretends to have seen a river with an island before its mouth, as well as men, huts, etc.: all which seems to the Undersigned impossible on a flat land, such as this is. Nor has he made any landing on the said coast, although, contrary to Your Worships' orders, he had sailed along it from S. to N. for 40 miles before the misfortune of the loss of the boat befel, as Your Worships may gather from the annexed rough sketch of the coast sent in by him."[1]

Asschens certainly began by mistaking Pera Head for Cape Keerweer, but, with the exception of this mistake, his description can easily be followed on, and agrees with, accurate modern charts. It must be remembered that his description is only known to us from a paraphrase of it made by a very unfavourably impressed (shall we say, prejudiced?) official. He correctly identified Tasman's Vliege Baij (Albatross Bay) and gave the name of Asschen's Hoek to what is now called Duyfken Point. He noted the estuary now called Port Musgrave, which he named the BATAVIA REVIER.[2] Lastly, he correctly located himself abreast of the VAN SPULT RIVER before leaving Australia.

THE "RIJDER" (GONZAL)

After losing sight of her consort, the "Buijs," off Banda, on 26th March, 1756, and unaware that she had found shelter, the "RUDER," having weathered the storm, continued her voyage, and reached FALSE CAPE, the westmost point of Frederick Henry Island, Papua, on 4th April. (SEE MAP A.) "The HIGH LAND OF CARPENTARIA, known by the name of HOOG EIJLAND," was sighted on loth April. This high land" was, no doubt, HAMMOND and PRINCE OF WALES ISLANDS. A reef (the Gerard and Larpent Banks) was observed to extend from the high land nearly to a hitherto uncharted island, which was named RIJDER'S ISLAND, and which must have been BOOBY ISLAND. Possibly the ship's course lay between the reef and the island. In making cautiously for the coast, the "Rijder" apparently approached PRINCE OF WALES ISLAND near its north-western corner, where a first LANDING was made on 17th April. Only one NATIVE was seen, and he fled on the approach of the boat's crew, who noted bark huts, a bark canoe,

[1) Heeres says: "I have not met with this chart."]

[2) Tasman, who was probably misled by the "specially prepared" chart with which he was provided, had named it the Staeten Revier, under the impression- that it was the Staten Revier of Carstenszoon.]

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fishing-lines, claws of animals used for fish-hooks, and spears barbed with bone. The description of the country could not possibly apply to any portion of the adjacent Cape York Peninsula. There were very rich soil, tall grasses, long straight timber and fine valleys with rills of fresh water. Several landings were subsequently made for the purpose of taking in water and firewood before the "Rijder" put out to sea again on 26th April. Her next recorded course was ENE., "following the trend of the coast," in 5, 6 or 7 fathoms. The coast-line of Prince of Wales Island, it is true, takes this direction from the north-western point of the island, but modern charts show that it would have been impossible to carry the depth of water indicated for any distance on an ENE. course. The presumption is that after an unsuccessful attempt on this impossible coast-line, the ship stood out to sea until she had cleared the Gerard and Larpent Banks and then followed the Prince of Wales Channel east-north-eastward, passing the north sides of GOOD and HAMMOND ISLANDS. The anchor was dropped on 28th April in 1o° 30' S. The only land in this latitude is WEDNESDAY ISLAND. Here a party LANDED, but found only bark huts inhabited by NATIVES, who fled into the woods. The ship's boat was beached and repaired. The "Rijder" herself lay at anchor till 13th May, to give the "Buijs" a chance of rejoining her.

Had Gonzal taken the "Rijder" east of Wednesday Island, he would have had a clear way into the Coral Sea and the Pacific Ocean, but he turned back on 13th May with the intention of following the coast to the south. He kept well out from the land, and, in fact, overdid it in his natural desire for sea-room, and it was not until 24th May that he again sighted LAND (south of the Pennefather River--Tasman's Prince Revier), in 12° 18' S. (SEE MAP B.) Drawing closer to the shore, he anchored on 25th May in 2° z6' S. (9 miles north of Duyfken Point).

"As they lay at anchor at about 1 or 1½ miles distance from the shore, they saw two of the previously described canoes paddling up to the ship, each containing two men, who, when they had got near the ship, by signs and cries began to signify to our men that they wished them to come ashore. The following day, being the 26th of May, our men went ashore at daybreak, and on landing found several persons there, who, however, all took to flight directly. They also saw two dogs,[1] not unlike Bengal jackals. The persons who had fled shortly afterwards returned to them, when they found them armed with the assegays above described. They were accompanied by a number of womenfolk who were clothed with a sort of mat. The natives then all of them sat down on the beach near our men, who made signs to them that they were seeking fresh water, upon which the natives rose and signified their willingness to point out the places where water was obtainable. And so it happened that our men were taken along the beach for a short distance and conducted to a beautiful valley with fine trees. This seemed to be the home of the natives, as there were more women and children and also some places where they lived, consisting merely of shelters beneath the trees covered in with bark. The water which was found here welled up through artificial openings. They walked round and inspected the

[1) They were thus the first white men to record having seen the DINGO.]

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place and then returned to the strand, where they found the two canoes in which the natives had first visited the ship. While they sat on the beach, 19 natives came up to them, having their bodies all besmeared with red, and held a frolic with a kind of song.[1] Then they were treated to some arrack with sugar, and shortly afterwards they retired satisfied into the wood.

"In the morning of the 27th, our men landed again, to see if they could not capture a man or two, but they did not succeed in doing so that day, because they were too late to entice the natives to the beach. Early in the morning of the 28th they landed again in order to execute their plan. On their arrival the natives came dancing and singing, sat down beside them and laid aside their so-called assegais or weapons and again indulged in drinking, under the influence of which two of them were seized, whereupon the others jumped up and set upon our people with their assegais, without, however, wounding anyone; but the ship's clerk, who was trying to get hold of one of the savages, was slightly wounded by him in the hand. Then a shot was fired and one of the natives was wounded and the others fled into the bush. Our people then tried to drag to the boat the two men they had got hold of, but while they were being tied up one of them, by superhuman biting and tearing, managed to break loose and took to flight. Immediately thereafter, upwards of 50 natives came up, preparing to throw assegais, but a single volley put them to flight. Then our men took their one captive on board."

On 29th May, the "Rijder" dropped anchor at noon in 12° 31' S., i.e., about 4 (English) miles north Of DUYFKEN POINT. She lay at anchor all the next day, and two canoes paddled out and inspected her from a distance of half a mile (Dutch). On the 31st, she cleared DUYFKEN POINT, and at noon was in lat. 12° 44' S. (SEE MAP D.) After contending with a contrary current, she anchored at sunset in ALBATROSS BAY, which Gonzal named MOSSELBAAIJ. Asschens had recognised it five weeks earlier as Tasman's VLIEGE BAIJ.

On 1st June, only a short distance was sailed in the forenoon, and an anchor was dropped in 12° 51' S. A boat was sent out the following day, and reported abundant water at or near the "Pera's" WATERING-PLACE of 9th May, 1623, where "the chart showed a fresh-water river." The "Rijder" moved oh, on 3rd June, to the position indicated, which was in 12° 57' S., between PERA HEAD and FALSE PERA HEAD, and dropped her anchor. A stay of ten days was made here while water and firewood were taken in and the boat was repaired. "Water came rushing down the rocks, and there was also a fine pool where many birds of different sorts were seen." The place was named RIJDER'S WATERPLAETS. The above description is not unlike that of the "Pera's" Waterplaets, but the two may be distinct, although they cannot be far apart. No natives were seen.

The voyage was resumed on 13th June. At noon the latitude was 13° 2' S. (the narrative gives 12° 2' S., evidently a clerical error). On the 14th, it was 13° 8' at noon. "At the first glass of the dog-watch," the anchor was dropped, slightly to the south of the RIJDER'S HOEK. To this prominence, in 13° 10', modern

[1) This is the first record of white men having been entertained with a CORROBORREE.]

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charts give no name. The latitude of the anchorage was made out to be 13° S. at noon on the following day. I can only conclude that this was a faulty observation, as it is contradicted by the observations of the two preceding days, which agree with the contour of the coast-line. In the morning of the same day, a boat's crew landed, after having been met by two men in a canoe, who invited them to come ashore. Eleven men and five women met them on the beach, the men being armed with spears. The NATIVES tried to take off the hats of the visitors, which the latter resisted whereupon the natives threatened with their spears. A shot was fired and the crowd fled, with the exception of one youth, who was carried on board.

The sailors found a large pond of fresh water, and judged that the country, if cultivated, would prove fertile. It was remarked that the natives subsisted mainly on roots of trees, and wild fruits such as batatas or oubis, with a little fish, and that they seemed to have some knowledge of gold when some lumps of the metal were shown them. It is not stated on what occasion these observations were made. It cannot have been on the single interview above referred to.

On 16th June, the course was set westward for AERNEM'S LAND. On the 2-ph, the "MAINLAND OF NEW HOLLAND was sighted, and the home journey was concluded via Timor and Rotti.

Inasmuch as her crew effected landings on Prince of 'Wales Island and at three different localities on the mainland, the "Rijder" added more to our knowledge of the interior and its inhabitants than the "Buijs," whose men were defeated on their only attempt at landing. The "Rijder" was the first (except, perhaps, the "Duyfken") to land a party in the neighbourhood of DUYFKEN POINT and to explore the southern shore of ALBATROSS BAY. The landing south of PERA HEAD confirmed the existence of the "Pera's" watering-place. The last landing on the Peninsula, at RIJDER'S HOEK, was made in a locality till then unvisited. After this landing, probably no white footprint marked the soil until, fourteen years later, Captain Cook landed on the eastern coast of the Peninsula.

THE END

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Inasmuch as her crew effected landings on Prince of 'Wales Island and at three different localities on the mainland, the "Rijder" added more to our knowledge of the interior and its inhabitants than the "Buijs," whose men were defeated on their only attempt at landing. The "Rijder" was the first (except, perhaps, the "Duyfken") to land a party in the neighbourhood of DUYFKEN POINT and to explore the southern shore of ALBATROSS BAY. The landing south of PERA HEAD confirmed the existence of the "Pera's" watering-place. The last landing on the Peninsula, at RIJDER'S HOEK, was made in a locality till then unvisited. After this landing, probably no white footprint marked the soil until, fourteen years later, Captain Cook landed on the eastern coast of the Peninsula.

THE END

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