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A Project Gutenberg of Australia eBook Title: A New Voyage Round the World Author: William Dampier eBook No.: 0500461h.html Edition: 1 Language: English Character set encoding: HTML--ASCII--7 bit Date first posted: May 2005 Date most recently updated: May 2005 This eBook was produced by: Sue Asscher Project Gutenberg of Australia eBooks are created from printed editions which are in the public domain in Australia, unless a copyright notice is included. We do NOT keep any eBooks in compliance with a particular paper edition. Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing this file. This eBook is made available at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg of Australia License which may be viewed online at http://gutenberg.net.au/licence.html To contact Project Gutenberg of Australia go to http://gutenberg.net.au
WILLIAM DAMPIER. BY T. MURRAY. FROM THE PAINTING IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY.
A PAGE OF DAMPIER'S JOURNAL (SLOANE MANUSCRIPTS 3236).
MAP OF THE WORLD.
After reading Sir Albert Gray's excellent Introduction to this edition of Dampier's New Voyage round the World, I was at once convinced that nothing remained to be said except from the bibliographical side.
At the very outset of my researches I was faced with a mass of contradictory and incorrect references--the work of past cataloguers for whom the intricacies of the numerous issues and editions had proved too complicated. Even now I cannot state with absolute certainty that the results of my work have produced a bibliography of Dampier's works complete in every detail. At the same time, it is gratifying to know that the Library of the British Museum has accepted it, and has found it necessary to revise in toto the pages of the General Catalogue containing the Dampier entries. Although the Bodleian does not possess copies of all the various editions, the librarian tells me that those they have confirm my statements.
After his return to England in 1691 Dampier must have prepared his manuscript for the press during the intervals between the numerous short voyages he made in the next half dozen years.
The New Voyage appeared in 1697 and was an immediate success, a second edition following the same year. A third edition was published in 1698. Both these later editions had PARTIALLY embodied an errata sheet which was affixed to the end of the first edition. Dampier's publisher, James Knapton, encouraged by the success of the work, demanded more material for a further volume. This consisted of A Supplement to the Voyage round the World, together with the Voyages to Campeachy and the Discourse on the Trade Winds. It was issued in 1699 under the general title of Voyages and Discoveries, and bore the imprint "Vol. II." With it a fourth edition of the New Voyage appeared, also dated 1699. It had been more carefully revised, and the COMPLETE errata sheet from the first edition had been embodied.*
(*Footnote. E.g. the errata sheet tells us that on page 501 "Malucca" should read "Malacca." In spite of the 2nd and 3rd editions being "corrected, " we find this unchanged till the 4th edition of 1699.)
It now bore the imprint "Vol. I" on the title page. An Index (unpaginated) to both volumes appeared in Volume 2.
This year (1699) was a great publishing year for Knapton, for beside the Dampier volumes he had also issued Lionel Wafer's New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of America and William Hacke's Collection of Original Voyages, which consisted of Cowley's Voyage round the Globe, Sharp's Journey over the Isthmus of Darien, * Wood's Magellan and Roberts' Levant. As we shall see shortly, all these were to be incorporated in a later edition of Dampier's Voyages.
(*Footnote. Sharp's Voyages and Adventures in the South Sea had already appeared in 1684.)
Now, although the 1699 edition of Dampier can be correctly described as a two-volume work, each volume was reprinted as occasion demanded.*
(*Footnote. This is proved by the advertisements at the end of the other volumes published by Knapton in 1699.)
The New Voyage, in reality, still remained an individual work. Thus the 5th edition appeared in 1703, and the 6th in 1717.
Meanwhile the Voyages and Discoveries had reached its 2nd edition in 1700 and 3rd in 1705. But with the 5th edition of the New Voyage in 1703 appeared the 1st edition of Dampier's third volume, the Voyage to New Holland. It proved a success, although it took six years to be exhausted. The 2nd edition appeared in 1709, and with it was also issued the 1st edition of the Continuation of the New Voyage.
Thus, it was not until 1709 that all Dampier's volumes had appeared, and although librarians often speak of the "three volume Dampier, " they must remember that each volume bore a different date and each date represented a different edition of that volume. Thus, there was no "three volume Dampier" in the generally-accepted meaning of the term, and nothing could prevent such a set being made up of any odd editions. In fact, this is, to a large extent, exactly what happened, and one will find a 1st edition of the New Voyage bound up conformably with, say, a 2nd edition of Voyages and Discoveries and a mixed edition of the two parts of New Holland.
We now come to the four-volume edition Of 1729, of which the present work forms a reprint of Volume 1.
Knapton conceived the idea of issuing all his explorer volumes in one collection. Accordingly, he first reprinted the three volumes of Dampier's Voyages (omitting the dedication in Volume 1). The New Voyage was called "Seventh edition corrected, " and Voyages and Discoveries was the fourth edition (though unnamed as such). Volume 3 consisted of the New Holland voyage followed by a reprint of Wafer's Voyages. Both parts of the New Holland voyage now appeared for the first time in continuous pagination.* Wafer's Voyages formed the 3rd edition, as the first had appeared in 1699 and the 2nd in 1704. Volume 4 contained the voyages of Funnell, Cowley, Sharp, Wood, and Roberts.
(*Footnote. They were reprinted as one narrative in Harris' Collection of Voyages Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca 1744.)
TITLE PAGE OF THE FIRST EDITION OF A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
We have already noted the previous issue of the four latter voyages, and Funnell's Voyage round the World, which was an account of Dampier's St. George voyage, had been published by Knapton in 1707.
With regard to the manuscript copy of Dampier's New Voyage (Sloane Manuscripts 3236) little need be said here, as Sir Albert Gray has treated it in the conclusion of his Introduction. I would merely note that the brief passage referring to New Holland was printed in Early Voyages to Terra Australis, Hakluyt Society, 1859, pages 108 to 111. The volume also reprinted those portions of the printed edition of the New Voyage to New Holland which contained direct reference to Australia.
It would be superfluous to mention all the reprints of Dampier's Voyages after 1729. I would, therefore, merely draw attention to the Collections of Voyages, in which Dampier's Voyages, and those of Funnell, Cowley, etc., appeared.
HARRIS. 1744 to 1748. Volume 1. Dampier, Funnell, Cowley.
Allgemeine Historie. 1747 to 1777. Volume 12. Dampier, Wood. (Cowley's Voyage appeared in Volume 18.)
CALLANDER. 1766 to 1768. Volume 2. Dampier, Sharp, Cowley, Wafer. (Funnell's Voyage appeared in Volume 3.)
New Collection. 1767. Volume 3, page 608. Dampier.
World Displayed. 1767 to 1768. Volume 6, page 609. Dampier.
[DAVID HENRY.] English Navigators. 1774. Volume 1. Dampier, Cowley.
PINKERTON. 1808 to 1814. Volume 11. Dampier.
KERR. 1811 to 1824. Volume 10. Dampier, Funnell, Cowley.
LAHARPE. 1816. Volume 15. Dampier.
(The following table shows, at a glance, the correlation of the different editions of the works which constitute Dampier's Voyages.)
1927. N.M. PENZER.
AN INTRODUCTION BY SIR ALBERT GRAY, K.C.B., K.C.
LIFE BEFORE THE NEW VOYAGE.
HIS FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATION.
FIRST STAGE.
BUCCANEERING.
SECOND STAGE.
THIRD STAGE.
FOURTH STAGE.
FIFTH STAGE.
SIXTH STAGE.
SEVENTH STAGE.
EIGHTH STAGE.
DAMPIER'S SUBSEQUENT LIFE.
THE ROEBUCK VOYAGE.
THE ST. GEORGE VOYAGE.
THE DUKE AND DUTCHESS VOYAGE.
DAMPIER THE MAN.
THE TEXT OF A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
THE AUTHOR'S DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND, AND ARRIVAL IN
JAMAICA.
HIS FIRST GOING OVER THE ISTHMUS OF AMERICA INTO THE SOUTH
SEAS.
HIS COASTING PERU AND CHILE, AND BACK AGAIN, TO HIS PARTING WITH
CAPTAIN SHARP NEAR THE ISLE OF PLATA, IN ORDER TO RETURN
OVERLAND.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR'S RETURN OUT OF THE SOUTH SEAS, TO HIS LANDING NEAR CAPE ST. LAWRENCE, IN THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN: WITH AN OCCASIONAL DESCRIPTION OF THE MOSKITO INDIANS.
THE AUTHOR'S LAND JOURNEY FROM THE SOUTH TO THE NORTH SEA, OVER THE TERRA FIRMA, OR ISTHMUS OF DARIEN.
THE AUTHOR'S CRUISING WITH THE PRIVATEERS IN THE NORTH SEAS ON
THE WEST INDIA COAST.
THEY GO TO THE ISLE OF SAN ANDREAS.
OF THE CEDARS THERE.
THE CORN ISLANDS, AND THEIR INHABITANTS.
BLUEFIELD'S RIVER, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE MANATEE THERE, OR
SEA-COW; WITH THE MANNER HOW THE MOSKITO INDIANS KILL THEM, AND
TORTOISE, ETC.
THE MAHO-TREE.
THE SAVAGES OF BOCA TORO.
HE TOUCHES AGAIN AT POINT SAMBALAS, AND ITS ISLANDS.
THE GROVES OF SAPADILLOES THERE, THE SOLDIER'S INSECT, AND
MANCHANEEL-TREE.
THE RIVER OF DARIEN, AND THE WILD INDIANS NEAR IT; MONASTERY OF
MADRE DE POPA, RIO GRANDE, SANTA MARTA TOWN, AND THE HIGH
MOUNTAIN THERE; RIO LA HACHA TOWN, RANCHO REYS, AND PEARL FISHERY
THERE; THE INDIAN INHABITANTS AND COUNTRY.
DUTCH ISLE OF CURACAO, ETC.
COUNT D'ESTREE'S UNFORTUNATE EXPEDITION THITHER.
ISLE OF BONAIRE.
ISLE OF AVES, THE BOOBY AND MAN-OF-WAR-BIRD.
THE WRECK OF D'ESTREE'S FLEET, AND CAPTAIN PAIN'S ADVENTURE
HERE.
LITTLE ISLE OF AVES.
THE ISLES LOS ROQUES, THE NODDY AND TROPIC-BIRD, MINERAL WATER,
EGG-BIRDS; THE MANGROVE-TREES, BLACK, RED, AND WHITE, ISLE OF
TORTUGA, ITS SALT PONDS.
ISLE OF BLANCO; THE IGUANA ANIMAL, THEIR VARIETY; AND THE BEST
SEA-TORTOISE.
MODERN ALTERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES.
THE COAST OF CARACAS, ITS REMARKABLE LAND, AND PRODUCT OF THE
BEST COCOA-NUTS.
THE COCOA DESCRIBED AT LARGE, WITH THE HUSBANDRY OF IT.
CITY OF CARACAS.
LA GUAIRE FORT AND HAVEN.
TOWN OF CUMANA.
VERINA, ITS FAMOUS BEST SPANISH TOBACCO.
THE RICH TRADE OF THE COAST OF CARACAS.
OF THE SUCKING FISH, OR REMORA.
THE AUTHOR'S ARRIVAL IN VIRGINIA.
THE AUTHOR'S VOYAGE TO THE ISLE OF JUAN FERNANDEZ IN THE SOUTH
SEAS.
HE ARRIVES AT THE ISLES OF CAPE VERDE.
ISLE OF SAL; ITS SALT PONDS.
THE FLAMINGO, AND ITS REMARKABLE NEST.
AMBERGRIS WHERE FOUND.
THE ISLES OF ST. NICHOLAS, MAYO, ST. JAGO, FOGO, A BURNING
MOUNTAIN; WITH THE REST OF THE ISLES OF CAPE VERDE.
SHERBOROUGH RIVER ON THE COAST OF GUINEA.
THE COMMODITIES AND NEGROES THERE.
A TOWN OF THEIRS DESCRIBED.
TORNADOES, SHARKS, FLYING-FISH.
A SEA DEEP AND CLEAR, YET PALE.
ISLES OF SIBBEL DE WARD.
SMALL RED LOBSTERS.
STRAIT LE MAIRE.
STATES ISLAND.
CAPE HORN IN TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
THEIR MEETING WITH CAPTAIN EATON IN THE SOUTH SEAS, AND THEIR
GOING TOGETHER TO THE ISLE OF JUAN FERNANDEZ.
OF A MOSKITO MAN LEFT THERE ALONE THREE YEARS: HIS ART AND
SAGACITY; WITH THAT OF OTHER INDIANS.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
THE SAVANNAHS OF AMERICA.
GOATS AT JUAN FERNANDEZ.
SEALS.
SEA-LIONS.
SNAPPER, A SORT OF FISH.
ROCK-FISH.
THE BAYS, AND NATURAL STRENGTH OF THIS ISLAND.
THE AUTHOR DEPARTS FROM JUAN FERNANDEZ.
OF THE PACIFIC SEA.
OF THE ANDES, OR HIGH MOUNTAINS IN PERU AND CHILE.
A PRIZE TAKEN.
ISLE OF LOBOS: PENGUINS AND OTHER BIRDS THERE.
THREE PRIZES MORE.
THE ISLANDS GALAPAGOS: THE DILDOE-TREE, BURTON-WOOD,
MAMMEE-TREES, IGUANAS, LAND-TORTOISE, THEIR SEVERAL KIND; GREEN
SNAKES, TURTLE-DOVES, TORTOISE, OR TURTLE-GRASS.
SEA-TURTLE, THEIR SEVERAL KINDS.
THE AIR AND WEATHER AT THE GALAPAGOS.
SOME OF THE ISLANDS DESCRIBED, THEIR SOIL, ETC.
THE ISLAND COCOS DESCRIBED, CAPE BLANCO, AND THE BAY OF CALDERA;
THE SAVANNAHS THERE.
CAPTAIN COOK DIES.
OF NICOYA, AND A RED WOOD FOR DYEING, AND OTHER COMMODITIES.
A NARROW ESCAPE OF TWELVE MEN.
LANCE-WOOD.
VOLCAN VIEJO, A BURNING MOUNTAIN ON THE COAST OF RIO LEJO.
A TORNADO.
THE ISLAND AND HARBOUR OF RIO LEJO.
THE GULF OF AMAPALLA AND POINT GASIVINA.
ISLES OF MANGERA AND AMAPALLA.
THE INDIAN INHABITANTS.
HOG-PLUM-TREE.
OTHER ISLANDS IN THE GULF OF AMAPALLA.
CAPTAIN EATON AND CAPTAIN DAVIS CAREEN THEIR SHIPS HERE, AND
AFTERWARDS PART.
THEY DEPART FROM AMAPALLA.
TORNADOES.
CAPE SAN FRANCISCO.
THEY MEET CAPTAIN EATON, AND PART AGAIN.
ISLE OF PLATA DESCRIBED.
ANOTHER MEETING WITH CAPTAIN EATON, AND THEIR FINAL PARTING.
POINT SANTA HELENA.
ALGATRANE, A SORT OF TAR.
A SPANISH WRECK.
CRUISINGS.
MANTA, NEAR CAPE SAN LORENZO.
MONTE CHRISTO.
CRUISINGS.
CAPE BLANCO.
PAYTA.
THE BUILDINGS IN PERU.
THE SOIL OF PERU.
COLAN.
BARK LOGS DESCRIBED.
PIURA.
THE ROAD OF PAYTA.
LOBOS DE TERRA.
THEY COME AGAIN TO LOBOS DE LA MAR.
THE BAY OF GUAYAQUIL.
ISLE OF SANTA CLARA.
A RICH SPANISH WRECK THERE.
CATFISH.
PUNTA ARENA IN THE ISLE PUNA.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
THE PALMETTO-TREE.
TOWN AND HARBOUR OF PUNA.
RIVER OF GUAYAQUIL.
GUAYAQUIL TOWN.
ITS COMMODITIES, COCOA, SARSAPARILLA, QUITO CLOTH.
OF THE CITY, AND GOLD, AND AIR OF QUITO.
THEY ENTER THE BAY IN ORDER TO MAKE AN ATTEMPT ON THE TOWN OF
GUAYAQUIL.
A GREAT ADVANTAGE SLIPPED THAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE OF A COMPANY
OF NEGROES TAKEN IN GUAYAQUIL RIVER.
THEY GO TO PLATA AGAIN.
ISLE PLATA.
THEY LEAVE THE ISLE OF PLATA.
CAPE PASSAO.
THE COAST BETWEEN THAT AND CAPE SAN FRANCISCO; AND FROM THENCE ON
TO PANAMA.
THE RIVER OF ST. JAGO.
THE RED AND THE WHITE COTTON-TREE.
THE CABBAGE-TREE.
THE INDIANS OF ST. JAGO RIVER, AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD.
THE ISLE OF GALLO.
THE RIVER AND VILLAGE OF TOMACO.
ISLE OF GORGONA, THE PEARL-OYSTERS THERE AND IN OTHER PARTS.
THE LAND ON THE MAIN.
CAPE CORRIENTES.
POINT GARACHINA.
ISLAND GALLERA.
THE KING'S, OR PEARL, ISLANDS, PACHEQUE ST. PAUL'S ISLAND.
LAVELIA.
NATA.
THE CATFISH.
OYSTERS.
THE PLEASANT PROSPECTS IN THE BAY OF PANAMA.
OLD PANAMA.
THE NEW CITY.
THE GREAT CONCOURSE THERE FROM LIMA AND PORTOBELLO, ETC. UPON THE
ARRIVAL OF THE SPANISH ARMADA IN THE WEST INDIES.
THE COURSE THE ARMADA TAKES; WITH AN INCIDENTAL ACCOUNT OF THE
FIRST INDUCEMENTS THAT MADE THE PRIVATEERS UNDERTAKE THE PASSAGE
OVER THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN INTO THE SOUTH SEAS, AND OF THE
PARTICULAR BEGINNING OF THEIR CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE INDIANS
THAT INHABIT THAT ISTHMUS.
OF THE AIR AND WEATHER AT PANAMA.
THE ISLES OF PERICO.
TABAGO, A PLEASANT ISLAND.
THE MAMMEE-TREE.
THE VILLAGE TABAGO.
A SPANISH STRATAGEM OR TWO OF CAPTAIN BOND THEIR ENGINEER.
THE IGNORANCE OF THE SPANIARDS OF THESE PARTS IN SEA-AFFAIRS.
A PARTY OF FRENCH PRIVATEERS ARRIVE FROM OVERLAND.
OF THE COMMISSIONS THAT ARE GIVEN OUT BY THE FRENCH GOVERNOUR OF
PETIT GUAVRES.
OF THE GULF OF ST. MICHAEL, AND THE RIVERS OF CONGOS, SAMBO, AND
SANTA MARIA: AND AN ERROR OF THE COMMON MAPS, IN THE PLACING
POINT GARACHINA AND CAPE SAN LORENZO, CORRECTED.
OF THE TOWN AND GOLD-MINES OF SANTA MARIA; AND THE TOWN OF
SCUCHADERO.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY'S ARRIVAL WITH SOME MORE ENGLISH PRIVATEERS
OVERLAND.
JARS OF PISCO-WINE.
A BARK OF CAPTAIN KNIGHT'S JOINS THEM.
POINT GARACHINA AGAIN.
PORTO DE PINAS.
ISLE OF OTOQUE.
THE PACKET FROM LIMA TAKEN.
OTHER ENGLISH AND FRENCH PRIVATEERS ARRIVE.
CHEPELIO, ONE OF THE SWEETEST ISLANDS IN THE WORLD.
THE SAPADILLO, AVOCADO-PEAR, MAMMEE-SAPOTA.
WILD MAMMEE AND STAR-APPLE.
CHEAPO RIVER AND TOWN.
SOME TRAVERSINGS IN THE BAY OF PANAMA; AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE
STRENGTH OF THE SPANISH FLEET, AND OF THE PRIVATEERS, AND THE
ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THEM.
THEY SET OUT FROM TABAGO.
ISLE OF CHUCHE.
THE MOUNTAIN CALLED MORO DE PORCOS.
THE COAST TO THE WESTWARD OF THE BAY OF PANAMA.
ISLES OF QUIBO, QUICARO, RANCHERIA.
THE PALMA-MARIA-TREE.
THE ISLES CANALES AND CANTARRAS.
THEY BUILD CANOES FOR A NEW EXPEDITION; AND TAKE PUEBLA NOVA.
CAPTAIN KNIGHT JOINS THEM.
CANOES HOW MADE.
THE COAST AND WINDS BETWEEN QUIBO AND NICOYA.
VOLCAN VIEJO AGAIN.
TORNADOES, AND THE SEA ROUGH.
RIO LEJO HARBOUR.
THE CITY OF LEON TAKEN AND BURNT.
RIO LEJO CREEK; THE TOWN AND COMMODITIES; THE GUAVA-FRUIT, AND
PRICKLY-PEAR: A RANSOM PAID HONOURABLY UPON PAROLE: THE TOWN
BURNT.
CAPTAIN DAVIS AND OTHERS GO OFF FOR THE SOUTH COAST.
A CONTAGIOUS SICKNESS AT RIO LEJO.
TERRIBLE TORNADOES.
THE VOLCANO OF GUATEMALA; THE RICH COMMODITIES OF THAT COUNTRY,
INDIGO, OTTA OR ANATTA, COCHINEEL, SILVESTER.
DRIFTWOOD, AND PUMICE-STONES.
THE COAST FURTHER ON THE NORTH-WEST.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY'S FRUITLESS EXPEDITION TOWARDS TECOANTEPEQUE.
THE ISLAND TANGOLA, AND NEIGHBOURING CONTINENT.
GUATULCO PORT.
THE BUFFADORE, OR WATER-SPOUT.
RUINS OF GUATULCO VILLAGE.
THE COAST ADJOINING.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY MARCHES TO THE RIVER CAPALITA.
TURTLE AT GUATULCO.
AN INDIAN SETTLEMENT.
THE VINELLO-PLANT AND FRUIT.
THEY SET OUT FROM GUATULCO.
THE ISLE SACRIFICIO.
PORT ANGELS.
JACKALS.
A NARROW ESCAPE.
THE ROCK ALGATROSS, AND THE NEIGHBOURING COAST.
SNOOK, A SORT OF FISH.
THE TOWN OF ACAPULCO.
OF THE TRADE IT DRIVES WITH THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
THE HAVEN OF ACAPULCO.
A TORNADO.
PORT MARQUIS.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY MAKES A FRUITLESS ATTEMPT.
A LONG SANDY BAY, BUT VERY ROUGH SEAS.
THE PALM-TREE, GREAT AND SMALL.
THE HILL OF PETAPLAN.
A POOR INDIAN VILLAGE.
JEW-FISH.
CHEQUETAN, A GOOD HARBOUR.
ESTAPA; MUSSELS THERE.
A CARAVAN OF MULES TAKEN.
A HILL NEAR THELUPAN.
THE COAST HEREABOUTS.
THE VOLCANO, TOWN, VALLEY, AND BAY OF COLIMA.
SALLAGUA PORT.
ORRHA.
RAGGED HILLS.
CORONADA, OR THE CROWN LAND.
CAPE CORRIENTES.
ISLES OF CHAMETLY.
THE CITY PURIFICATION.
VALDERAS; OR THE VALLEY OF FLAGS.
THEY MISS THEIR DESIGN ON THIS COAST.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY LEAVES THEM WITH THE DARIEN INDIANS.
THE POINT AND ISLES OF PONTIQUE.
OTHER ISLES OF CHAMETLY.
THE PENGUIN-FRUIT, THE YELLOW AND THE RED.
SEALS HERE.
OF THE RIVER OF CULIACAN, AND THE TRADE OF A TOWN THERE WITH
CALIFORNIA.
MASSACLAN.
RIVER AND TOWN OF ROSARIO.
CAPUT CAVALLI, AND ANOTHER HILL.
THE DIFFICULTY OF INTELLIGENCE ON THIS COAST.
THE RIVER OF OLETTA.
RIVER OF ST. JAGO.
MAXENTELBA ROCK, AND ZELISCO HILL.
SANTA PECAQUE TOWN IN THE RIVER OF ST. JAGO.
OF COMPOSTELLA.
MANY OF THEM CUT OFF AT SANTA PECAQUE.
OF CALIFORNIA; WHETHER AN ISLAND OR NOT: AND OF THE NORTH-WEST
AND NORTH-EAST PASSAGE.
A METHOD PROPOSED FOR DISCOVERY OF THE NORTH-WEST AND NORTH-EAST
PASSAGES.
ISLE OF SANTA MARIA.
A PRICKLY PLANT.
CAPTAIN SWAN PROPOSES A VOYAGE TO THE EAST INDIES.
VALLEY OF VALDERAS AGAIN, AND CAPE CORRIENTES.
THE REASON OF THEIR ILL SUCCESS ON THE MEXICAN COAST, AND
DEPARTURE THENCE FOR THE EAST INDIES.
THEIR DEPARTURE FROM CAPE CORRIENTES FOR THE LADRONE ISLANDS,
AND THE EAST INDIES.
THEIR COURSE THITHER, AND ACCIDENTS BY THE WAY: WITH A TABLE OF
EACH DAY'S RUN, ETC.
OF THE DIFFERENT ACCOUNTS OF THE BREADTH OF THESE SEAS.
GUAM, ONE OF THE LADRONE ISLANDS.
THE COCONUT-TREE, FRUIT, ETC.
THE TODDY, OR ARAK THAT DISTILS FROM IT; WITH OTHER USES THAT ARE
MADE OF IT.
COIR CABLES.
THE LIME, OR CRAB-LEMON.
THE BREAD-FRUIT.
THE NATIVE INDIANS OF GUAM.
THEIR PROAS, A REMARKABLE SORT OF BOATS: AND OF THOSE USED IN THE
EAST INDIES.
THE STATE OF GUAM: AND THE PROVISIONS WITH WHICH THEY WERE
FURNISHED THERE.
THEY RESOLVE TO GO TO MINDANAO.
THEIR DEPARTURE FROM GUAM.
OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
THE ISLE LUCONIA, AND ITS CHIEF TOWN AND PORT, MANILO, MANILA, OR
MANILBO.
OF THE RICH TRADE WE MIGHT ESTABLISH WITH THESE ISLANDS.
ST. JOHN'S ISLAND.
THEY ARRIVE AT MINDANAO.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
ITS FERTILITY.
THE LIBBY-TREES, AND THE SAGO MADE OF THEM.
THE PLANTAIN-TREE, FRUIT, LIQUOR, AND CLOTH.
A SMALLER PLANTAIN AT MINDANAO.
THE BANANA.
OF THE CLOVE-BARK, CLOVES AND NUTMEGS, AND THE METHODS TAKEN BY
THE DUTCH TO MONOPOLIZE THE SPICES.
THE BETEL-NUT, AND AREK-TREE.
THE DURIAN, AND THE JACA-TREE AND FRUIT.
THE BEASTS OF MINDANAO.
CENTIPEDES OR FORTY-LEGS, A VENOMOUS INSECT, AND OTHERS.
THEIR FOWLS, FISH, ETC.
THE TEMPERATURE OF THE CLIMATE, WITH THE COURSE OF THE WINDS,
TORNADOES, RAIN, AND TEMPER OF THE AIR THROUGHOUT THE YEAR.
OF THE INHABITANTS, AND CIVIL STATE OF THE ISLE OF
MINDANAO.
THE MINDANAYANS, HILLANOONES, SOLOGUES, AND ALFOORES.
OF THE MINDANAYANS, PROPERLY SO CALLED; THEIR MANNERS AND
HABITS.
THE HABITS AND MANNERS OF THEIR WOMEN.
A COMICAL CUSTOM AT MINDANAO.
THEIR HOUSES, THEIR DIET, AND WASHINGS.
THE LANGUAGES SPOKEN THERE, AND TRANSACTIONS WITH THE
SPANIARDS.
THEIR FEAR OF THE DUTCH, AND SEEMING DESIRE OF THE ENGLISH.
THEIR HANDICRAFTS, AND PECULIAR SORT OF SMITH'S BELLOWS.
THEIR SHIPPING, COMMODITIES, AND TRADE.
THE MINDANAO AND MANILA TOBACCO.
A SORT OF LEPROSY THERE, AND OTHER DISTEMPERS.
THEIR MARRIAGES.
THE SULTAN OF MINDANAO, HIS POVERTY, POWER, FAMILY, ETC.
THE PROAS OR BOATS HERE.
RAJA LAUT THE GENERAL, BROTHER TO THE SULTAN, AND HIS FAMILY.
THEIR WAY OF FIGHTING.
THEIR RELIGION.
RAJA LAUT'S DEVOTION.
A CLOCK OR DRUM IN THEIR MOSQUES.
OF THEIR CIRCUMCISION, AND THE SOLEMNITY THEN USED.
OF THEIR OTHER RELIGIOUS OBSERVATIONS AND SUPERSTITIONS.
THEIR ABHORRENCE OF SWINES' FLESH, ETC.
THEIR COASTING ALONG THE ISLE OF MINDANAO, FROM A BAY ON THE
EAST SIDE TO ANOTHER AT THE SOUTH-EAST END.
TORNADOES AND BOISTEROUS WEATHER.
THE SOUTH-EAST COAST, AND ITS SAVANNAH AND PLENTY OF DEER.
THEY COAST ALONG THE SOUTH SIDE TO THE RIVER OF MINDANAO CITY,
AND ANCHOR THERE.
THE SULTAN'S BROTHER AND SON COME ABOARD THEM, AND INVITE THEM TO
SETTLE THERE.
OF THE FEASIBLENESS AND PROBABLE ADVANTAGE OF SUCH A SETTLEMENT
FROM THE NEIGHBOURING GOLD AND SPICE ISLANDS.
OF THE BEST WAY TO MINDANAO BY THE SOUTH SEA AND TERRA AUSTRALIS;
AND OF AN ACCIDENTAL DISCOVERY THERE BY CAPTAIN DAVIS, AND A
PROBABILITY OF A GREATER.
THE CAPACITY THEY WERE IN TO SETTLE HERE.
THE MINDANAYANS MEASURE THEIR SHIP.
CAPTAIN SWAN'S PRESENT TO THE SULTAN: HIS RECEPTION OF IT, AND
AUDIENCE GIVEN TO CAPTAIN SWAN, WITH RAJA LAUT, THE SULTAN'S
BROTHER'S ENTERTAINMENT OF HIM.
THE CONTENTS OF TWO ENGLISH LETTERS SHOWN THEM BY THE SULTAN OF
MINDANAO.
OF THE COMMODITIES AND THE PUNISHMENTS THERE.
THE GENERAL'S CAUTION HOW TO DEMEAN THEMSELVES; AT HIS PERSUASION
THEY LAY UP THEIR SHIPS IN THE RIVER.
THE MINDANAYANS' CARESSES.
THE GREAT RAINS AND FLOODS OF THE CITY.
THE MINDANAYANS HAVE CHINESE ACCOUNTANTS.
HOW THEIR WOMEN DANCE.
A STORY OF ONE JOHN THACKER.
THEIR BARK EATEN UP, AND THEIR SHIP ENDANGERED BY THE WORM.
OF THE WORMS HERE AND ELSEWHERE.
OF CAPTAIN SWAN.
RAJA LAUT, THE GENERAL'S DECEITFULNESS.
HUNTING WILD KINE.
THE PRODIGALITY OF SOME OF THE ENGLISH.
CAPTAIN SWAN TREATS WITH A YOUNG INDIAN OF A SPICE ISLAND.
A HUNTING-VOYAGE WITH THE GENERAL.
HIS PUNISHING A SERVANT OF HIS.
OF HIS WIVES AND WOMEN.
A SORT OF STRONG RICE-DRINK.
THE GENERAL'S FOUL DEALING AND EXACTIONS.
CAPTAIN SWAN'S UNEASINESS AND INDISCREET MANAGEMENT.
HIS MEN MUTINY.
OF A SNAKE TWISTING ABOUT ONE OF THEIR NECKS.
THE MAIN PART OF THE CREW GO AWAY WITH THE SHIP, LEAVING CAPTAIN
SWAN AND SOME OF HIS MEN: SEVERAL OTHERS POISONED THERE.
THEY DEPART FROM THE RIVER OF MINDANAO.
OF THE TIME LOST OR GAINED IN SAILING ROUND THE WORLD: WITH A
CAUTION TO SEAMEN, ABOUT THE ALLOWANCE THEY ARE TO TAKE FOR THE
DIFFERENCE OF THE SUN'S DECLINATION.
THE SOUTH COAST OF MINDANAO.
CHAMBONGO TOWN AND HARBOUR, WITH ITS NEIGHBOURING KEYS.
GREEN TURTLE.
RUINS OF A SPANISH FORT.
THE WESTERMOST POINT OF MINDANAO.
TWO PROAS OF THE SOLOGUES LADEN FROM MANILA.
AN ISLE TO THE WEST OF SEBO.
WALKING-CANES.
ISLE OF BATS, VERY LARGE; AND NUMEROUS TURTLE AND MANATEE.
A DANGEROUS SHOAL.
THEY SAIL BY PANAY BELONGING TO THE SPANIARDS, AND OTHERS OF THE
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
ISLE OF MINDORO.
TWO BARKS TAKEN.
A FURTHER ACCOUNT OF THE ISLE LUCONIA, AND THE CITY AND HARBOUR
OF MANILA.
THEY GO OFF PULO CONDORE TO LIE THERE.
THE SHOALS OF PRACEL, ETC.
PULO CONDORE.
THE TAR-TREE.
THE MANGO.
GRAPE-TREE.
THE WILD OR BASTARD-NUTMEG.
THEIR ANIMALS.
OF THE MIGRATION OF THE TURTLE FROM PLACE TO PLACE.
OF THE COMMODIOUS SITUATION OF PULO CONDORE; ITS WATER, AND ITS
COCHIN-CHINESE INHABITANTS.
OF THE MALAYAN TONGUE.
THE CUSTOM OF PROSTITUTING THEIR WOMEN IN THESE COUNTRIES, AND IN
GUINEA.
THE IDOLATRY HERE, AT TONQUIN, AND AMONG THE CHINESE SEAMEN, AND
OF A PROCESSION AT FORT ST. GEORGE.
THEY REFIT THEIR SHIP.
TWO OF THEM DIE OF POISON THEY TOOK AT MINDANAO.
THEY TAKE IN WATER, AND A PILOT FOR THE BAY OF SIAM.
PULO UBI; AND POINT OF CAMBODIA.
TWO CAMBODIAN VESSELS.
ISLES IN THE BAY OF SIAM.
THE TIGHT VESSELS AND SEAMEN OF THE KINGDOM OF CHAMPA.
STORMS.
A CHINESE JUNK FROM PALIMBAM IN SUMATRA.
THEY COME AGAIN TO PULO CONDORE.
A BLOODY FRAY WITH A MALAYAN VESSEL.
THE SURGEON'S AND THE AUTHOR'S DESIRES OF LEAVING THEIR CREW.
THEY LEAVE PULO CONDORE, DESIGNING FOR MANILA, BUT ARE DRIVEN
OFF FROM THENCE, AND FROM THE ISLE OF PRATAS, BY THE WINDS, AND
BROUGHT UPON THE COAST OF CHINA.
ISLE OF ST. JOHN, ON THE COAST OF THE PROVINCE OF CANTON; ITS
SOIL AND PRODUCTIONS, CHINA HOGS, ETC.
THE INHABITANTS; AND OF THE TARTARS FORCING THE CHINESE TO CUT
OFF THEIR HAIR.
THEIR HABITS, AND THE LITTLE FEET OF THEIR WOMEN, CHINA-WARE,
CHINA-ROOTS, TEA, ETC.
A VILLAGE AT ST. JOHN'S ISLAND, AND OF THEIR HUSBANDRY OF THEIR
RICE.
A STORY OF A CHINESE PAGODA, OR IDOL-TEMPLE, AND IMAGE.
OF THE CHINA-JUNKS, AND THEIR RIGGING.
THEY LEAVE ST. JOHN'S AND THE COAST OF CHINA.
A MOST OUTRAGEOUS STORM.
CORPUS SANT, A LIGHT, OR METEOR APPEARING IN STORMS.
THE PISCADORES, OR FISHERS ISLANDS NEAR FORMOSA.
A TARTARIAN GARRISON, AND CHINESE TOWN ON ONE OF THESE
ISLANDS.
THEY ANCHOR IN THE HARBOUR NEAR THE TARTARS' GARRISON, AND TREAT
WITH THE GOVERNOR.
OF AMOY IN THE PROVINCE OF FOKIEN, AND MACAO, A CHINESE AND
PORTUGUESE TOWN NEAR CANTON IN CHINA.
THE HABITS OF A TARTARIAN OFFICER AND HIS RETINUE.
THEIR PRESENTS, EXCELLENT BEEF.
SAM SHU, A SORT OF CHINESE ARAK, AND HOC SHU, A KIND OF CHINESE
MUM, AND THE JARS IT IS BOTTLED IN.
OF THE ISLE OF FORMOSA, AND THE FIVE ISLANDS; TO WHICH THEY GAVE
THE NAMES OF ORANGE, MONMOUTH, GRAFTON, BASHEE, AND GOAT ISLANDS,
IN GENERAL, THE BASHEE ISLANDS.
A DIGRESSION CONCERNING THE DIFFERENT DEPTHS OF THE SEA NEAR HIGH
OR LOW LANDS, SOIL, ETC., AS BEFORE.
THE SOIL, FRUITS AND ANIMALS OF THESE ISLANDS.
THE INHABITANTS AND THEIR CLOTHING.
RINGS OF A YELLOW METAL LIKE GOLD.
THEIR HOUSES BUILT ON REMARKABLE PRECIPICES.
THEIR BOATS AND EMPLOYMENTS.
THEIR FOOD, OF GOAT-SKINS, ENTRAILS, ETC.
PARCHED LOCUSTS.
BASHEE, OR SUGAR-CANE DRINK.
OF THEIR LANGUAGE AND ORIGIN.
LANCES AND BUFFALO COATS.
NO IDOLS, NOR CIVIL FORM OF GOVERNMENT.
A YOUNG MAN BURIED ALIVE BY THEM; SUPPOSED TO BE FOR THEFT.
THEIR WIVES AND CHILDREN, AND HUSBANDRY.
THEIR MANNERS, ENTERTAINMENTS, AND TRAFFIC.
OF THE SHIP'S FIRST INTERCOURSE WITH THESE PEOPLE, AND BARTERING
WITH THEM.
THEIR COURSE AMONG THE ISLANDS; THEIR STAY THERE, AND PROVISION
TO DEPART.
THEY ARE DRIVEN OFF BY A VIOLENT STORM, AND RETURN.
THE NATIVES' KINDNESS TO SIX OF THEM LEFT BEHIND.
THE CREW DISCOURAGED BY THOSE STORMS, QUIT THEIR DESIGN OF
CRUISING OFF MANILA FOR THE ACAPULCO SHIP; AND IT IS RESOLVED TO
FETCH A COMPASS TO CAPE COMORIN, AND SO FOR THE RED SEA.
THEY DEPART FROM THE BASHEE ISLANDS, AND PASSING BY SOME
OTHERS, AND THE NORTH END OF LUCONIA.
ST. JOHN'S ISLE, AND OTHER OF THE PHILIPPINES.
THEY STOP AT THE TWO ISLES NEAR MINDANAO; WHERE THEY REFIT THEIR
SHIP, AND MAKE A PUMP AFTER THE SPANISH FASHION.
BY THE YOUNG PRINCE OF THE SPICE ISLAND THEY HAVE NEWS OF CAPTAIN
SWAN, AND HIS MEN, LEFT AT MINDANAO.
THE AUTHOR PROPOSES TO THE CREW TO RETURN TO HIM; BUT IN
VAIN.
THE STORY OF HIS MURDER AT MINDANAO.
THE CLOVE ISLANDS.
TERNATE.
TIDORE, ETC.
THE ISLAND CELEBES, AND DUTCH TOWN OF MACASSAR.
THEY COAST ALONG THE EAST SIDE OF CELEBES, AND BETWEEN IT AND
OTHER ISLANDS AND SHOALS, WITH GREAT DIFFICULTY.
SHY TURTLE.
VAST COCKLES.
A WILD VINE OF GREAT VIRTUE FOR SORES.
GREAT TREES; ONE EXCESSIVELY BIG.
BEACONS INSTEAD OF BUOYS ON THE SHOALS.
A SPOUT: A DESCRIPTION OF THEM, WITH A STORY OF ONE.
UNCERTAIN TORNADOES.
TURTLE.
THE ISLAND BOUTON, AND ITS CHIEF TOWN AND HARBOUR
CALLASUSUNG.
THE INHABITANTS.
VISITS GIVEN AND RECEIVED BY THE SULTAN.
HIS DEVICE IN THE FLAG OF HIS PROA.
HIS GUARDS, HABIT AND CHILDREN.
THEIR COMMERCE.
THEIR DIFFERENT ESTEEM (AS THEY PRETEND) OF THE ENGLISH AND
DUTCH.
MARITIME INDIANS SELL OTHERS FOR SLAVES.
THEIR RECEPTION IN THE TOWN.
A BOY WITH FOUR ROWS OF TEETH.
PARAKEETS.
COCKATOOS, A SORT OF WHITE PARROTS.
THEY PASS AMONG OTHER INHABITED ISLANDS.
OMBA, PENTARE, TIMOR, ETC.
SHOALS.
NEW HOLLAND; LAID DOWN TOO MUCH NORTHWARD.
ITS SOIL, AND DRAGON-TREES.
THE POOR WINKING INHABITANTS: THEIR FEATHERS, HABIT, FOOD, ARMS,
ETC.
THE WAY OF FETCHING FIRE OUT OF WOOD.
THE INHABITANTS ON THE ISLANDS.
THEIR HABITATIONS, UNFITNESS FOR LABOUR, ETC.
THE GREAT TIDES HERE.
THEY DESIGN FOR THE ISLAND COCOS, AND CAPE COMORIN.
LEAVING NEW HOLLAND THEY PASS BY THE ISLAND COCOS, AND TOUCH
AT ANOTHER WOODY ISLAND NEAR IT.
A LAND-ANIMAL LIKE LARGE CRAWFISH.
COCONUTS, FLOATING IN THE SEA.
THE ISLAND TRISTE BEARING COCONUTS, YET OVERFLOWN EVERY
SPRING-TIDE.
THEY ANCHOR AT A SMALL ISLAND NEAR THAT OF NASSAU.
HOG ISLAND, AND OTHERS.
A PROA TAKEN BELONGING TO ACHIN.
NICOBAR ISLAND, AND THE REST CALLED BY THAT NAME.
AMBERGRIS, GOOD AND BAD.
THE MANNERS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THESE ISLANDS.
THEY ANCHOR AT NICOBAR ISLE.
ITS SITUATION, SOIL, AND PLEASANT MIXTURE OF ITS BAYS, TREES,
ETC.
THE MELORY-TREE AND FRUIT, USED FOR BREAD.
THE NATIVES OF NICOBAR ISLAND, THEIR FORM, HABIT, LANGUAGE,
HABITATIONS; NO FORM OF RELIGION OR GOVERNMENT: THEIR FOOD AND
CANOES.
THEY CLEAN THE SHIP.
THE AUTHOR PROJECTS AND GETS LEAVE TO STAY ASHORE HERE, AND WITH
HIM TWO ENGLISHMEN MORE, THE PORTUGUESE, AND FOUR MALAYANS OF
ACHIN.
THEIR FIRST RENCOUNTERS WITH THE NATIVES.
OF THE COMMON TRADITIONS CONCERNING CANNIBALS, OR MAN-EATERS.
THEIR ENTERTAINMENT ASHORE.
THEY BUY A CANOE, TO TRANSPORT THEM OVER TO ACHIN; BUT OVERSET
HER AT FIRST GOING OUT.
HAVING RECRUITED AND IMPROVED HER, THEY SET OUT AGAIN FOR THE
EAST SIDE OF THE ISLAND.
THEY HAVE A WAR WITH THE ISLANDERS; BUT PEACE BEING
REESTABLISHED, THEY LAY IN STORES, AND MAKE PREPARATIONS FOR
THEIR VOYAGE.
THE AUTHOR, WITH SOME OTHERS, PUT TO SEA IN AN OPEN BOAT,
DESIGNING FOR ACHIN.
THEIR ACCOMMODATIONS FOR THEIR VOYAGE.
CHANGE OF WEATHER; A HALO ABOUT THE SUN, AND A VIOLENT STORM.
THEIR GREAT DANGER AND DISTRESS.
CUDDA, A TOWN AND HARBOUR ON THE COAST OF MALACCA.
PULO WAY.
GOLDEN MOUNTAIN ON THE ISLE OF SUMATRA.
RIVER AND TOWN OF PASSANGE JONCA ON SUMATRA, NEAR DIAMOND POINT;
WHERE THEY GO ASHORE VERY SICK, AND ARE KINDLY ENTERTAINED BY THE
OROMKAY, AND INHABITANTS.
THEY GO THENCE TO ACHIN.
THE AUTHOR IS EXAMINED BEFORE THE SHABANDER; AND TAKES PHYSICK OF
A MALAYAN DOCTOR.
HIS LONG ILLNESS.
HE SETS OUT TOWARDS NICOBAR AGAIN, BUT RETURNS SUDDENLY TO ACHIN
ROAD.
HE MAKES SEVERAL VOYAGES THENCE, TO TONQUIN, TO MALACCA, TO FORT
ST. GEORGE, AND TO BENCOOLEN, AN ENGLISH FACTORY ON SUMATRA.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE SHIP'S CREW WHO SET THE AUTHOR ASHORE AT
NICOBAR.
SOME GO TO TRANGAMBAR, A DANISH FORT ON COROMANDEL; OTHERS TO
FORT ST. GEORGE; MANY TO THE MOGUL'S CAMP.
OF THE PEUNS; AND HOW JOHN OLIVER MADE HIMSELF A CAPTAIN.
CAPTAIN READ, WITH THE REST, HAVING PLUNDERED A RICH PORTUGUESE
SHIP NEAR CEYLON, GOES TO MADAGASCAR, AND SHIPS HIMSELF OFF
THENCE IN A NEW YORK SHIP.
THE TRAVERSES OF THE REST TO JOHANNA, ETC.
THEIR SHIP, THE CYGNET OF LONDON, NOW LIES SUNK IN AUGUSTIN BAY
AT MADAGASCAR.
OF PRINCE JEOLY THE PAINTED MAN, WHOM THE AUTHOR BROUGHT WITH HIM
TO ENGLAND, AND WHO DIED AT OXFORD.
OF HIS COUNTRY THE ISLE OF MEANGIS; THE CLOVES THERE, ETC.
THE AUTHOR IS MADE GUNNER OF BENCOOLEN, BUT IS FORCED TO SLIP
AWAY FROM THENCE TO COME FOR ENGLAND.
THE AUTHOR'S DEPARTURE FROM BENCOOLEN, ON BOARD THE DEFENCE,
UNDER CAPTAIN HEATH.
OF A FIGHT BETWEEN SOME FRENCH MEN-OF-WAR FROM PONDICHERRY, AND
SOME DUTCH SHIPS FROM PALLACAT, JOINED WITH SOME ENGLISH, IN
SIGHT OF FORT ST. GEORGE.
OF THE BAD WATER TAKEN IN AT BENCOOLEN; AND THE STRANGE SICKNESS
AND DEATH OF THE SEAMEN, SUPPOSED TO BE OCCASIONED THEREBY.
A SPRING AT BENCOOLEN RECOMMENDED.
THE GREAT EXIGENCIES ON BOARD.
A CONSULT HELD AND A PROPOSAL MADE TO GO TO JOHANNA.
A RESOLUTION TAKEN TO PROSECUTE THEIR VOYAGE TO THE CAPE OF GOOD
HOPE.
THE WIND FAVOURS THEM.
THE CAPTAIN'S CONDUCT.
THEY ARRIVE AT THE CAPE, AND ARE HELPED INTO HARBOUR BY THE
DUTCH.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE CAPE, ITS PROSPECT, SOUNDINGS, TABLE
MOUNTAIN, HARBOUR, SOIL, ETC., LARGE POMEGRANATES, AND GOOD
WINES.
THE LAND-ANIMALS.
A VERY BEAUTIFUL KIND OF ONAGER, OR WILD ASS, STRIPED REGULARLY
BLACK AND WHITE.
OSTRICHES.
FISH.
SEALS.
THE DUTCH FORT AND FACTORY.
THEIR FINE GARDEN.
THE TRAFFIC HERE.
OF THE NATURAL INHABITANTS OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, THE
HODMADODS OR HOTTENTOTS.
THEIR PERSONAGE, GARB, BESMEARING THEMSELVES; THEIR CLOTHING,
HOUSES, FOOD, WAY OF LIVING, AND DANCING AT THE FULL OF THE MOON:
COMPARED IN THOSE RESPECTS WITH OTHER NEGROES AND WILD
INDIANS.
CAPTAIN HEATH REFRESHES HIS MEN AT THE CAPE, AND GETTING SOME
MORE HANDS, DEPARTS IN COMPANY WITH THE JAMES AND MARY, AND THE
JOSIAH.
A GREAT SWELLING SEA FROM SOUTH-WEST.
THEY ARRIVE AT ST. HELENA AND THERE MEET WITH THE PRINCESS ANN,
HOMEWARD BOUND.
THE AIR, SITUATION, AND SOIL OF THAT ISLAND.
ITS FIRST DISCOVERY, AND CHANGE OF MASTERS SINCE.
HOW THE ENGLISH GOT IT.
ITS STRENGTH, TOWN, INHABITANTS, AND THE PRODUCT OF THEIR
PLANTATIONS.
THE ST. HELENA MANATEE NO OTHER THAN THE SEA-LION.
OF THE ENGLISH WOMEN AT THIS ISLE.
THE ENGLISH SHIPS REFRESH THEIR MEN HERE; AND DEPART ALL
TOGETHER.
OF THE DIFFERENT COURSES FROM HENCE TO ENGLAND.
THEIR COURSE AND ARRIVAL IN THE ENGLISH CHANNEL AND THE
DOWNS.
ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS.
TITLE PAGE OF THE FIRST EDITION OF A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
WILLIAM DAMPIER. BY T. MURRAY. FROM THE PAINTING IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY.
A PAGE OF DAMPIER'S JOURNAL (SLOANE MANUSCRIPTS 3236).
MAP OF THE MIDDLE PART OF AMERICA.
MAP OF THE BASHEE ISLANDS, PULO CONDORE, ETC.
INDEX OF PERSONS, PLACES AND SHIPS MENTIONED IN A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
Dampier's New Voyage on its publication won immediate success, and has ever since maintained its place in the front rank among the most notable records of maritime adventure. It stands midway between the epic tales of Hakluyt and the official narratives of the world voyages of Anson and Cook. As a record of buccaneering it comes between the applauded filibustering of Hawkins and Drake and the condemned piracy of the eighteenth century. The stories of the buccaneers are on the verge of romance. On an episode in the life of one of them Defoe founded one of the great romances of all time--"a most circumstantial and elaborate lie," as Leslie Stephen calls it, "for which we are all grateful." No buccaneer's story has had anything like the popularity of Robinson Crusoe: but it may be noted that when Defoe essayed to tell lying tales of pirates such as Captain Avery, founded on Dampier and other writers of fact, the subsequent popularity has been with the true story.
In his Preface Dampier describes his book as "composed of a mixed relation of places and actions," a modest and inadequate indication which would hardly be approved by the advertising experts of the present day. The relation of places was, in fact, an extensive contribution to the geographical and ethnographical knowledge of his time. Nor does the description take count of the frequent excursions in the realm of natural history which diversify the main story with detailed accounts of tropical animals and plants, not highly scientific indeed, but accurate for the most part and novel to his readers.
Another more general description is that of the title page, "A voyage round the world." A reader must presume from such a title some intention of circumnavigation at the start, and some continuous prosecution of the aim. Dampier, however, left England without any purpose of rounding the globe, and apparently had no mind to do so until, after many years of devotion to other pursuits, he found himself already halfway home. His was no single voyage, rather the haphazard resultant of episodical voyages, some only of which were in the line of circumnavigation; in the course of these voyages he must have sailed in a dozen ships, apart from canoes and other boats. He accomplished the grand tour, however, a feat which in his time could with luck have been achieved in two years--it took him twelve and a half.
Many men who recount adventures in which they have borne a part describe fully their own actions and conduct; some with a particularity trying to the reader's patience. Dampier is not one of these. In the New Voyage, which began when he was 27, he says nothing of his previous life and throughout shows a too strict reserve in regard to his share in the events related. To enable readers of the present volume to form some estimate of the man a sketch of his life, however inadequate, has to be provided. The details of his subsequent career, which includes a second circumnavigation and two other notable voyages, would be hardly appropriate here. They will not be touched further than seems necessary for an appraisement of Dampier's conduct and character.
LIFE BEFORE THE NEW VOYAGE.
All that is known of Dampier's early life is told by himself in the first chapter of his Voyages to the Bay of Campeachy. He was born in the earlier half of 1652, the son of a farmer at East Coker, near Yeovil. His father died in 1662, and his mother in 1668. His parents had designed him for commercial life; he was sent to school, probably at Yeovil, and attended the Latin class. On the death of his mother his guardians "took other measures" and "removed me from the Latin school to learn writing and arithmetic," in other words, transferred him to the Modern Side. A year or so later, having had "very early inclinations to see the world," he was apprenticed to the master of a Weymouth ship and with him made a voyage to France and then to Newfoundland. He was "pinched with the rigour of that cold climate" and set his heart on a long voyage in summer seas. Soon after his return to London his chance came and, now 19 years of age, he embarked on a voyage to Bantam, serving before the mast. Returning home early in 1672, he spent the rest of the year with his brother in Somersetshire.
He soon tired of home life and the Second Dutch War was now afoot. Dampier enlisted and fought under Sir Edward Spragge in his first two engagements. A day or two before the third, in which Sir Edward was killed, he fell sick and after a long illness went home to his brother. There a neighbouring gentleman, Colonel Hillier, made him an offer of employment in the management of his plantation in Jamaica under a Mr. Whalley, and he set forth in the Content of London, working his passage as a seaman, under agreement for his discharge on arrival. This he deemed necessary lest he should be "trepanned and sold as a servant after my arrival in Jamaica." For six months he worked with Mr. Whalley on the plantation "16-Mile walk," i.e. from Spanish Town: then took service under Captain Heming on his plantation at St. Ann's, in the north of the island. He soon left an employment in which, as he says, he was clearly out of his element, and spent some months in trading cruises round the island, during which he "came acquainted with all the ports and bays about Jamaica and with their manufactures, as also with the benefit of the land and sea-winds." He thus early began his habits of close observation of men and nature. Now also began his practice of keeping a journal, which he had omitted in his voyage to Bantam.
Between 1675 and 1678 Dampier spent about two years in cutting and loading log-wood on the Bay of Campeachy, an occupation which he seemed to have enjoyed. The resistance of Spain to foreign intrusion was becoming feeble, and Dampier reckons there were 270 Englishmen engaged in the log-wood trade. "It is not my business," he adds, "to determine how far we might have a right of cutting wood there." He did not, however, get rich on it, and at length in straightened circumstances was constrained to take a turn with some privateers along the gulf as far as Vera Cruz. For a short time he resumed work at Campeachy, thence returning to Jamaica and back to London (August 1678). He gave himself only a six months' leave, during which he married Judith* ----, from the household of the Duke of Grafton (see below). It does not appear that they had any children, and nothing more is known of the wife till some 25 years later. He had to work for his living and now projected another expedition to Campeachy--"but it proved to be a voyage round the world."
(*Footnote. Her Christian name appears in a codicil to a revoked will of 1703.)
HIS FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATION.*
(*Footnote. The following writers were comrades of Dampier in parts of the voyage. The extent to which they are more or less synoptical is shown by reference to the chapters of this book. (1) Basil Ringrose, Part 4 of the History of the Buccaneers, Sloane Manuscripts 3820 (Dampier, Introduction and Chapters 1 to 3); (2) Lionel Wafer, New Voyage and Description, etc., 1699 (Dampier, Introduction and Chapters 1 to 3); (3) William Ambrosia Cowley, Voyage round the World, 1699 (Dampier Chapters 4 to 5); (4) Bartholomew Sharp, Voyages and Adventures, in the Dampier Voyages, 1727, Sloane Manuscripts 45, 46B (Dampier, Introduction and Chapters 1 to 3); (5) John Cox, An account of our Proceedings, etc., Sloane Manuscripts 49 (Dampier, Chapters 1 to 3).)
As has been noted the circumnavigation was a haphazard tour interrupted by digressions as accidental and whimsical as some in the Autobiography of Tristram Shandy. For the convenience of the reader I have divided the whole into eight stages, each of which is a more or less separate cruise, defined by change of direction, ship or captain.
FIRST STAGE.
Dampier set out on the memorable adventures recorded in the present volume in an early month of 1679, embarking as a passenger in the Loyal Merchant of London, Captain Knapman. On arrival in Jamaica in April he spent the remainder of the year there. Having bought a small estate in Dorsetshire, he was near returning home to complete the purchase when Mr. Hobby invited him to join in a trading voyage to the Moskito shore, and he "sent the writing of my new purchase" to England by the hands of friends. As fate would have it Mr. Hobby put into Negril Bay at the west end of Jamaica, where a squadron of buccaneers was assembled under Captains John Coxon, Sawkins, Bartholomew Sharp, and other worthies. The temptation which led many an honest man to the buccaneering life could not be resisted. "Mr. Hobby's men all left him to go with them upon an expedition they had contrived, leaving not one with him beside myself." After three or four days Dampier went too, and no more is heard of Mr. Hobby.
BUCCANEERING.
I allow myself at this point, following Shandean precedent, to interpose a digression on buccaneering. Under this polite West Indian synonym for piracy, the profession was at the zenith of its prosperity when Dampier joined in: it had acquired indeed some measure of respectability. Some knowledge of its history in the West Indies, and of the current state of public opinion in regard to it, is needed for understanding how a man of Dampier's character, and many like him, came to be associated with it, untroubled by more than occasional twinges of conscience.
Earlier in the century the hunters of Hispaniola were waging a not unrighteous warfare against Spanish tyranny. From the boucans, frames or hurdles, on which their meat was roasted, they got the name of buccaneers. They obtained the assistance of French and English adventurers, and the war was extended to the sea. With the accession of more and more reckless spirits from Europe whose only object was booty, the local justification was lost, and the buccaneers, whose exploits are told by Esquemeling, Dampier and Burney, and ever since followed with zest and sympathy by boys young and old (including Charles Kingsley) were for the most part pirates.*
(*Footnote. Some had commissions of various import from French or English authorities. Thus Captain Swan had one from the Duke of York, neither to give offence to the Spaniards nor to receive any affront from them. With this Swan, under plea of such an affront, "thought he had a lawful commission of his own to right himself." Dampier had not seen the French commissions, but heard that they were "to fish, fowl, and hunt," and were nominally confined to Hispaniola: the French, nevertheless, "make them a pretence for a general ravage in any part of America, by sea or land." (See below.) Captain Cook succeeded to one of these by right of seizing the French Captain Tristian's bark! Most of the buccaneers, however, did not trouble about commissions. In his threatening letter to the president of Panama, Captain Sawkins promised to visit that city when his force was ready, declaring, in language fine enough to glorify a better cause, that he would "bring our commissions on the muzzles of our guns, at which time he should read them as plain as the flame of gunpowder could make them" (Ringrose, History of the Buccaneers Part 4 Chapter 8).)
The glamour which surrounds the buccaneers can be partly accounted for. Their enterprises have seemed to be a continuation of those of Hawkins and Drake, the national heroes of the preceding century, and thus worthy of a measure of their praise.*
(*Footnote. "The exploits of Drake and Raleigh were imitated, upon a smaller scale indeed, but with equally desperate valour, by small bands of pirates, gathered from all nations, but chiefly French and English." Sir W. Scott Rokeby, Canto 1 Note D). The scale was in fact much larger.)
True, the enemy in both cases was Spain, and in Dampier's time, despite the friendly policy of James I and Charles I, Spain was still regarded as the national foe. Spanish cruelties to the natives and to honest traders whom they imprisoned rankled in the hearts of Englishmen. There was, however, no national or religious enthusiasm behind the buccaneers, whose operations had a different origin and were instigated solely by motives of plunder. Mr. Andrew Lang's description of the buccaneers* as "the most hideously ruthless miscreants that ever disgraced the earth and the sea" is true enough of the leaders of the preceding decades, such as L'Olonnois (French) Bartholomew Portuquez, Roche Braziliano (Dutch) and we may add Henry Morgan (Welsh). Even these villains had their several accounts for settlement with the Spaniards. L'Olonnois had been kidnapped and sold as a slave; Morgan, too, had been sold as a slave; Esquemeling, their historian, had been beaten, tortured and nearly starved to death. The captains whom Dampier served were of a more humane stamp. The change may be seen by a comparison of the original Esquemeling with the supplement of Ringrose and with the stories of Dampier and the others of his time. Though engaged in a lawless war the later captains conducted it more according to the existing laws of war, and they treated their Spanish enemies with respect and occasional chivalry. As for the men comprising the crews they were of no worse class than those who manned the ships of war or merchantmen of the time. They were simply children of fortune, some of good behaviour, some vicious and drunken, a few provided with education,** many with none, like the mixed companies who some 60 or 70 years ago crowded to the goldfields of Australia and California.
(*Footnote. Essays in Little and Preface to Esquemeling's History of the Buccaneers Broadway Translations 1893.)
(**Footnote. Ringrose, who was one of these, tells us of another, Richard Gopson, who died on the return journey across the Isthmus. He had been apprentice to a druggist in London but "was an ingenious man and a good scholar, and had with him a Greek Testament which he frequently read, and would translate ex tempore into English to such of the company as were disposed to hear him.")
As the enterprises of the buccaneers were lawless, so were the relations of the captains and crews. Readers of this volume will note the fitful allegiance of the captains to the commander-in-chief, and of the crews to the captains. Dissensions led to frequent mutinies and desertions: these however seem to have been treated as no more abnormal than changes of the weather. They were settled without violence, and in most cases amicably, the men following the captains they liked best.
The troubles of Spanish America are rightly traced to the Bull of the Borgia pope who divided the Spanish and Portuguese claims of conquest by lines of longitude, and to the exclusive commercial policy based on that award. The filibustering of the Elizabethan seamen was England's protest against the preposterous claim founded on a papal decree, not sanctioned by more than sparse settlements on the vast coasts of two continents. As Sir Charles Lucas says, the Spaniards "claimed rather than possessed, and did little either in conquest or settlement."*
(*Footnote. Historical Geography of the British Colonies West Indies page 296.)
England's protest brought forth the Spanish Armada; its destruction, however, did not produce a settlement of the international situation in America. More than 80 years later the operations of the buccaneers, insulting to Spain and cruelly destructive of Spanish life and property, impossible as they were for the English government to defend, led to the conclusion of the treaty of 1670. It was a one-sided agreement which protected for England little more than Jamaica, while for Spain the whole of her settlements on both sides of America were to be immune. Exemplifying the foolish ideas of the time in regard to commercial policy it proposed to secure not mutual but exclusive trade. It provided that the subjects of the confederates "shall abstain and forbear to sail and trade in the ports and havens which have fortifications, castles, magazines, or warehouses, and in all places whatever possessed by the other party in the West Indies." The governors of Jamaica did what they could, without sufficient power to their elbows, to carry the treaty into effect. Some buccaneers were punished, but when Dampier, nine years later, came on the scene, the game was more popular than ever and attracted many hundreds of adventurers from both England and France. At this time the French were more occupied with gaining a footing in Hispaniola, and thus most of the sea work "on the account," such was the euphemism, was done by the English.*
(*Footnote. Nulli melius piraticum exercant quam Angli, says Scaliger.)
Trading between nations is a natural propensity, and an exclusive trade agreement was one certain to be resented and disregarded. The Spaniards on their side did little to ease the situation.* Englishmen and Frenchmen when they fell into their power were put to death or imprisoned with barbarous severities.** They did not on all occasions feel bound to keep their word with heretics. Their oppressive treatment of the natives led many tribes to give active or covert assistance to the intruders. Although at times, as we shall see, they fought with their old valour, in most cases they lived in a state of terror, vacated their towns at the first assault, and were held in contempt by the English freebooters.
(*Footnote. Sir Henry Morgan does, however, in 1680 (Cal SP America and West Indies) mention the arrival at Port Royal of a "good English merchantman" which had been trading with the Spaniards on the Main. She reported a friendly reception of herself, but great desolation of the maritime towns through the frequent sacking of the privateers.)
(**Footnote. See despatch of sir Thomas Lynch 26 July 1683 in Cal SP America and West Indies.)
Public opinion at home was not seriously adverse to the buccaneers.* Morgan, the most notorious professor of the craft, after being alternately commissioned and prosecuted as a privateer, was knighted and appointed lieutenant-governor of Jamaica. Some of Dampier's associates, prosecuted on their return to England on charges of piracy, were acquitted or liberated after short imprisonment. At this time, when larceny of a sheep or ass was punishable with death, the penalty of piracy, under the statute 28 Henry VIII c 15, unless accompanied by murder, was only fine and imprisonment.** James II had proclaimed a pardon for buccaneers, and the open confession of piracy in Ringrose's and Dampier's narratives created little or no danger of prosecution: there was evidently no fear even of adverse public criticism. In Dampier's case his book opened for him the door of employment under government.
(*Footnote. The New Englanders heartily supported buccaneering and throve on it. On 25 August 1684 Governor Cranfield records the arrival at Boston of a French privateer of 35 guns. When she was sighted the Bostonians sent a messenger and a pilot to convoy her into port in defiance of the King's Proclamation, which they tore down. He adds that the pirates were likely to leave the greatest part of their booty behind them (amounting to 700 pounds a man) as they had bought up most of the choice goods in Boston. Cal SP America and West Indies. Much further evidence is supplied by the official correspondence.)
(**Footnote. Under the date 20 May 1680 the Council of Jamaica wrote to the commissioners of trade and plantations of the "detestable depredations of some of our nation (who pass for inhabitants of Jamaica) under colour of French commissions," referring to them as "ravenous vermin." They suggested that piracy should be punished as felony without benefit of clergy.)
SECOND STAGE.
The expedition contrived by the pirate leaders was an attack on Portobello, the rich isthmus city near the site of the famous Nombre de Dios.*
(*Footnote. The capture of Portobello is described in the History of the Buccaneers Part 3 Chapter 12. The details of other events, shortly summarised by Dampier in his Chapter 1, are supplied by Basil Ringrose in Part 4 of that History. For this first period my quotations are from Ringrose. Another account of this stage of Dampier's voyage is given by Lionel Wafer, the surgeon, in his New Voyage and Description, who was with him in one ship or another till 25 August 1685 when Davis and Swan parted company (see Chapter 8). Wafer's book was not published till after Dampier's in 1699.)
The buccaneer force consisted of nine ships, two of them French, and 477 men. The place was easily taken and, though it had been sacked by Morgan only 11 years ago, the booty gave a dividend of 40 pounds per man. A proposal was now made, on the instigation of friendly Indians, to march across the Isthmus to the city of Santa Maria. The French broke off: they "were not willing to go to Panama, declaring themselves generally against a long march by land." The force was thus reduced by two ships and 111 men. Two of the captains with a party of seamen were left "to guard our ships in our absence with which we intended to return home." The expeditionary force of 331 men landed and marched forward in seven companies carrying flags of various colours; "all or most of them were armed with fusee, pistol and hanger." The adventurous march with this trivial armament was completed in ten days: Santa Maria was taken with no loss of men but produced little or no booty. The force, which had been provided by the Indians with 35 canoes, then got separated and one party appeared off Panama at the island of Perico, where were anchored "five great ships and three pretty big barks." The buccaneers numbered only 68 men in five canoes: they nevertheless attacked and took the barks after a desperate resistance. An admiral was killed and in one of the barks the Spaniards lost 61 out of 86 men: all but eight of the rest were wounded. The buccaneers' casualties were 18 killed and 22 wounded. It was then found that the five ships were deserted, their crews having been transferred to man the barks; the biggest was La Santissima Trinidad of 400 tons. The freebooters found themselves in possession of more than sufficient shipping to carry them wither they would. The action, however, occasioned a second breach in the brotherhood. Captain Coxon, the commander-in-chief, was charged with backwardness in the engagement, and some "sticked not to defame or brand him with the note of cowardice." Coxon thereupon withdrew from the fleet taking 70 men with him, and recrossed the Isthmus.* The next adventure, an attack on Puebla Nova, was a grievous failure, costing the death of Captain Sawkins, the new commander-in-chief, "a man as stout as could be, and beloved above any other that ever we had amongst us, as he well deserved."** A minority, 63 in number, who so lamented Sawkins that they could not serve his successor Sharp, mutinied and left for the Isthmus in an old ship assigned to them. They had hardly gone when another mutiny broke out. The men on one of the prizes to which Captain Edmund Cook was appointed by Sharp refused to serve under him: Cook joined Sharp's ship and Captain Cox took over the command of the mutinous crew, with the status "as it were of vice-admiral."
(*Footnote. Coxon's subsequent career is told by Mr. Masefield (Volume 1 page 531). He spent the rest of his life in the Caribbean Sea, alternately in piracy and as a government agent in the suppression of piracy. Latterly he went trading with the Moskito Indians and died among them in 1688.)
(**Footnote. So wrote Ringrose (Sloane Manuscripts 3820). in his published story (History of the Buccaneers Part 4) the passage appears thus: "a man who was as valiant and courageous as any could be, and likewise, next to Captain Sharp, the best beloved of our company or the most part thereof." The discrepancy is thus accounted for. Ringrose returned to England in 1682 and sailed again with Captain Swan in October 1683. in his absence his manuscript was doctored by Sharp, or his shipmate Hack, before its publication in 1685 in the supplement to the History. Sharp perhaps anticipated that Ringrose would never return to confute him; and he did not, being killed in Mexico, as we shall see, in February 1686.)
Off Guayaquil they captured a bark which they sank after replacing from her their rigging damaged in the encounter. A designed attack on Arica failed owing to heavy weather which prevented a landing from the boats. With little difficulty they next captured the city of La Serena, an exploit not even mentioned by Dampier, but described with much zest by Ringrose. The city had no less than seven great churches and each had its organ. The houses had charming gardens and orchards "as well and as neatly furnished as those in England, producing strawberries as big as walnuts and very delicious to the taste." Sad to relate, owing to the Spaniards' failure to pay the 95,000 pieces-of-eight demanded as ransom, this agreeable city was burned to the ground.
At Juan Fernandez, the most southerly point of the cruise, another mutiny broke out. According to Ringrose there was a division of opinion, some for going home by way of the Straits of Magellan, others for a further cruise on the Pacific coast. Sharp was deposed from his command in favour of Watling. The ships left the island on 14 January 1681, the crews in smouldering discontent. The leaders seem to have thought that the best chance of harmony lay in carrying out a successful coup: a second attack on Arica was accordingly resolved upon. At Iquique Island near that town information for the assault was demanded from four prisoners: that given by one old mestizo was hastily believed to be false, and he was summarily shot. This brutal act raised further dissension and Captain Sharp, in one of his apocryphal additions to Ringrose's text, states that, after a vain protest, he, Pilate-fashion, "took water and washed his hands saying, 'Gentlemen, I am clear of the blood of this old man: and I will warrant you a hot day for this piece of cruelty whenever we come to fight at Arica!'" Ringrose says not a word of this, nor does Sharp himself in his own journal: he probably invented the lie because the attack on Arica in fact turned out a bloody and profitless affair. Captain Watling and both quartermasters--28 men in all--were killed; 18 others desperately wounded, and some, including three surgeons who were drinking instead of fighting or attending the wounded, were taken prisoners. The town was stormed with reckless courage and half taken against a stubborn defence. The Spaniards with superior numbers counter-attacked again and again and finally drove the marauders back to their ships.*
(*Footnote. Cox attributes the failure at Arica to "having landed on Sunday 30 January, it being the anniversary of King Charles the First and a fatal day for the English to engage on.")
Great expectations were thus disappointed, Arica being the port from which "is fetched all the plate that is carried to Lima, the head city of Peru." On the death of Watling Sharp resumed the command. Ringrose (as emended by Sharp himself) eulogises this captain as "a man of undaunted courage and of an excellent conduct," while according to Dampier the company were "not satisfied either with his courage or behaviour." The opinion of the crews was put to the test by voting at the island of Plata. The majority, including Ringrose, went for Sharp: the minority of 44, including Dampier and Wafer,* seceded. At this point Dampier takes up the chronicle, but we part from Ringrose with regret.**
(*Footnote. Wafer says: "I was of Mr. Dampier's side in that matter and chose to go back to the Isthmus rather than stay under a captain in whom we experienced neither courage nor conduct." It need not be inferred from this that Dampier took a lead in the mutiny. Wafer's book, published two years later, was addressed to readers presumably acquainted with Dampier's.)
(**Footnote. His spirited and admirably written narrative shows him to have been a man of education, witness that on an emergency he was able to make shift with Latin for talk with a Spaniard. He went home with Captain Sharp and wrote his story which forms Part 4 of the History of the Buccaneers. He came out again with Captain Cook to Virginia, where Dampier joined them. He was killed in an ambush near Santa Pecaque, in Mexico, February 1686 (see below).)
Now that Dampier tells his story in detail less commentary is needed. In Chapters 1 and 3 he has much to say about the friendly Moskito Indians and their wonderful skill in striking fish, turtle and manatees. On this account they were "esteemed and coveted by all privateers," and some of them were always part of the ships' complements in the cruises on both sides of the Isthmus: they are the men to whom Dampier frequently refers as "strikers." In his account of the laborious journey of 23 days over the Isthmus (Chapter 2)--the outward crossing had taken them only ten--the reader will specially note how he preserved his journal in a joint of bamboo, waxed at both ends. The exhausted party were taken on board Captain Tristian's ship on 24 May 1681,* and here is concluded the second stage of the voyage round the world. Since Portobello the expedition had been a failure in capture of plate. Other booty had to be discarded for want of neutral ports for its realisation, and Dampier's party brought back little or nothing. It was about 2 1/2 years since he had left London.
(*Footnote. Later they were there joined by Lionel Wafer, the surgeon, who had been severely injured by an explosion of powder during the transit, and was left with other stragglers in the charge of friendly Indians, with whom he remained some five months. Wafer, by reason of his medical skill, lived "in great splendour and repute," and was so "adored" by his hosts that they tattooed him "in yellow, red, and blue, very bright and lovely." When he rejoined his friends at La Sound's Key he was at first not recognised, and then with hilarity.)
Dampier is so reticent about himself that it is difficult to hazard an opinion as to the part he took in this or any other buccaneering cruise. There is nothing to go upon: throughout the voyages of this volume he never commanded a ship nor an expedition: he does not tell us how he was rated, or what part he took in affairs--he gave his advice occasionally, and joined in the mutiny at Plata, intimating, however, that he took no active share in it. Nor does he appear to have been much in the forefront of battle, as Ringrose was. The only friendship he seems to have formed was with Ringrose, whom he called friend and "worthy consort." He is not even mentioned by Sharp, Cowley, or Cox. His attitude towards the wild men with whom he associated was one of aloofness. His chief concern was the study of geography, the winds and tides, the plants and animals, and keeping his journal posted up.
THIRD STAGE.
From Captain Tristian Dampier was transferred to another Frenchman, Captain Archemboe (probably Archambaut) but soon grew "weary of living with the French." Their sailors were "the saddest creatures that ever I was among." By insistence he compelled Captain Wright to add him with other English to his crew. The cruise in the Caribbean Sea described in Chapter 3, though it brought the pirates little profit, gave Dampier plenty of time for his favourite studies and observations. He was at the island of Aves little more than a year after the disaster to Count d'Estree's fleet (February 1681) which he describes from hearsay. Off the Caracas coast he and 20 others took one of the ships and their share of the spoil and sailed off to Virginia. He does not specify the cause of the defection or the intention in choosing that destination. Of his 13 months' stay there he says no more than that he fell into troubles of some sort.
FOURTH STAGE.
In August 1683 he again joins the buccaneers in the Revenge, Captain Cook. The cruise was a long one round the Horn and up the Pacific coast as described in Chapters 4 to 9. The course taken was to the Cape Verde Islands and Sierra Leone. Here the buccaneers boarded and took a fine Danish vessel, the Bachelor's Delight, 36 guns, to which Cook transferred his crew. It was an act of piracy so flagrant, committed against a friendly nation, without such shadow of excuse as was deemed to justify harms to Spain, that Dampier is evidently ashamed to mention it. Cowley relates the incident without compunction. Dampier sailed with Cook till his death at Cape Blanco in June 1684, thereafter with his successor, Captain Davis. On the Bachelor's Delight he found "the men more under command than I have ever seen privateers, yet I could not expect to find them at a minute's call." This is the only indication Dampier gives of his rating and Mr. Masefield suggests with some probability that he was second master or master's mate under Ambrosia Cowley.* Cook was joined (March 1684) by Captain Eaton in the Nicholas, and in October, at Plata, by Captain Swan in the Cygnet.
(*Footnote. William Ambrosia Cowley was master and pilot of the Revenge and sailed in her and the Bachelor's Delight until the parting of Captains Davis and Eaton (September 1684). He joined Eaton and reached England by way of the East Indies in October 1686, having deserted Eaton at the Philippines. He published his narrative Captain Cowley's Voyage round the World in 1699 (see further Masefield Volume 1 page 532). The book is interesting on some points of detail, but untrustworthy.)
Swan's case was a pitiful one: the Cygnet, fitted out by London merchants for lawful trade, had met Captain Peter Harris and a party of buccaneers at Nicoya with a considerable booty in hand. Swan's men, with whom he had already had difficulties at the straits, were now seduced, and he was compelled to turn pirate. He was no backslider, however--it was by his order that Payta was burned to the ground in default of ransom (Chapter 6). Nevertheless his deflection from the path of virtue and duty weighed heavily on his mind. In a letter from Panama to a friend, quoted by Mr. Masefield, he asks him to assure his employers that "I do all I can to preserve their interests and that what I do now I could in no wise prevent. So desire them to do what they can with the King for me, for as soon as I can I shall deliver myself to the King's justice." His view now was that if the buccaneers were backed by the government "the King might make this whole kingdom of Peru tributary to him in two years' time." As he wrote the attack on the Lima fleet was impending, and he adds in a message to his wife, "I shall, with God's help, do things which (were it with my Prince's leave) would make her a lady: but now I cannot tell but it may bring me to a halter." His end is told in Chapter 16.
The climax of this cruise was to have been the capture of the fleet carrying treasure from Lima to Panama. Davis and Swan had now (May 1685) been joined by Captains Townley and Harris, and by a French contingent under Captain Gronet. The growth of the piratical movement is seen in the numbers given by Dampier. The buccaneers had ten sail (six ships and four tenders, etc.) carrying no less than 960 men. They had, however, only 52 guns, these being in Davis's and Swan's ships. The Spaniards on the other hand had 14 sail, six of them "of good force," with 174 guns in all. Everything went against the pirates. While they had the weather-gage Gronet failed them: the Spaniards by a ruse obtained the weather-gage, and a running fight round the bay ensued, from which the assailants were glad to escape. In the event of success there would have been no booty of plate, that having been already landed at Lavelia in view of a probable attack.*
(*Footnote. The failure was attributed to Gronet, and he was cashiered, as Dampier relates at the close of Chapter 7. After a long cruise he fell in with Townley again and with him had better success. They sacked Grenada and Realejo. Subsequently in April 1686 he sacked Guayaquil and took a large booty, but he died of wounds received in the attack. Townley after parting with Gronet attacked and took Lavelia with much spoil, but in August 1686 met his end in an action with Spanish ships in the gulf of Panama. Masefield volume 1 page 538.)
The noteworthy events of this cruise, besides captures of casual prizes, are the taking and burning of Payta, and the abortive attempt on Guayaquil (Chapter 6) the taking and burning of Leon in Nicaragua, where was killed an old buccaneer who had fought with Cromwell in Ireland; and the parting of Davis and Swan* (Chapter 8). Dampier, "not from any dislike to my old captain but to get some knowledge of the Mexican coast," joined up with Swan, who was minded to pass over to the East Indies, "which was a way very agreeable to my inclination." Thus is first inferentially expressed his intention of circumnavigation, more than 6 1/2 years after he set out from England.
(*Footnote. Davis cruised for some time on the Pacific coast, returning with Lionel Wafer by way of the Horn to Virginia, where they settled for about three years. Arrested there for piracy they were sent to London for trial but were acquitted. After some years spent partly in London he returned to Jamaica, and on the outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession joined a privateer in raids on the Spanish gold-mines. His account of this adventure is appended to the second edition of Wafer's book 1704.)
FIFTH STAGE.
On breaking with Davis Swan's chief object in crossing the Pacific (Dampier probably sharing it) was to have done with buccaneering, and by honest trading to reinstate himself in the good graces of his employers. To induce his men to go with him, however, he was obliged to hold out hopes of further piracy in the East Indies. At Guam in the Ladrones he made no attempt to pursue an Acapulco ship, being "now wholly averse to any hostile action." At Mindanao the party conducted themselves as traders and were hospitably entertained by the sultan. Little trade was available and thoughts were entertained of settling there, the men being now weary lotus-eaters. The six months' residence at this place led to serious trouble: Swan became brutal and tyrannical towards his men, succumbed to the attractions of the town, and made long absences from his ship. Another mutiny was the result; the majority of the crew seized the ship, left Swan ashore, and sailed off under a new captain--Read. Dampier's conduct on this occasion exhibits the same aloofness as on other occasions. He took no part in the men's conspiracy, nor, on the other hand, as it would seem, in the attempt to get Swan aboard. In spite of his better feelings he became a pirate for another 18 months.
SIXTH STAGE.
The voyage under Captain Read, from the buccaneering point of view, was a complete failure. Though "our business was to pillage," only two prizes were taken and those of little account. Much sea and land, however, was explored, as is seen by the route--Manila, Pulo Condore, Formosa, Celebes, the north coast of Australia and the Nicobars. Here Dampier ended his buccaneering career of 8 1/2 years. The men had become more and more drunken, quarrelsome, and unruly, and Dampier looked for an opportunity to escape from "this mad crew."* A canoe was obtained and Dampier, the surgeon, and another Englishman, with a few natives, set out for Achin. In his terror during a storm which threatened to overwhelm their puny craft Dampier "made sad reflections on my former life and looked back with horror and detestation on actions which before I disliked but now I trembled at the remembrance of." In his escape from the dangers attendant on those actions curiously enough he recognised the protection of Heaven. "I did also call to mind the many miraculous acts of God's Providence towards me in the whole course of my life."
(*Footnote. See below: "I did ever abhor drunkenness, which now our men that were abroad abandoned themselves wholly to.")
Whatever condemnation may be passed on Dampier's long association with pirates it must be noted to his credit that during the whole period of this cruise in the archipelago, while his companions were drinking and brawling, he was studiously recording his observations. His six months' residence at Mindanao provides us with a full description of plant and animal life, as also of the inhabitants, their government, religion, manners, and customs (Chapters 11 and 12). Here too comes on the scene that curious Prince Jeoly, the "painted prince," whom Dampier brought to England for show and there sold as his only asset.*
(*Footnote. Mr. Masefield quotes a broadsheet of the time (Dampier Voyage Volume 1 page 539) from which it appears that the prince was on view at the Blue Boar's Head in Fleet Street.)
SEVENTH STAGE.
From Achin, and for the rest of the circumnavigation, Dampier was for the most part a mere passenger. First a voyage to Tonquin with Captain Welden (July 1688 to April 1689) thence to Malacca and Fort George and back to Achin and Bencoolen, where he was employed as gunner in the English fort for five months. This section of his travels is omitted from the New Voyage and reserved for the Voyage to Tonquin. At Achin, as will be seen in Chapter 18, he learns the further adventures of Captain Read and his crew whom he had deserted at the Nicobars.
EIGHTH STAGE.
His eventful voyage now draws to a close (Chapters 19 and 20). Getting a passage from Bencoolen in the Defence, Captain Heath, Dampier arrived in the Downs on 16 September 1691, 12 1/2 years since he had left England. All buccaneer's visions of a home-coming with ample booty in bar gold or pieces-of-eight had vanished, and he landed with no more marketable commodities than a tattooed native.
DAMPIER'S SUBSEQUENT LIFE.
On his return to England Dampier was 39 years of age. Further great voyages were in store for him, each of which would require its own commentary. None, however, has been so attractive to the reading public as the New Voyage, it may be because the other expeditions, though comprising exploits and adventure, are hardly so attractive to law-abiding citizens as those to which additional zest is provided by contempt of law.
For six years nothing is known of Dampier's life except that he was at Corunna in 1694, probably in a merchant ship. It is likely that he made other such voyages: in the intervals he was preparing his New Voyage for publication early in 1697. Its immediate success obtained for him an appointment at the customs house as land-carriage man, and in June of that year he was examined before the Council of Trade and Plantation with respect to possible settlements on the Isthmus of Darien. Early in 1698 he was again examined before the council with regard to an expedition against the pirates to the east of the Cape of Good Hope. His advice may have been sought partly on account of his piratical experience and partly because his book had shown that he had little heart in the business.
THE ROEBUCK VOYAGE.
He now submitted to the government proposals for a new voyage of exploration to New Holland, which were accepted. He was appointed captain of the Roebuck, 21 guns, his first command, at the age of 47. He tells the story of his cruise in his Voyage to New Holland, published in two parts, 1703 and 1709. The expedition went awry from the first and for divers causes. His ship was unseaworthy for a long voyage, and he quarrelled with his men, especially with his lieutenant, Fisher, whom he put in irons and handed over as a prisoner to the Portuguese governor at Bahia. At Shark's Bay, in Western Australia, scurvy and the lack of water and provisions broke his spirit and he turned homewards. After touching at Timor, Batavia, and the Cape he got his crazy vessel as far as Ascension where she foundered. There he got a passage in a man-of-war to Barbados and so home in a merchantman. From the point of view of exploration the voyage was no great success: he might have anticipated Cook, Furneaux, and Flinders, and he touched only the barren coast of Western Australia.* His failure was largely due to his employers, who gave him an unseaworthy and badly provisioned ship, and to his mutinous crew. It would be unjust to attribute the failure to his incompetency as a leader of men: all that is to be said is that in the conditions he did not succeed as such.
(*Footnote. His name has, however, been rightly honoured in Australasia. There is the Dampier Strait at the west end of New Guinea and also a Dampier Island. Western Australia gives his name to a district and an archipelago: New South Wales to a county.)
On his return he had to meet not only adverse criticism on his failure as an explorer, but also a court martial at the instance of Lieutenant Fisher. He was found guilty of "very hard and cruel usage towards Lieutenant Fisher," for which the court held there were no grounds. He was fined all his pay* and declared to be "not a fit person to be employed as commander of any of His Majesty's ships." We cannot question the judgment of a court the principal members of which were Sir George Rooke and Sir Cloudesley Shovell. It was one which in our time, when public opinion upholds legal decisions and requires governments to respect them, would be the end of an officer's career. It was not so in Dampier's case. We need not here consider whether the government disagreed with the judgment or merely disregarded it, because the War of the Spanish Succession had now broken out and Dampier's buccaneering experience was wanted on behalf of the country. Private owners fitted out two privateers, the St. George and the Fame, Dampier being appointed to the former as commander. Ten months after the court martial he had an audience of the Queen to whom he was introduced by the Lord High Admiral, and kissed hands on his mission.
(*Footnote. That is his pay as captain: his pay as land-carriage man at the customs was by special order paid to him during his absence and went to the support of his wife.)
THE ST. GEORGE VOYAGE.
The only account we possess of this privateering voyage is that of William Funnell, who was rated mate of the St. George, as he himself claims, or as steward according to Dampier. Funnell is a dull and malicious reporter and is not to be trusted when he deals with Dampier's motives and conduct. Trouble began at the start, Captain Pulling in the Fame deserting him in the Downs. His place was taken at Kinsale (August 1703) by Captain Pickering in the Cinque Ports. On the Brazilian coast Pickering died and was succeeded by his lieutenant, Stradling. More quarrelling ensued, enhanced by the hardships of the passage round the Horn. Dissension between Stradling and his men led to the marooning of Alexander Selkirk on Juan Fernandez. The failure to take two enemy ships led to further recriminations and desertions. Dampier quarrelled with Stradling and left him at Tobago: he quarrelled also with his own mate, Clipperton, who went off with 21 men in a prize bark. After another failure to capture a Manila bark, he was deserted by Funnell and 34 men. His ship, being unseaworthy, was abandoned, and with his now reduced crew of about 30, in a prize brigantine, he crossed the Pacific to a Dutch island where they were imprisoned. Dampier did not reach England till the close of 1707. So began, continued and ended in disaster his second voyage of circumnavigation. Meanwhile Funnell had already published his damaging book.* Dampier would perhaps have written the story of the voyage himself but, being already engaged to go to sea, he contented himself with publishing his Vindication in language strangely different from that of the New Voyage. Mr. Masefield describes it as "angry and incoherent," but it may fairly be regarded as being no more than a collection of notes jotted down in indignation and hot haste, preparatory to a more reasoned vindication later.**
(*Footnote. Funnell by his references in his preface to the popularity of Dampier's previous work evidently intended to forestall Dampier by passing off his book as another Dampier voyage.)
(**Footnote. Funnell's Voyage round the World was published in 1707. Dampier got home later in that year and left again with Woodes Rogers 2 August 1708. Some of Funnell's passages relating to Dampier and the Vindication, also the Answers to the Vindication, by John Welbe, a midshipman on board Captain Dampier's ship, are set out in Mr. Masefield's admirable edition of the Voyages, Volume 2 pages 576 to 593. Welbe's answers are spiteful and probably in great part untrue. As Mr. Masefield points out he contradicts them in a material particular in a subsequent letter of 1722 preserved in the Townshend manuscripts.)
THE DUKE AND DUTCHESS VOYAGE.
When Dampier returned from his second voyage as captain the merchants of Bristol were already organising a privateering expedition to the Pacific under Captain Woodes Rogers, and the honourable office of pilot was offered to Dampier. Of all his voyages this was probably the happiest to himself. The expedition was lawful and gave him no qualms of conscience; he was free from the cares and responsibilities of supreme command; he served under one of the most competent captains of the time, and his experience and ability as a navigator, as well as his wise counsel, enabled him to contribute largely to the success of the venture. The two vessels were the Duke and Dutchess, Dampier sailing on the former with Rogers. In the list of officers he is described as "William Dampier, Pilot for the South Seas, who had been already three times there and twice round the World." Perhaps profiting by the experience of Dampier's previous ill-equipped expeditions, the merchants had provided the ships so liberally with provisions and gear that the between decks were badly encumbered, and the ships "altogether in a very unfit state to engage an enemy." The crews indeed were of the same unpromising material with which Dampier was familiar. About one-third were foreigners, the rest landsmen, "tailors, tinkers, pedlars, fiddlers and hay-makers." Between Cork, "where our crew were continually marrying," and the Canaries a dangerous mutiny broke out which Rogers promptly put down, imposing upon a ringleader the indignity of being whipped by a fellow-conspirator. Troubles with the crew were, however, to a large extent obviated by the payment of regular wages: the contract of employment on the St. George had been the vicious one of "no prey, no pay." Moreover Rogers was wise enough to share his responsibility with his officers, and all questions of importance were referred to committees, Dampier's name being on nearly every list. Discipline was thus preserved and the cruise resulted in the capture of many prizes and a very large booty, which unhappily did not benefit Dampier, as the distribution was delayed till after his death.*
(*Footnote. The booty amounted to about 170,000 pounds, a large share going to Woodes Rogers. He was able to rent the Bahama Islands from the lords proprietors for 21 years and became their governor. See Rogers, W., in the Dictionary of National Biography.)
The most interesting feature of this voyage was the rescue of Alexander Selkirk from the island of Juan Fernandez, which the ships might not have hit without Dampier's knowledge of the winds. The meeting with his countrymen after his desolate life of four years is told by Woodes Rogers* with unconscious art, and one cannot help favourably comparing the inarticulate Selkirk with the expansive Ben Gunn of Treasure Island. Dampier took a leading part in the scene; he was able to tell Rogers that Selkirk was the best man in the Cinque Ports, from which he had been marooned; so, says Rogers, "I immediately agreed with him to be a mate on board our ship."**
(*Footnote. Woodes Rogers published the account of the voyage, A New Cruising Voyage round the World 1712.)
(**Footnote. The various lives of Alexander Selkirk are well summarised in the Dictionary of National Biography. It is probable that Selkirk did not alone provide the suggestion of Robinson Crusoe. Defoe had also before him Dampier's account of the rescue of the marooned Moskito Indian in Chapter 4.)
After his return from his last voyage Dampier lived 3 1/2 years more, probably in London, where he died in the parish of St. Stephen, Coleman Street, in March 1715. His will dated 29 November 1714 was proved on 23 March 1715. He described himself as "diseased and weak of body, but of sound and perfect mind," and left nine-tenths of his property to his cousin, Grace Mercer, the remaining tenth to his brother, George Dampier, of Porton, in the county of somerset. the large share of his property bequeathed to his cousin may indicate that she looked after him in his last years. His wife had probably predeceased him, as she is not mentioned in the will. By a previous will made before 1703 he had left a sum of 200 pounds to his friend, Edward Southwell, to be disposed of as he should think best for his wife's use. On the starting of the St. George cruise however he was constrained to put that sum into the venture.
DAMPIER THE MAN.
Dampier is an attractive character, but do what one will, one cannot make a hero of him. Nor indeed does he seem to be quite in his right place on the roll of Men of Action, with a biography by W. Clark Russell.*
(*Footnote. Dampier, by W. Clark Russell Men of Action Series. The author is strangely inaccurate in some matters. He says it does not appear that Dampier was ever married, and he observes that after the Roebuck voyage Dampier had already twice circumnavigated the globe. The second round was that on which he started in the St. George.)
During the whole of the cruises comprised in the New Voyage he served either before the mast or as a subordinate officer, and was never chosen for the command of a ship or an expedition; his advice does not appear to have been asked, and when proffered was seldom followed. He took no leading part in the various mutinies, keeping his mind to himself until he had to take one side or the other. He is once respectfully mentioned as Mr. William Dampier by Cowley, but never once, so far as I have discovered, in the other narratives of Ringrose, Cox or Sharp. His whole time, so far as not interrupted by raids or the quarrels of his rowdy associates, was devoted to close observation of winds and tides, geography, plants and animal life. He was in fact a student carrying for the nonce the fusee and hanger of a buccaneer. In happier days, and with a sounder scientific education, his status in a world cruise might have been that of Darwin on the Beagle.
His first command of a ship at the age of 47 could not have been conferred owing to reputation as a leader of men. The Roebuck expedition was an official voyage of exploration initiated by his own suggestion, and the conduct of it was given to him, there can be little doubt, on the strength of his book, the New Voyage. The lack of success, however attributable to the unseaworthiness and ill-provisioning of the ship, and to the unmanageable crew, was not so damaging to his reputation as an explorer as was the judgment of the court martial to his capacity as a captain. His second chance, as privateersman in the St. George, was equally unfortunate in the result. Here again he had to deal with an unseaworthy ship and dissolute crews. In both these cases he came home without his ship, and had to meet adverse criticism by recriminations. Whatever excuse may be found in the adverse conditions--and there is undoubtedly much--it can hardly be said that Dampier has established a claim to be regarded as a leader of men. His rough experience and scientific attainments no doubt made him a first-rate navigator, but a reputation as an explorer cannot be founded upon a single ineffectual visit to the coasts of Australia.
Dampier's true distinction seems to me to lie in the scientific and literary merits of his writings. There is scientific research in all his books, notably in his Discourse of Winds, Breezes, Storms, Tides and Currents, a treatise which has preserved its usefulness to the present day. The exciting adventures of his buccaneering life are told in the modest and simple language of his time, which charms us equally in the autobiographical fiction of Swift and Defoe. As Leslie Stephen says of Treasure Island, we throw ourselves into the events, enjoy the thrilling excitement, and do not bother ourselves with questions of psychology. His contributions to nautical science are extolled by those best qualified to judge. I will quote two naval authorities who testify also to the literary charm of the writing. First Captain Burney*: "It is not easy to name another voyager or traveller who has given more useful information to the world; to whom the merchant and mariner are so much indebted; or who has communicated his information in a more unembarrassed and intelligible a manner. And this he has done in a style perfectly unassuming, equally free from affectation and from the most distant appearance of invention." Admiral Smyth** is equally eulogistic: "The information he affords flows as from a mind which possesses the mastery of its subject, and is desirous to communicate it. He delights and instructs by the truth and discernment with which he narrates the incidents of a peculiar life; and describes the attractive and important realities of nature with a fidelity and sagacity that anticipate the deductions of philosophy. Hence he was the first who discovered and treated of the geological structure of sea coasts; and though the local magnetic attraction in ships had fallen under the notice of seamen, he was among the first to lead the way to its investigation since the facts that 'stumbled' him at the Cape of Good Hope, respecting the variations of the compass, excited the mind of Flinders, his ardent admirer, to study the anomaly. His sterling sense enabled him to give the character without the strict forms of science to his faithful delineations and physical suggestions: and inductive enquirers have rarely been so much indebted to any adventurer whose pursuits were so entirely remote from their subjects of speculation."
(*Footnote. A Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea or Pacific Ocean 1803 to 1817.)
(**Footnote. United Service Journal 1837 Parts 2 and 3.)
Those who have excellently well adjudged Dampier's merits in science and literature have hardly done justice to his personal character. On the debit side some will reckon the unfortunate court martial, but any good man may, in the stress of difficulties attending a sea-command, exercise undue severity in the maintenance of his authority: and no doubt Lieutenant Fisher was a trying subordinate. The Admiralty do not seem to have taken quite the same view of the case as the court, as they shortly afterwards gave Dampier a privateer's commission. Then there is the fact that he was a buccaneer. On this point references have already been made to the laxity of public opinion on that subject in his day. It cannot be said that in joining the buccaneers Dampier mistook his vocation. That in modern parlance was research, and he could not in his day have obtained opportunities for research in the distant Caribbean and Pacific Seas except with the buccaneers.* He was with them, but hardly one of them. As he was less of a buccaneer, so, as I believe, he was more of a gentleman. I have thus no need to claim or admit that "he was the mildest-mannered man that ever scuttled ship or cut a throat." There is no evidence that he did either, and one likes to think he did not.
(*Footnote. Mr. Masefield quotes one of Dampier's marginal notes on the Sloane Manuscript 3236: "I came into these seas this second time more to indulge my curiosity than to get wealth, though I must confess at that time I did think the trade lawful.")
Although he was not an active buccaneer he seems to have done his duty by his associates; at any rate no complaints against him in this respect are recorded. He took his share in their strenuous labour whether afloat or ashore, without mingling in their drinking bouts and quarrels; and all the while he was carefully writing up his journal day by day, and adding to his observations of nature. He affords a bright example of strength of character in the pursuit of knowledge under the most adverse conditions.
What is most conspicuous in Dampier's writings is his modesty and self-effacement; and I conclude that this, one of the hallmarks of a gentleman, was his demeanour in conversation and society. He unconsciously gives us a glimpse of his character when he tells us in Chapter 3 of the pressing invitation which he had from the captain and lieutenant of a French man-of-war to go back with them to France. Evidently charmed with his conversation, they saw how different a man he was from his ruffian associates. Though engaged in piracy he was always in favour of justice, and thus writes of Captain Davis's men (he being a Davis man himself) as being "so unreasonable that they would not allow Captain Eaton's men an equal share with them in what they got" (see below). It is a further tribute to his character that when he was at home he had the patronage and help of Charles Montagu, Earl of Halifax, and the friendship of such men as Sir Robert Southwell, a president of the Royal Society, his son Edward Southwell, a Secretary of State for Ireland, and Sir Hans Sloane, who showed his respect for Dampier by having his portrait painted by Thomas Murray*--the face is that of a grave, thoughtful and resolute man. Much the most interesting sidelight on his social quality, however, is thrown by John Evelyn's record of his dinner with Mr. Pepys on 6 August 1698:
"I dined with Mr. Pepys, where was Captain Dampier, who had been a famous buccaneer, had brought hither the painted prince Job, and printed a relation of his very strange adventure, and his observations. He was now going abroad again by the King's encouragement, who furnished a ship of 290 tons. He seemed a more modest man than one would imagine by relation of the crew he had assorted with. He brought a map of his observations of the course of the winds in the South Seas, and assured us that the maps hitherto extant were all false as to the Pacific Sea, which he makes on the south of the line, that on the north end running by the coast of Peru being extremely tempestuous."
(*Footnote. The picture now in the National Portrait Gallery is reproduced here.)
It would seem that Evelyn expected to meet a swashbuckler and found a modest and courteous gentleman, with perhaps much to tell of his life's adventures, but for the moment chiefly concerned with his objection to calling an ocean pacific unless it is so. How pleasant it would have been for any person, however eminent, to have made a fourth at that dinner!
THE TEXT OF A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
When we come to investigate the text of this delightful book we find some difficulties which have to be met and solved. The story and the scientific observations are undoubtedly Dampier's, for which he must have the entire credit. It was however charged against him in his own day that the literary style or polish was contributed by some unknown assistant or collaborator. This was believed by Swift, who evidently loved Dampier and was probably much influenced by him in his methods of narration as, indeed, is indicated by his reference to Dampier as Lemuel Gulliver's cousin. That Dampier had some aid in preparing his work for the press is admitted by himself in the Preface to the Voyage to New Holland. He there refers to the charge that he has "published things digested and drawn up by others," and he retorts: "I think it so far a diminution to one of my education and employment to have what I write revised and corrected by friends; that on the contrary the best and most eminent authors are not ashamed to own the same thing, and look upon it as an advantage."
It is difficult, if not impossible, now to discover the extent or nature of the assistance which Dampier obtained. The "copy" of the voyage as printed does not appear to exist, and the Sloane Manuscript account of it is in the clear script of a copyist, the marginal notes only being in Dampier's hand. The manuscript is much shorter than the printed book. It comprises the story of the voyage, but lacks the observations in natural history: on the other hand it includes (1) Wafer's account (taken "out of his own writing") of his life among the Indians of the Isthmus, (2) the account of the voyage of captain Swan before he joined Dampier's party, and (3) the antecedent adventures of Captain Harris, all of which are omitted from the book. A perplexing factor is that the Sloane Manuscript contains in the copyist's writing the references (A) (B) etc., to the marginal notes afterwards supplied by Dampier. Other marginal notes are added, these indicated by a pointing hand. In some cases the marginal note is incorporated in the book, in others disregarded. Sometimes, too, a jotting from the journal as to an unimportant day's doing is omitted from the book. In some places the printed book alters the manuscript in a material point.* Thus the manuscript represents only one step in the preparation of the book text. Being in a copyist's hand, it may be only a fair copy of Dampier's not always quite legible writing: or it may be a version of his journal with some little polish administered by a literary friend. It is clear that his natural history notes were composed and kept separately from his journal. They comprise observations made at various places and at different and often subsequent periods of his travels: and they are sometimes pitch-forked into the book at odd junctures.
(*Footnote. For instance (see below 30 April 1681) we read "that we might the better work our escape from our enemies." In the manuscript the words are "that we might the better work our designs on our enemies.")
SIR,
May it please you to pardon the boldness of a stranger to your person, if upon the encouragement of common fame, he presumes so much upon your candour, as to lay before you this account of his travels. As the scene of them is not only remote, but for the most part little frequented also, so there may be some things in them new even to you; and some, possibly, not altogether unuseful to the public: and that just veneration which the world pays, as to your general worth, so especially to that zeal for the advancement of knowledge, and the interest of your country, which you express upon all occasions, gives you a particular right to whatever may any way tend to the promoting these interests, as an offering due to your merit. I have not so much of the vanity of a traveller as to be fond of telling stories, especially of this kind; nor can I think this plain piece of mine deserves a place among your more curious collections: much less have I the arrogance to use your name by way of patronage for the too obvious faults, both of the author and the work. Yet dare I avow, according to my narrow sphere and poor abilities, a hearty zeal for the promoting of useful knowledge, and of anything that may never so remotely tend to my country's advantage: and I must own an ambition of transmitting to the public through your hands these essays I have made toward those great ends, of which you are so deservedly esteemed the patron. This has been my design in this publication, being desirous to bring in my gleanings here and there in remote regions to that general magazine of the knowledge of foreign parts, which the Royal Society thought you most worthy the custody of, when they chose you for their President: and if in perusing these papers your goodness shall so far distinguish the experience of the author from his faults as to judge him capable of serving his country, either immediately, or by serving you, he will endeavour by some real proofs to show himself,
SIR,
Your Most Faithful,
Devoted, Humble Servant,
W. Dampier.
Before the reader proceed any further in the perusal of this work I must bespeak a little of his patience here to take along with him this short account of it. It is composed of a mixed relation of places and actions in the same order of time in which they occurred: for which end I kept a journal of every day's observations.
In the description of places, their product, etc., I have endeavoured to give what satisfaction I could to my countrymen; though possibly to the describing several things that may have been much better accounted for by others: choosing to be more particular than might be needful, with respect to the intelligent reader, rather than to omit what I thought might tend to the information of persons no less sensible and inquisitive, though not so learned or experienced. For which reason my chief care has been to be as particular as was consistent with my intended brevity in setting down such observables as I met with. Nor have I given myself any great trouble since my return to compare my discoveries with those of others: the rather because, should it so happen that I have described some places or things which others have done before me, yet in different accounts, even of the same things, it can hardly be but there will be some new light afforded by each of them. But after all, considering that the main of this voyage has its scene laid in long tracts of the remoter parts both of the East and West Indies, some of which very seldom visited by Englishmen, and others as rarely by any Europeans, I may without vanity encourage the reader to expect many things wholly new to him, and many others more fully described than he may have seen elsewhere; for which not only in this voyage, though itself of many years continuance, but also several former long and distant voyages have qualified me.
As for the actions of the company among whom I made the greatest part of this voyage, a thread of which I have carried on through it, it is not to divert the reader with them that I mention them, much less that I take any pleasure in relating them: but for method's sake, and for the reader's satisfaction; who could not so well acquiesce in my description of places, etc., without knowing the particular traverses I made among them; nor in these, without an account of the concomitant circumstances: besides, that I would not prejudice the truth and sincerity of my relation, though by omissions only. And as for the traverses themselves, they make for the reader's advantage, how little soever for mine; since thereby I have been the better enabled to gratify his curiosity; as one who rambles about a country can give usually a better account of it than a carrier who jogs on to his inn without ever going out of his road.
As to my style, it cannot be expected that a seaman should affect politeness; for were I able to do it, yet I think I should be little solicitous about it in a work of this nature. I have frequently indeed divested myself of sea-phrases to gratify the land reader; for which the seamen will hardly forgive me: and yet, possibly, I shall not seem complaisant enough to the other; because I still retain the use of so many sea-terms. I confess I have not been at all scrupulous in this matter, either as to the one or the other of these; for I am persuaded that, if what I say be intelligible, it matters not greatly in what words it is expressed.
For the same reason I have not been curious as to the spelling of the names of places, plants, fruits, animals, etc., which in any of these remoter parts are given at the pleasure of travellers, and vary according to their different humours: neither have I confined myself to such names as are given by learned authors, or so much as enquired after many of them. I write for my countrymen; and have therefore, for the most part, used such names as are familiar to our English seamen, and those of our colonies abroad, yet without neglecting others that occurred. As it might suffice me to have given such names and descriptions as I could I shall leave to those of more leisure and opportunity the trouble of comparing these with those which other authors have assigned.
The reader will find as he goes along some references to an appendix which I once designed to this book; as, to a chapter about the winds in different parts of the world; to a description of the Bay of Campeachy in the West Indies, where I lived long in a former voyage; and to a particular chorographical description of all the South Sea coast of America, partly from a Spanish manuscript, and partly from my own and other travellers' observations, besides those contained in this book. But such an appendix would have swelled it too unreasonably: and therefore I chose rather to publish it hereafter by itself, as opportunity shall serve. And the same must be said also as to a particular voyage from Achin in the isle of Sumatra, to Tonquin, Malacca, etc., which should have been inserted as part of this general one; but it would have been too long, and therefore, omitting it for the present, I have carried on this, next way from Sumatra to England; and so made the tour of the world correspondent to the title.
For the better apprehending the course of the voyage and the situation of the places mentioned in it I have caused several maps to be engraven, and some particular charts of my own composure. Among them there is in the map of the American Isthmus, a new scheme of the adjoining Bay of Panama and its islands, which to some may seem superfluous after that which Mr. Ringrose has published in the History of the Buccaneers; and which he offers as a very exact chart. I must needs disagree with him in that, and doubt not but this which I here publish will be found more agreeable to that bay, by one who shall have opportunity to examine it; for it is a contraction of a larger map which I took from several stations in the bay itself. The reader may judge how well I was able to do it by my several traverses about it, mentioned in this book; those, particularly, which are described in the 7th chapter, which I have caused to be marked out with a pricked line; as the course of my voyage is generally in all the maps, for the reader's more easy tracing it.
I have nothing more to add, but that there are here and there some mistakes made as to expression and the like, which will need a favourable correction as they occur upon reading. For instance, the log of wood lying out at some distance from sides of the boats described at Guam, and parallel to their keel, which for distinction's sake I have called the little boat, might more clearly and properly have been called the side log, or by some such name; for though fashioned at the bottom and ends boatwise, yet is not hollow at top, but solid throughout. In other places also I may not have expressed myself so fully as I ought: but any considerable omission that I shall recollect or be informed of I shall endeavour to make up in those accounts I have yet to publish; and for any faults I leave the reader to the joint use of his judgment and candour.
THE AUTHOR'S DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND, AND ARRIVAL IN JAMAICA.
I first set out of England on this voyage at the beginning of the year 1679, in the Loyal Merchant of London, bound for Jamaica, Captain Knapman Commander. I went a passenger, designing when I came thither to go from thence to the Bay of Campeachy in the Gulf of Mexico, to cut log-wood: where in a former voyage I had spent about three years in that employ; and so was well acquainted with the place and the work.
We sailed with a prosperous gale without any impediment or remarkable passage in our voyage: unless that when we came in sight of the island Hispaniola, and were coasting along on the south side of it by the little isles of Vacca, or Ash, I observed Captain Knapman was more vigilant than ordinary, keeping at a good distance off shore, for fear of coming too near those small low islands; as he did once, in a voyage from England, about the year 1673, losing his ship there, by the carelessness of his mates. But we succeeded better; and arrived safe at Port Royal in Jamaica some time in April 1679, and went immediately ashore.
I had brought some goods with me from England which I intended to sell here, and stock myself with rum and sugar, saws, axes, hats, stockings, shoes, and such other commodities, as I knew would sell among the Campeachy log-wood-cutters. Accordingly I sold my English cargo at Port Royal; but upon some maturer considerations of my intended voyage to Campeachy I changed my thoughts of that design, and continued at Jamaica all that year in expectation of some other business.
I shall not trouble the reader with my observations at that isle, so well known to Englishmen; nor with the particulars of my own affairs during my stay there. But in short, having there made a purchase of a small estate in Dorsetshire, near my native country of Somerset, of one whose title to it I was well assured of, I was just embarking myself for England, about Christmas 1679, when one Mr. Hobby invited me to go first a short trading voyage to the country of the Moskitos, of whom I shall speak in my first chapter. I was willing to get up some money before my return, having laid out what I had at Jamaica; so I sent the writing of my new purchase along with the same friends whom I should have accompanied to England, and went on board Mr. Hobby.
Soon after our setting out we came to an anchor again in Negril Bay, at the west end of Jamaica; but finding there Captain Coxon, Sawkins, Sharp, and other privateers, Mr. Hobby's men all left him to go with them upon an expedition they had contrived, leaving not one with him beside myself; and being thus left alone, after three or four days' stay with Mr. Hobby I was the more easily persuaded to go with them too.
HIS FIRST GOING OVER THE ISTHMUS OF AMERICA INTO THE SOUTH SEAS.
It was shortly after Christmas 1679 when we set out. The first expedition was to Portobello; which being accomplished it was resolved to march by land over the Isthmus of Darien upon some new adventures in the South Seas. Accordingly on the 5th of April 1680 we went ashore on the Isthmus, near Golden Island, one of the Samballoes, to the number of between three and four hundred men, carrying with us such provisions as were necessary, and toys wherewith to gratify the wild Indians through whose country we were to pass. In about nine days' march we arrived at Santa Maria and took it, and after a stay there of about three days we went on to the South Sea coast, and there embarked ourselves in such canoes and periagos as our Indian friends furnished us withal. We were in sight of Panama by the 23rd of April, and having in vain attempted Puebla Nova, before which Sawkins, then commander in chief, and others, were killed, we made some stay at the neighbouring isles of Quibo.
HIS COASTING PERU AND CHILE, AND BACK AGAIN, TO HIS PARTING WITH CAPTAIN SHARP NEAR THE ISLE OF PLATA, IN ORDER TO RETURN OVERLAND.
Here we resolved to change our course and stand away to the southward for the coast of Peru. Accordingly we left the keys or isles of Quibo the 6th of June, and spent the rest of the year in that southern course; for, touching at the isles of Gorgona and Plata, we came to Ylo, a small town on the coast of Peru, and took it. This was in October, and in November we went thence to Coquimbo on the same coast, and about Christmas were got as far as the isle of Juan Fernandez, which was the farthest of our course to the southward.
After Christmas we went back again to the northward, having a design upon Arica, a strong town advantageously situated in the hollow of the elbow, or bending, of the Peruvian coast. But being there repulsed with great loss, we continued our course northward, till by the middle of April we were come in sight of the isle of Plata, a little to the southward of the Equinoctial Line.
I have related this part of my voyage thus summarily and concisely, as well because the world has accounts of it already, in the relations that Mr. Ringrose and others have given of Captain Sharp's expedition, who was made chief commander upon Sawkins' being killed; as also because in the prosecution of this voyage I shall come to speak of these parts again, upon occasion of my going the second time into the South Seas: and shall there describe at large the places both of the North and South America as they occurred to me. And for this reason, that I might avoid needless repetitions, and hasten to such particulars as the public has hitherto had no account of, I have chosen to comprise the relation of my voyage hitherto in this short compass, and place it as an Introduction before the rest, that the reader may the better perceive where I mean to begin to be particular; for there I have placed the title of my first chapter.
All therefore that I have to add to the Introduction is this; that, while we lay at the isle of Juan Fernandez, Captain Sharp was, by general consent, displaced from being commander; the company being not satisfied either with his courage or behaviour. In his stead Captain Watling was advanced: but, he being killed shortly after before Arica, we were without a commander during all the rest of our return towards Plata. Now Watling being killed, a great number of the meaner sort began to be as earnest for choosing Captain Sharp again into the vacancy as before they had been as forward as any to turn him out: and on the other side the abler and more experienced men, being altogether dissatisfied with Sharp's former conduct, would by no means consent to have him chosen. In short, by that time we were come in sight of the island Plata, the difference between the contending parties was grown so high that they resolved to part companies; having first made an agreement that, which party soever should upon polling appear to have the majority, they should keep the ship: and the other should content themselves with the launch, or longboat, and canoes, and return back over the Isthmus, or go to seek their fortune other-ways, as they would.
Accordingly we put it to the vote; and, upon dividing, Captain Sharp's party carried it. I, who had never been pleased with his management, though I had hitherto kept my mind to myself, now declared myself on the side of those that were out-voted; and, according to our agreement, we took our shares of such necessaries as were fit to carry overland with us (for that was our resolution) and so prepared for our departure.
1681.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR'S RETURN OUT OF THE SOUTH SEAS, TO HIS LANDING NEAR CAPE ST. LAWRENCE, IN THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN: WITH AN OCCASIONAL DESCRIPTION OF THE MOSKITO INDIANS.
April the 17th 1681, about ten o'clock in the morning, being 12 leagues north-west from the island Plata, we left Captain Sharp and those who were willing to go with him in the ship and embarked into our launch and canoes, designing for the river of Santa Maria, in the Gulf of St. Michael, which is about 200 leagues from the isle of Plata. We were in number 44 white men who bore arms, a Spanish Indian who bore arms also; and two Moskito Indians who always bear arms amongst the privateers and are much valued by them for striking fish, and turtle or tortoise, and manatee or sea-cow; and five slaves taken in the South Seas, who fell to our share.
The craft which carried us was a launch, or longboat, one canoe, and another canoe which had been sawn asunder in the middle in order to have made bumkins, or vessels for carrying water, if we had not separated from our ship. This we joined together again and made it tight; providing sails to help us along: and for 3 days before we parted we sifted so much flower as we could well carry, and rubbed up 20 or 30 pound of chocolate with sugar to sweeten it; these things and a kettle the slaves carried also on their backs after we landed. And, because there were some who designed to go with us that we knew were not well able to march, we gave out that if any man faltered in the journey overland he must expect to be shot to death; for we knew that the Spaniards would soon be after us, and one man falling into their hands might be the ruin of us all by giving an account of our strength and condition; yet this would not deter them from going with us. We had but little wind when we parted from the ship; but before 12 o'clock the sea-breeze came in strong, which was like to founder us before we got in with the shore; for our security therefore we cut up an old dry hide that we brought with us, and barricaded the launch all round with it to keep the water out. About 10 o'clock at night we got in about 7 leagues to windward of Cape Passao under the Line, and then it proved calm; and we lay and drove all night, being fatigued the preceding day. The 18th day we had little wind till the afternoon; and then we made sail, standing along the shore to the northward, having the wind at south-south-west and fair weather.
At 7 o'clock we came abreast of Cape Passao and found a small bark at an anchor in a small bay to leeward of the cape, which we took, our own boats being too small to transport us. We took her just under the Equinoctial Line, she was not only a help to us, but in taking her we were safe from being described: we did not design to have meddled with any when we parted with our consorts, nor to have seen any if we could have helped it. The bark came from Gallo laden with timber, and was bound for Guayaquil.
The 19th day in the morning we came to an anchor about 12 leagues to the southward of Cape San Francisco to put our new bark into a better trim. In 3 or 4 hours time we finished our business, and came to sail again, and steered along the coast with the wind at south-south-west, intending to touch at Gorgona.
Being to the northward of Cape San Francisco we met with very wet weather; but the wind continuing we arrived at Gorgona the 24th day in the morning, before it was light; we were afraid to approach it in the daytime for fear the Spaniards should lie there for us, it being the place where we careened lately, and there they might expect us.
When we came ashore we found the Spaniards had been there to seek after us, by a house they had built, which would entertain 100 men, and by a great cross before the doors. This was token enough that the Spaniards did expect us this day again; therefore we examined our prisoners if they knew anything of it, who confessed they had heard of a periago (or large canoe) that rowed with 14 oars, which was kept in a river on the Main, and once in 2 or three days came over to Gorgona purposely to see for us; and that having discovered us, she was to make all speed to Panama with the news; where they had three ships ready to send after us.
We lay here all the day, and scrubbed our new bark, that if ever we should be chased we might the better escape: we filled our water and in the evening went from thence, having the wind at south-west a brisk gale.
The 25th day we had much wind and rain, and we lost the canoe that had been cut and was joined together; we would have kept all our canoes to carry us up the river, the bark not being so convenient.
The 27th day we went from thence with a moderate gale of wind at south-west. In the afternoon we had excessive showers of rain.
The 28th day was very wet all the morning; betwixt 10 and 11 it cleared up and we saw two great ships about a league and a half to the westward of us, we being then two leagues from the shore, and about 10 leagues to the southward of point Garrachina. These ships had been cruising between Gorgona and the Gulf 6 months; but whether our prisoners did know it I cannot tell.
We presently furled our sails and rowed in close under the shore, knowing that they were cruisers; for if they had been bound to Panama this wind would have carried them thither; and no ships bound from Panama come on this side of the bay, but keep the north side of the bay till as far as the keys of Quibo to the westward; and then if they are bound to the southward they stand over and may fetch Gallo, or betwixt it and Cape San Francisco.
The glare did not continue long before it rained again, and kept us from the fight of each other: but if they had seen and chased us we were resolved to run our bark and canoes ashore, and take ourselves to the mountains and travel overland; for we knew that the Indians which lived in these parts never had any commerce with the Spaniards; so we might have had a chance for our lives.
The 29th day at 9 o'clock in the morning we came to an anchor at Point Garrachina, about 7 leagues from the Gulf of St. Michael, which was the place where we first came into the South Seas, and the way by which we designed to return.
Here we lay all the day, and went ashore and dried our clothes, cleaned our guns, dried our ammunition, and fixed ourselves against our enemies, if we should be attacked; for we did expect to find some opposition at landing: we likewise kept a good lookout all the day, for fear of those two ships that we saw the day before.
The 30th day in the morning at 8 o'clock we came into the Gulf of St. Michael's mouth; for we put from Point Garrachina in the evening, designing to have reached the islands in the gulf before day; that we might the better work our escape from our enemies, if we should find any of them waiting to stop our passage.
About 9 o'clock we came to an anchor a mile without a large island, which lies 4 miles from the mouth of the river; we had other small islands without us, and might have gone up into the river, having a strong tide of flood, but would not adventure farther till we had looked well about us.
We immediately sent a canoe ashore on the island, where we saw (what we always feared) a ship at the mouth of the river, lying close by the shore, and a large tent by it, by which we found it would be a hard task for us to escape them.
When the canoe came aboard with this news some of our men were a little disheartened; but it was no more than I ever expected.
Our care was now to get safe overland, seeing we could not land here according to our desire: therefore before the tide of flood was spent we manned our canoe and rowed again to the island to see if the enemy was yet in motion. When we came ashore we dispersed ourselves all over the island to prevent our enemies from coming any way to view us; and presently after high-water we saw a small canoe coming over from the ship to the island that we were on; which made us all get into our canoe and wait their coming; and we lay close till they came within pistol-shot of us, and then, being ready, we started out and took them. There were in her one white man and two Indians; who being examined told us that the ship which we saw at the river's mouth had lain there six months, guarding the river, waiting for our coming; that she had 12 guns and 150 seamen and soldiers: that the seamen all lay aboard, but the soldiers lay ashore in their tents; that there were 300 men at the mines, who had all small arms, and would he aboard in two tides' time. They likewise told us that there were two ships cruising in the bay between this place and Gorgona; the biggest had 20 guns and 200 men, the other 10 guns and 150 men: besides all this they told us that the Indians on this side the country were our enemies; which was the worse news of all. However we presently brought these prisoners aboard and got under sail, turning out with the tide of ebb, for it was not convenient to stay longer there.
We did not long consider what to do; but intended to land that night or the next day betimes; for we did not question but we should either get a good commerce with the Indians by such toys as we had purposely brought with us, or else force our way through their country in spite of all their opposition; and we did not fear what these Spaniards could do against us in case they should land and come after us. We had a strong southerly wind which blew right in; and, the tide of ebb being far spent, we could not turn out.
I persuaded them to run into the river of Congo, which is a large river about three leagues from the island where we lay; which with a southerly wind we could have done: and, when we were got so high as the tide flows, then we might have landed. But all the arguments I could use were not of force sufficient to convince them that there was a large river so near us, but they would land somewhere, they neither did know how, where, nor when.
When we had rowed and towed against the wind all night we just got about Cape San Lorenzo in the morning; and sailed about 4 miles farther to the westward, and run into a small creek within two keys, or little islands, and rowed up to the head of the creek, being about a mile up, and there we landed May 1 1681.
We got out all our provision and clothes and then sunk our vessel.
While we were landing and fixing our snap-sacks to march our Moskito Indians struck a plentiful dish of fish, which we immediately dressed, and therewith satisfied our hunger.
Having made mention of the Moskito Indians it may not be amiss to conclude this chapter with a short account of them. They are tall, well made, raw-boned, lusty, strong, and nimble of foot, long-visaged, lank black hair, look stern, hard favoured, and of a dark copper-colour complexion. They are but a small nation or family, and not 100 men of them in number, inhabiting on the Main on the north side, near Cape Gracias a Dios; between Cape Honduras and Nicaragua. They are very ingenious at throwing the lance, fishgig, harpoon, or any manner of dart, being bred to it from their infancy; for the children, imitating their parents, never go abroad without a lance in their hands, which they throw at any object, till use has made them masters of the art. Then they learn to put by a lance, arrow, or dart: the manner is thus. Two boys stand at a small distance, and dart a blunt stick at one another; each of them holding a small stick in his right hand, with which he strikes away that which was darted at him. As they grow in years they become more dexterous and courageous, and then they will stand a fair mark to anyone that will shoot arrows at them; which they will put by with a very small stick, no bigger than the rod of a fowling-piece; and when they are grown to be men they will guard themselves from arrows, though they come very thick at them, provided two do not happen to come at once. They have extraordinary good eyes, and will descry a sail at sea farther, and see anything better, than we. Their chiefest employment in their own country is to strike fish, turtle, or manatee, the manner of which I describe elsewhere, Chapter 3. For this they are esteemed and coveted by all privateers; for one or two of them in a ship will maintain 100 men: so that when we careen our ships we choose commonly such places where there is plenty of turtle or manatee for these Moskito men to strike: and it is very rare to find privateers destitute of one or more of them when the commander or most of the men are English; but they do not love the French, and the Spaniards they hate mortally. When they come among privateers, they get the use of guns, and prove very good marksmen: they behave themselves very bold in fight, and never seem to flinch nor hang back; for they think that the white men with whom they are know better than they do when it is best to fight, and, let the disadvantage of their party be never so great, they will never yield nor give back while any of their party stand. I could never perceive any religion nor any ceremonies or superstitious observations among them, being ready to imitate us in whatsoever they saw us do at any time. Only they seem to fear the devil, whom they call Wallesaw; and they say he often appears to some among them, whom our men commonly call their priest, when they desire to speak with him on urgent business; but the rest know not anything of him, nor how he appears, otherwise than as these priests tell them. Yet they all say they must not anger him, for then he will beat them, and that sometimes he carries away these their priests. Thus much I have heard from some of them who speak good English.
They marry but one wife, with whom they live till death separates them. At their first coming together the man makes a very small plantation, for there is land enough, and they may choose what spot they please. They delight to settle near the sea, or by some river, for the sake of striking fish, their beloved employment.
For within land there are other Indians, with whom they are always at war. After the man has cleared a spot of land, and has planted it, he seldom minds it afterwards, but leaves the managing of it to his wife, and he goes out a-striking. Sometimes he seeks only for fish, at other times for turtle, or manatee, and whatever he gets he brings home to his wife, and never stirs out to seek for more till it is all eaten. When hunger begins to bite he either takes his canoe and seeks for more game at sea or walks out into the woods and hunts about for peccary, warree, each a sort of wild hogs or deer; and seldom returns empty-handed, nor seeks for any more so long as any of it lasts. Their plantations are so small that they cannot subsist with what they produce: for their largest plantations have not above 20 or 30 plantain-trees, a bed of yams and potatoes, a bush of Indian pepper, and a small spot of pineapples; which last fruit as a main thing they delight in; for with these they make a sort of drink which our men call pine-drink, much esteemed by those Moskitos, and to which they invite each other to be merry, providing fish and flesh also. Whoever of them makes of this liquor treats his neighbours, making a little canoe full at a time, and so enough to make them all drunk; and it is seldom that such feasts are made but the party that makes them has some design either to be revenged for some injury done him, or to debate of such differences as have happened between him and his neighbours, and to examine into the truth of such matters. Yet before they are warmed with drink they never speak one word of their grievances: and the women, who commonly know their husband's designs, prevent them from doing any injury to each other by hiding their lances, harpoons, bows and arrows, or any other weapon that they have.
The Moskitos are in general very civil and kind to the English, of whom they receive a great deal of respect, both when they are aboard their ships, and also ashore, either in Jamaica, or elsewhere, whither they often come with the seamen. We always humour them, letting them go any whither as they will, and return to their country in any vessel bound that way, if they please. They will have the management of themselves in their striking, and will go in their own little canoe, which our men could not go in without danger of oversetting: nor will they then let any white man come in their canoe, but will go a-striking in it just as they please: all which we allow them. For should we cross them, though they should see shoals of fish, or turtle, or the like, they will purposely strike their harpoons and turtle-irons aside, or so glance them as to kill nothing. They have no form of government among them, but acknowledge the King of England for their sovereign. They learn our language, and take the governor of Jamaica to be one of the greatest princes in the world.
While they are among the English they wear good clothes, and take delight to go neat and tight; but when they return again to their own country they put by all their clothes, and go after their own country fashion, wearing only a small piece of linen tied about their waists, hanging down to their knees.
THE AUTHOR'S LAND JOURNEY FROM THE SOUTH TO THE NORTH SEA, OVER THE TERRA FIRMA, OR ISTHMUS OF DARIEN.
Being landed May the 1st, we began our march about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, directing our course by our pocket compasses north-east and, having gone about 2 miles, we came to the foot of a hill where we built small huts and lay all night; having excessive rains till 12 o'clock.
The 2nd day in the morning having fair weather we ascended the hill, and found a small Indian path which we followed till we found it run too much easterly, and then, doubting it would carry us out of the way, we climbed some of the highest trees on the hill, which was not meanly furnished with as large and tall trees as ever I saw: at length we discovered some houses in a valley on the north side of the hill, but it being steep could not descend on that side, but followed the small path which led us down the hill on the east side, where we presently found several other Indian houses. The first that we came to at the foot of the hill had none but women at home who could not speak Spanish, but gave each of us a good calabash or shell-full of corn-drink. The other houses had some men at home, but none that spoke Spanish; yet we made a shift to buy such food as their houses or plantations afforded, which we dressed and ate all together; having all sorts of our provision in common, because none should live better than others, or pay dearer for anything than it was worth. This day we had marched 6 mile.
In the evening the husbands of those women came home and told us in broken Spanish that they had been on board of the guard-ship, which we fled from two days before, that we were now not above 3 mile from the mouth of the river Congo, and that they could go from thence aboard the guard-ship in half a tide's time.
This evening we supped plentifully on fowls and peccary; a sort of wild hogs which we bought of the Indians; yams, potatoes, and plantains served us for bread, whereof we had enough. After supper we agreed with one of these Indians to guide us a day's march into the country, towards the north side; he was to have for his pains a hatchet, and his bargain was to bring us to a certain Indian's habitation, who could speak Spanish, from whom we were in hopes to be better satisfied of our journey.
The 3rd day having fair weather we began to stir betimes, and set out between 6 and 7 o'clock, marching through several old ruined plantations. This morning one of our men being tired gave us the slip. By 12 o'clock we had gone 8 mile, and arrived at the Indian's house, who lived on the bank of the river Congo and spoke very good Spanish; to whom we declared the reason of this visit.
At first he seemed to be very dubious of entertaining any discourse with us, and gave impertinent answers to the questions that we demanded of him; he told us he knew no way to the north side of the country, but could carry us to Cheapo, or Santa Maria, which we knew to be Spanish garrisons; the one lying to the eastward of us, the other to the westward: either of them at least 20 miles out of our way. We could get no other answer from him, and all his discourse was in such an angry tone as plainly declared he was not our friend. However we were forced to make a virtue of necessity and humour him, for it was neither time nor place to be angry with the Indians; all our lives lying in their hand.
We were now at a great loss, not knowing what course to take, for we tempted him with beads, money, hatchets, machetes, or long knives; but nothing would work on him, till one of our men took a sky-coloured petticoat out of his bag and put it on his wife; who was so much pleased with the present that she immediately began to chatter to her husband, and soon brought him into a better humour. He could then tell us that he knew the way to the north side, and would have gone with us, but that he had cut his foot two days before, which made him incapable of serving us himself: but he would take care that we should not want a guide; and therefore he hired the same Indian who brought us hither to conduct us two days' march further for another hatchet. The old man would have stayed us here all the day because it rained very hard; but our business required more haste, our enemies lying so near us, for he told us that he could go from his house aboard the guard-ship in a tide's time; and this was the 4th day since they saw us. So we marched 3 miles farther, and then built huts, where we stayed all night; it rained all the afternoon, and the greatest part of the night.
The 4th day we began our march betimes, for the forenoons were commonly fair, but much rain after noon: though whether it rained or shined it was much at one with us, for I verily believe we crossed the rivers 30 times this day: the Indians having no paths to travel from one part of the country to another; and therefore guided themselves by the rivers. We marched this day 12 miles, and then built our hut, and lay down to sleep; but we always kept two men on the watch; otherwise our own slaves might have knocked us on the head while we slept. It rained violently all the afternoon and most part of the night. We had much ado to kindle a fire this evening: our huts were but very mean or ordinary, and our fire small, so that we could not dry our clothes, scarce warm ourselves, and no sort of food for the belly; all which made it very hard with us. I confess these hardships quite expelled the thoughts of an enemy, for now, having been 4 days in the country, we began to have but few other cares than how to get guides and food, the Spaniards were seldom in our thoughts.
The 5th day we set out in the morning betimes, and, having travelled 7 miles in those wild pathless woods, by 10 o'clock in the morning we arrived at a young Spanish Indian's house, who had formerly lived with the Bishop of Panama. The young Indian was very brisk, spoke very good Spanish, and received us very kindly. This plantation afforded us store of provisions, yams, and potatoes, but nothing of any flesh besides 2 fat monkeys we shot, part whereof we distributed to some of our company, who were weak and sickly; for others we got eggs and such refreshments as the Indians had, for we still provided for the sick and weak. We had a Spanish Indian in our company, who first took up arms with Captain Sawkins, and had been with us ever since his death. He was persuaded to live here by the master of the house, who promised him his sister in marriage, and to be assistant to him in clearing a plantation: but we would not consent to part from him here for fear of some treachery, but promised to release him in two or three days, when we were certainly out of danger of our enemies. We stayed here all the afternoon, and dried our clothes and ammunition, cleared our guns, and provided ourselves for a march the next morning.
Our surgeon, Mr. Wafer, came to a sad disaster here: being drying his powder, a careless fellow passed by with his pipe lighted and set fire to his powder, which blew up and scorched his knee, and reduced him to that condition that he was not able to march; wherefore we allowed him a slave to carry his things, being all of us the more concerned at the accident, because liable ourselves every moment to misfortune, and none to look after us but him. This Indian plantation was seated on the bank of the river Congo, in a very fat soil, and thus far we might have come in our canoe if I could have persuaded them to it.
The 6th day we set out again, having hired another guide. Here we first crossed the river Congo in a canoe, having been from our first landing on the west side of the river, and, being over, we marched to the eastward two miles, and came to another river, which we forded several times though it was very deep. Two of our men were not able to keep company with us, but came after us as they were able. The last time we forded the river it was so deep that our tallest men stood in the deepest place and handed the sick, weak and short men; by which means we all got over safe, except those two who were behind. Foreseeing a necessity of wading through rivers frequently in our land-march, I took care before I left the ship to provide myself a large joint of bamboo, which I stopped at both ends, closing it with wax, so as to keep out any water. In this I preserved my journal and other writings from being wet, though I was often forced to swim. When we were over this river, we sat down to wait the coming of our consorts who were left behind, and in half an hour they came. But the river by that time was so high that they could not get over it, neither could we help them over, but bid them be of good comfort, and stay till the river did fall: but we marched two miles farther by the side of the river, and there built our huts, having gone this day six miles. We had scarce finished our huts before the river rose much higher, and, overflowing the banks, obliged us to remove into higher ground: but the next night came on before we could build more huts, so we lay straggling in the woods, some under one tree, some under another, as we could find conveniency, which might have been indifferent comfortable if the weather had been fair; but the greatest part of the night we had extraordinary hard rain, with much lightning, and terrible claps of thunder. These hardships and inconveniencies made us all careless, and there was no watch kept (though I believe nobody did sleep) so our slaves, taking the opportunity, went away in the night; all but one who was hid in some hole and knew nothing of their design, or else fell asleep. Those that went away carried with them our surgeon's gun and all his money.
The next morning being the 8th day, we went to the river's side, and found it much fallen; and here our guide would have us ford it again, which, being deep and the current running swift, we could not. Then we contrived to swim over; those that could not swim we were resolved to help over as well as we could: but this was not so feasible: for we should not be able to get all our things over. At length we concluded to send one man over with a line, who should haul over all our things first, and then get the men over. This being agreed on, one George Gayny took the end of a line and made it fast about his neck, and left the other end ashore, and one man stood by the line to clear it away to him. But when Gayny was in the midst of the water the, line in drawing after him, chanced to kink or grow entangled; and he that stood by to clear it away stopped the line, which turned Gayny on his back, and he that had the line in his hand threw it all into the river after him, thinking he might recover himself; but the stream running very swift, and the man having three hundred dollars at his back, was carried down, and never seen more by us. Those two men whom we left behind the day before, told us afterwards that they found him lying dead in a creek where the eddy had driven him ashore, and the money on his back; but they meddled not with any of it, being only in care how to work their way through a wild unknown country. This put a period to that contrivance. This was the fourth man that we lost in this land-journey; for these two men that we left the day before did not come to us till we were in the North Seas, so we yielded them also for lost. Being frustrated at getting over the river this way, we looked about for a tree to fell across the river. At length we found one, which we cut down, and it reached clear over: on this we passed to the other side, where we found a small plantain-walk, which we soon ransacked.
While we were busy getting plantains our guide was gone, but in less than two hours came to us again, and brought with him an old Indian to whom he delivered up his charge; and we gave him a hatchet and dismissed him, and entered ourselves under the conduct of our new guide: who immediately led us away, and crossed another river, and entered into a large valley of the fattest land I did ever take notice of; the trees were not very thick, but the largest that I saw in all my travels; we saw great tracks which were made by the peccaries, but saw none of them. We marched in this pleasant country till 3 o'clock in the afternoon, in all about 4 miles, and then arrived at the old man's country house, which was only a habitation for hunting: there was a small plantain-walk, some yams, and potatoes. Here we took up our quarters for this day and refreshed ourselves with such food as the place afforded, and dried our clothes and ammunition. At this place our young Spanish Indian provided to leave us, for now we thought ourselves past danger. This was he that was persuaded to stay at the last house we came from, to marry the young man's sister; and we dismissed him according to our promise.
The 9th day the old man conducted us towards his own habitation. We marched about 5 miles in this valley; and then ascended a hill and travelled about 5 miles farther over two or three small hills before we came to any settlement. Half a mile before we came to the plantations we light of a path, which carried us to the Indians habitations. We saw many wooden crosses erected in the way, which created some jealousy in us that here were some Spaniards: therefore we new-primed all our guns, and provided ourselves for an enemy; but coming into the town found none but Indians, who were all got together in a large house to receive us: for the old man had a little boy with him that he sent before.
They made us welcome to such as they had, which was very mean; for these were new plantations, the corn being not eared. Potatoes, yams, and plantains they had none but what they brought from their old plantations. There was none of them spoke good Spanish: two young men could speak a little, it caused us to take more notice of them. To these we made a present, and desired them to get us a guide to conduct us to the north side, or part of the way, which they promised to do themselves; if we would reward them for it, but told us we must lie still the next day. But we thought ourselves nearer the North Sea than we were, and proposed to go without a guide rather than stay here a whole day: however some of our men who were tired resolved to stay behind; and Mr. Wafer our surgeon, who marched in great pain ever since his knee was burned with powder, was resolved to stay with them.
The 10th day we got up betimes, resolving to march, but the Indians opposed it as much as they could; but, seeing they could not persuade us to stay, they came with us; and, having taken leave of our friends, we set out.
Here therefore we left the surgeon and two more, as we said, and marched away to the eastward following our guides. But we often looked on our pocket compasses and showed them to the guides, pointing at the way that we would go, which made them shake their heads and say they were pretty things, but not convenient for us. After we had descended the hills on which the town stood we came down into a valley, and guided ourselves by a river, which we crossed 22 times; and, having marched 9 miles, we built huts and lay there all night: this evening I killed a quaum, a large bird as big as a turkey, wherewith we treated our guides, for we brought no provision with us. This night our last slave ran away.
The eleventh day we marched 10 mile farther, and built huts at night; but went supperless to bed.
The twelfth in the morning we crossed a deep river, passing over it on a tree, and marched 7 mile in a low swampy ground; and came to the side of a great deep river, but could not get over. We built huts upon its banks and lay there all night, upon our barbecues, or frames of sticks raised about 3 foot from the ground.
The thirteenth day when we turned out the river had overflowed its banks, and was 2 foot deep in our huts, and our guides went from us, not telling us their intent, which made us think they were returned home again. Now we began to repent our haste in coming from the settlements, for we had no food since we came from thence. Indeed we got macaw-berries in this place, wherewith we satisfied ourselves this day though coarsely.
The fourteenth day in the morning betimes our guides came to us again; and, the waters being fallen within their bounds, they carried us to a tree that stood on the bank of the river, and told us if we could fell that tree across it we might pass: if not, we could pass no farther. Therefore we set two of the best axe-men that we had, who felled it exactly across the river, and the boughs just reached over; on this we passed very safe. We afterwards crossed another river three times, with much difficulty, and at 3 o'clock in the afternoon we came to an Indian settlement, where we met a drove of monkeys, and killed 4 of them, and stayed here all night, having marched this day 6 miles. Here we got plantains enough, and a kind reception of the Indian that lived here all alone, except one boy to wait on him.
The fifteenth day when we set out, the kind Indian and his boy went with us in a canoe, and set us over such places as we could not ford: and, being past those great rivers, he returned back again, having helped us at least 2 mile. We marched afterwards 5 mile, and came to large plantain-walks, where we took up our quarters that night; we there fed plentifully on plantains, both ripe and green, and had fair weather all the day and night. I think these were the largest plantain-walks, and the biggest plantains that ever I saw, but no house near them: we gathered what we pleased by our guide's orders.
The sixteenth day we marched 3 mile and came to a large settlement where we abode all day: not a man of us but wished the journey at an end; our feet being blistered, and our thighs stripped with wading through so many rivers; the way being almost continually through rivers or pathless woods. In the afternoon five of us went to seek for game and killed 3 monkeys, which we dressed for supper. Here we first began to have fair weather, which continued with us till we came to the North Seas.
The eighteenth day we set out at 10 o'clock, and the Indians with 5 canoes carried us a league up a river; and when we landed the kind Indians went with us and carried our burdens. We marched 3 mile farther, and then built our huts, having travelled from the last settlements 6 mile.
The nineteenth day our guides lost their way, and we did not march above 2 mile.
The twentieth day by 12 o'clock we came to Cheapo River. The rivers we crossed hitherto run all into the South Seas; and this of Cheapo was the last we met with that run that way. Here an old man who came from the last settlements distributed his burthen of plantains amongst us and, taking his leave, returned home. Afterward we forded the river and marched to the foot of a very high mountain, where we lay all night. This day we marched about 9 miles.
The 21st day some of the Indians returned back, and we marched up a very high mountain; being on the top, we went some miles on a ridge, and steep on both sides; then descended a little, and came to a fine spring, where we lay all night, having gone this day about 9 miles, the weather still very fair and clear.
The 22nd day we marched over another very high mountain, keeping on the ridge 5 miles. When we came to the north end we, to our great comfort, saw the sea; then we descended, and parted ourselves into 3 companies, and lay by the side of a river, which was the first we met that runs into the North Sea.
The 23rd day we came through several large plantain-walks, and at 10 o'clock came to an Indian habitation not far from the North Seas. Here we got canoes to carry as down the river Concepcion to the seaside; having gone this day 7 miles. We found a great many Indians at the mouth of the river. They had settled themselves here for the benefit of trade with the privateers; and their commodities were yams, potatoes, plantains, sugarcane, fowls, and eggs.
The Indians told us that there had been a great many English and French ships here, which were all gone but one barcolongo, a French privateer that lay at La Sounds Key or Island. This island is about 3 leagues from the mouth of the river Concepcion, and is one of the Samballoes, a range of islands reaching for about 20 leagues from Point Samballas to Golden Island eastward. These islands or keys, as we call them, were first made the rendezvous of privateers in the year 1679, being very convenient for careening, and had names given to some of them by the captains of the privateers: as this La Sounds Key particularly.
Thus we finished our journey from the South Sea to the North in 23 days; in which time by my account we travelled 110 miles, crossing some very high mountains; but our common march was in the valleys among deep and dangerous rivers. At our first landing in this country, we were told that the Indians were our enemies; we knew the rivers to be deep, the wet season to be coming in; yet, excepting those we left behind, we lost but one man, who was drowned, as I said. Our first landing place on the south coast was very disadvantageous, for we travelled at least fifty miles more than we need to have done, could we have gone up Cheapo River, or Santa Maria River; for at either of these places a man may pass from sea to sea in three days time with ease. The Indians can do it in a day and a half, by which you may see how easy it is for a party of men to travel over. I must confess the Indians did assist us very much, and I question whether ever we had got over without their assistance, because they brought us from time to time to their plantations where we always got provision, which else we should have wanted. But if a party of 500 or 600 men or more were minded to travel from the North to the South Seas they may do it without asking leave of the Indians; though it be much better to be friends with them.
The 24th of May (having lain one night at the river's mouth) we all went on board the privateer, who lay at La Sound's Key. It was a French vessel, Captain Tristian commander. The first thing we did was to get such things as we could to gratify our Indian guides, for we were resolved to reward them to their hearts' content. This we did by giving them beads, knives, scissors, and looking-glasses, which we bought of the privateer's crew: and half a dollar a man from each of us; which we would have bestowed in goods also, but could not get any, the privateer having no more toys. They were so well satisfied with these that they returned with joy to their friends; and were very kind to our consorts whom we left behind; as Mr. Wafer our surgeon and the rest of them told us when they came to us some months afterwards, as shall be said hereafter.
I might have given a further account of several things relating to this country; the inland parts of which are so little known to the Europeans. But I shall leave this province to Mr. Wafer, who made a longer abode in it than I, and is better able to do it than any man that I know, and is now preparing a particular description of this country for the press.
MAP OF THE MIDDLE PART OF AMERICA.
THE AUTHOR'S CRUISING WITH THE PRIVATEERS IN THE NORTH SEAS ON THE WEST INDIA COAST.
The privateer on board which we went being now cleaned, and our Indian guides thus satisfied and set ashore, we set sail in two days for Springer's Key, another of the Samballoes Isles, and about 7 or 8 leagues from La Sound's Key. Here lay 8 sail of privateers more, namely:
English commanders and Englishmen:
Captain Coxon, 10 guns, 100 men.
Captain Payne, 10 guns, 100 men.
Captain Wright, a barcolongo. 4 guns, 40 men.
Captain Williams, a small barcolongo.
Captain Yankes, a barcolongo, 4 guns, about 60 men, English, Dutch and French; himself a Dutchman.
French Commanders and men:
Captain Archemboe, 8 guns, 40 men.
Captain Tucker, 6 guns, 70 men.
Captain Rose, a barcolongo.
An hour before we came to the fleet Captain Wright, who had been sent to Chagra River, arrived at Springer's Key with a large canoe or periago laden with flour, which he took there. Some of the prisoners belonging to the periago came from Panama not above six days before he took her, and told the news of our coming overland, and likewise related the condition and strength of Panama, which was the main thing they enquired after; for Captain Wright was sent thither purposely to get a prisoner that was able to inform them of the strength of that city, because these privateers designed to join all their force, and, by the assistance of the Indians (who had promised to be their guides) to march overland to Panama; and there is no other way of getting prisoners for that purpose but by absconding between Chagra and Portobello, because there are much goods brought that way from Panama; especially when the armada lies at Portobello. All the commanders were aboard of Captain Wright when we came into the fleet; and were mighty inquisitive of the prisoners to know the truth of what they related concerning us. But as soon as they knew we were come they immediately came aboard of Captain Tristian, being all overjoyed to see us; for Captain Coxon and many others had left us in the South Seas about 12 months since, and had never heard what became of us since that time. They enquired of us what we did there? how we lived? how far we had been? and what discoveries we made in those seas? After we had answered these general questions they began to be more particular in examining us concerning our passage through the country from the South Seas. We related the whole matter; giving them an account of the fatigues of our march, and the inconveniencies we suffered by the rains; and disheartened them quite from that design.
Then they proposed several other places where such a party of men as were now got together might make a voyage; but the objections of some or other still hindered any proceeding: for the privateers have an account of most towns within 20 leagues of the sea, on all the coast from Trinidad down to La Vera Cruz; and are able to give a near guess of the strength and riches of them: for they make it their business to examine all prisoners that fall into their hands concerning the country, town, or city that they belong to; whether born there, or how long they have known it? how many families, whether most Spaniards? or whether the major I part are not copper-coloured, as Mulattoes, Mestizos, or Indians? whether rich, and what their riches do consist in? and what their chiefest manufactures? if fortified, how many great guns, and what number of small arms? whether it is possible to come undescribed on them? How many lookouts or sentinels; for such the Spaniards always keep? and how the lookouts are placed? Whether possible to avoid the lookouts, or take them? If any river or creek comes near it, or where the best landing; with innumerable other such questions, which their curiosities led them to demand. And if they have had any former discourse of such places from other prisoners they compare one with the other; then examine again, and enquire if he or any of them are capable to be guides to conduct a party of men thither: if not, where and how any prisoner may be taken that may do it; and from thence they afterwards lay their schemes to prosecute whatever design they take in hand.
It was 7 or 8 days after before any resolution was taken, yet consultations were held every day. The French seemed very forward to go to any town that the English could or would propose, because the governor of Petit Guavres (from whom the privateers take commissions) had recommended a gentleman lately come from France to be general of the expedition, and sent word by Captain Tucker, with whom this gentleman came, that they should, if possible, make an attempt on some town before he returned again. The English, when they were in company with the French, seemed to approve of what the French said, but never looked on that general to be fit for the service in hand.
THEY GO TO THE ISLE OF SAN ANDREAS. OF THE CEDARS THERE.
At length it was concluded to go to a town, the name of which I have forgot; it lies a great way in the country, but not such a tedious march as it would be from hence to Panama. Our way to it lay up Carpenter's River, which is about 60 leagues to the westward of Portobello. Our greatest obstruction in this design was our want of boats: therefore it was concluded to go with all our fleet to San Andreas, a small uninhabited island lying near the isle of Providence, to the westward of it, in 13 degrees 15 minutes north latitude, and from Portobello north-north-west about 70 leagues; where we should be but a little way from Carpenter's River. And besides, at this island we might build canoes, it being plentifully stored with large cedars for such a purpose; and for this reason the Jamaica men come hither frequently to build sloops; cedar being very fit for building, and it being to be had here at free cost; beside other wood. Jamaica is well stored with cedars of its own, chiefly among the Rocky Mountains: these also of San Andreas grow in stony ground, and are the largest that ever I knew or heard of; the bodies alone being ordinarily 40 or 50 foot long, many 60 or 70 and upwards, and of a proportionable bigness. The Bermudas Isles are well stored with them; so is Virginia, which is generally a sandy soil. I saw none in the East Indies, nor in the South Sea coast, except on the Isthmus as I came over it. We reckon the periagos and canoes that are made of cedar to be the best of any; they are nothing but the tree itself made hollow boat-wise, with a flat bottom, and the canoe generally sharp at both ends, the periago at one only, with the other end flat. But what is commonly said of cedar, that the worm will not touch it, is a mistake, for I have seen of it very much worm-eaten.
All things being thus concluded on, we sailed from thence, directing our course towards San Andreas. We kept company the first day, but at night it blew a hard gale at north-east and some of our ships bore away: the next day others were forced to leave us, and the second night we lost all our company. I was now belonging to Captain Archembo, for all the rest of the fleet were over-manned: Captain Archembo wanting men, we that came out of the South Seas must either sail with him or remain among the Indians. Indeed we found no cause to dislike the captain; but his French seamen were the saddest creatures that ever I was among; for though we had bad weather that required many hands aloft, yet the biggest part of them never stirred out of their hammocks but to eat or ease themselves. We made a shift to find the island the fourth day, where we met Captain Wright, who came thither the day before, and had taken a Spanish tartane, wherein were 30 men, all well armed: she had 4 patereroes and some long guns placed in the swivel on the gunwale. They fought an hour before they yielded. The news they related was that they came from Cartagena in company of 11 armadillos (which are small vessels of war) to seek for the fleet of privateers lying in the Samballoes: that they parted from the armadillos 2 days before: that they were ordered to search the Samballoes for us, and if they did not find us then they were ordered to go to Portobello, and lay there till they had farther intelligence of us, and he supposed these armadillos to be now there.
We that came overland out of the South Seas, being weary of living among the French, desired Captain Wright to fit up his prize the tartane, and make a man-of-war of her for us, which he at first seemed to decline, because he was settled among the French in Hispaniola, and was very well beloved both by the governor of Petit Guavres, and all the gentry; and they would resent it ill that Captain Wright, who had no occasion of men, should be so unkind to Captain Archembo as to seduce his men from him, he being so meanly manned that he could hardly sail his ship with his Frenchmen. We told him we would no longer remain with Captain Archembo, but would go ashore there and build canoes to transport ourselves down to the Moskitos if he would not entertain us; for privateers are not obliged to any ship, but free to go ashore where they please, or to go into any other ship that will entertain them, only paying for their provision.
When Captain Wright saw our resolutions he agreed with us on condition we should be under his command as one ship's company, to which we unanimously consented.
THE CORN ISLANDS, AND THEIR INHABITANTS.
We stayed here about 10 days to see if any more of our fleet would come to us; but there came no more of us to the island but three, namely, Captain Wright, Captain Archembo, and Captain Tucker. Therefore we concluded the rest were bore away either for Boca Toro or Bluefield's River on the Main; and we designed to seek them. We had fine weather while we lay here, only some tornadoes, or thundershowers: but in this isle of San Andreas, there being neither fish, fowl, nor deer, and it being therefore but an ordinary place for us, who had but little provision, we sailed from hence again in quest of our scattered fleet, directing our course for some islands lying near the Main, called by the privateers the Corn Islands; being in hopes to get corn there. These islands I take to be the same which are generally called in the maps the Pearl Islands, lying about the latitude of 12 degrees 10 minutes north. Here we arrived the next day, and went ashore on one of them, but found none of the inhabitants; for here are but a few poor naked Indians that live here; who have been so often plundered by the privateers that they have but little provision; and when they see a sail they hide themselves; otherwise ships that come here would take them, and make slaves of them; and I have seen some of them that have been slaves. They are people of a mean stature, yet strong limbs; they are of a dark copper-colour, black hair, full round faces, small black eyes, their eyebrows hanging over their eyes, low foreheads, short thick noses, not high, but flattish; full lips, and short chins. They have a fashion to cut holes in the lips of the boys when they are young, close to their chin; which they keep open with little pegs till they are 14 or 15 years old: then they wear beards in them, made of turtle or tortoiseshell, in the form you see in the illustration. The little notch at the upper end they put in through the lip, where it remains between the teeth and the lip; the under-part hangs down over their chin. This they commonly wear all day, and when they sleep they take it out. They have likewise holes bored in their ears, both men and women when young; and, by continual stretching them with great pegs, they grow to be as big as a milled five-shilling piece. Herein they wear pieces of wood cut very round and smooth, so that their ear seems to be all wood with a little skin about it. Another ornament the women use is about their legs, which they are very curious in; for from the infancy of the girls their mothers make fast a piece of cotton cloth about the small of their leg, from the ankle to the calf, very hard; which makes them have a very full calf: this the women wear to their dying day. Both men and women go naked, only a clout about their waists; yet they have but little feet, though they go barefoot. Finding no provision here we sailed towards Bluefield's River, where we careened our tartane; and there Captain Archembo and Captain Tucker left us, and went towards Boca Toro.
BLUEFIELD'S RIVER, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE MANATEE THERE, OR SEA-COW; WITH THE MANNER HOW THE MOSKITO INDIANS KILL THEM, AND TORTOISE, ETC.
This Bluefield's River comes out between the rivers of Nicaragua and Veragna. At its mouth is a fine sandy bay where barks may clean: it is deep at its mouth but a shoal within; so that ships may not enter, yet barks of 60 or 70 tuns may. It had this name from Captain Bluefield, a famous privateer living on Providence Island long before Jamaica was taken. Which island of Providence was settled by the English, and belonged to the Earls of Warwick.
In this river we found a canoe coming down the stream; and though we went with our canoes to seek for inhabitants yet we found none, but saw in two or three places signs that Indians had made on the side of the river. The canoe which we found was but meanly made for want of tools, therefore we concluded these Indians have no commerce with the Spaniards, nor with other Indians that have.
While we lay here, our Moskito men went in their canoe and struck us some manatee, or sea-cow. Besides this Bluefield's River, I have seen of the manatee in the Bay of Campeachy, on the coasts of Boca del Drago, and Boca del Toro, in the river of Darien, and among the South Keys or little islands of Cuba. I have heard of their being found on the north of Jamaica a few, and in the rivers of Surinam in great multitudes, which is a very low land. I have seen of them also at Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands, and on the coast of New Holland. This creature is about the bigness of a horse, and 10 or 12 foot long. The mouth of it is much like the mouth of a cow, having great thick lips. The eyes are no bigger than a small pea; the ears are only two small holes on each side of the head. The neck is short and thick, bigger than the head. The biggest part of this creature is at the shoulders where it has two large fins, one on each side of its belly. Under each of these fins the female has a small dug to suckle her young. From the shoulders towards the tail it retains its bigness for about a foot, then grows smaller and smaller to the very tail, which is flat, and about 14 inches broad and 20 inches long, and in the middle 4 or 5 inches thick, but about the edges of it not above 2 inches thick. From the head to the tail it is round and smooth without any fin but those two before mentioned. I have heard that some have weighed above 1200 pounds, but I never saw any so large. The manatee delights to live in brackish water; and they are commonly in creeks and rivers near the sea. It is for this reason possibly they are not seen in the South Seas (that ever I could observe) where the coast is generally a bold shore, that is, high land and deep water close home by it, with a high sea or great surges, except in the Bay of Panama; yet even there is no manatee. Whereas the West Indies, being as it were one great bay composed of many smaller, are mostly low land and shoal water, and afford proper pasture (as I may say) for the manatee. Sometimes we find them in salt water, sometimes in fresh; but never far at sea. And those that live in the sea at such places where there is no river nor creek fit for them to enter yet do commonly come once or twice in 24 hours to the mouth of any fresh-water river that is near their place of abode. They live on grass 7 or 8 inches long, and of a narrow blade, which grows in the sea in many places, especially among islands near the Main. This grass grows likewise in creeks, or in great rivers near the sides of them, in such places where there is but little tide or current. They never come ashore, nor into shallower water than where they can swim. Their flesh is white, both the fat and the lean, and extraordinary sweet, wholesome meat. The tail of a young cow is most esteemed; but if old both head and tail are very tough. A calf that sucks is the most delicate meat; privateers commonly roast them; as they do also great pieces cut out of the bellies of the old ones.
The skin of the manatee is of great use to privateers for they cut them into straps which they make fast on the sides of their canoes, through which they put their oars in rowing, instead of tholes or pegs. The skin of the bull or of the back of the cow is too thick for this use; but of it they make horse-whips, cutting them 2 or 3 foot long: at the handle they leave the full substance of the skin, and from thence cut it away tapering, but very even and square all the four sides. While the thongs are green they wist them and hang them to dry; which in a week's time become as hard as wood. The Moskito men have always a small canoe for their use to strike fish, tortoise, or manatee, which they keep usually to themselves, and very neat and clean. They use no oars but paddles, the broad part of which does not go tapering towards the staff, pole or handle of it, as in the oar; nor do they use it in the same manner by laying it on the side of the vessel; but hold it perpendicular, gripping the staff hard with both hands, and putting back the water by main strength, and very quick strokes. One of the Moskitos (for they go but two in a canoe) sits in the stern, the other kneels down in the head, and both paddle till they come to the place where they expect their game. Then they lie still or paddle very softly, looking well about them; and he that is in the head of the canoe lays down his paddle, and stands up with his striking-staff in his hand. This staff is about 8 foot long, almost as big as a man's arm at the great end, in which there is a hole to place his harpoon in. At the other end of his staff there is a piece of light wood called bob-wood, with a hole in it, through which the small end of the staff comes; and on this piece of bob-wood there is a line of 10 or 12 fathom wound neatly about, and the end of the line made fast to it. The other end of the line is made fast to the harpoon, which is at the great end of the staff, and the Moskito men keep about a fathom of it loose in his hand. When he strikes, the harpoon presently comes out of the staff, and as the manatee swims away the line runs off from the bob; and although at first both staff and bob may be carried under water, yet as the line runs off it will rise again. Then the Moskito men paddle with all their might to get hold of the bob again, and spend usually a quarter of an hour before they get in. When the Manatee begins to be tired, it lies still, and then the Moskito men paddle to the bob and take it up, and begin to haul in the line. When the manatee feels them he swims away again, with the canoe after him; then he that steers must be nimble to turn the head of the canoe that way that his consort points, who, being in the head of the canoe, and holding the line, both sees and feels which way the manatee is swimming. Thus the canoe is towed with a violent motion, till the manatee's strength decays. Then they gather in the line, which they are often forced to let all go to the very end. At length, when the creature's strength is spent, they haul it up to the canoe's side, and knock it on the head, and tow it to the nearest shore, where they make it fast and seek for another; which having taken, they get on shore with it to put it into their canoe: for it is so heavy that they cannot lift it in, but they haul it up in shoal water, as near the shore as they can, and then overset the canoe, laying one side close to the manatee. Then they roll in, which brings the canoe upright again; and when they have heaved out the water they fasten a line to the other manatee that lies afloat, and tow it after them. I have known two Moskito men for a week every day bring aboard 2 manatee in this manner; the least of which has not weighed less than 600 pound, and that in a very small canoe, that three Englishmen would scarce adventure to go in. When they strike a cow that has a young one they seldom miss the calf, for she commonly takes her young under one of her fins. But if the calf is so big that she cannot carry it, or so frightened that she only minds to save her own life, yet the young never leaves her till the Moskito men have an opportunity to strike her.
The manner of striking manatee and tortoise is much the same; only when they seek for manatee they paddle so gently that they make no noise, and never touch the side of their canoe with their paddle, because it is a creature that hears very well. But they are not so nice when they seek for tortoise, whose eyes are better than his ears. They strike the tortoise with a square sharp iron peg, the other with a harpoon. The Moskito men make their own striking instruments, as harpoons, fishhooks, and tortoise-irons or pegs. These pegs, or tortoise-irons, are made 4-square, sharp at one end, and not much above an inch in length, of such a figure as you see in the illustration. The small spike at the broad end has a line fastened to it, and goes also into a hole at the end of the striking-staff, which when the tortoise is struck flies off, the iron and the end of the line fastened to it going quite within the shell, where it is so buried that the tortoise cannot possibly escape.
THE MAHO-TREE.
They make their lines both for fishing and striking with the bark of maho; which is a sort of tree or shrub that grows plentifully all over the West Indies, and whose bark is made up of strings, or threads very strong. You may draw it off either in flakes or small threads, as you have occasion. It is fit for any manner of cordage; and privateers often make their rigging of it. So much by way of digression.
When we had cleaned our tartane we sailed from hence, bound for Boca Toro, which is an opening between 2 islands about 10 degrees 10 minutes north latitude between the rivers of Veragne and Chagre. Here we met with Captain Yankes, who told us that there had been a fleet of Spanish armadillos to seek us: that Captain Tristian, having fallen to leeward, was coming to Boca Toro, and fell in amongst them, supposing them to be our fleet: that they fired and chased him, but he rowed and towed, and they supposed he got away: that Captain Pain was likewise chased by them and Captain Williams; and that they had not seen them since they lay within the islands: that the Spaniards never came in to him; and that Captain Coxon was in at the careening-place.
THE SAVAGES OF BOCA TORO.
This Boca Toro is a place that the privateers use to resort to as much as any place on all the coast, because here is plenty of green tortoise, and a good careening place. The Indians here have no commerce with the Spaniards; but are very barbarous and will not be dealt with. They have destroyed many privateers, as they did not long after this some of Captain Pain's men; who, having built a tent ashore to put his goods in while he careened his ship, and some men lying there with their arms, in the night the Indians crept softly into the tent, and cut off the heads of three or four men, and made their escape; nor was this the first time they had served the privateers so. There grow on this coast vinelloes in great quantity, with which chocolate is perfumed. These I shall describe elsewhere.
HE TOUCHES AGAIN AT POINT SAMBALAS, AND ITS ISLANDS. THE GROVES OF SAPADILLOES THERE, THE SOLDIER'S INSECT, AND MANCHANEEL-TREE.
Our fleet being thus scattered, there were now no hopes of getting together again; therefore everyone did what they thought most conducing to obtain their ends. Captain Wright, with whom I now was, was resolved to cruise on the coast of Cartagena; and, it being now almost the westerly-wind season, we sailed from hence, and Captain Yankes with us; and we consorted, because Captain Yankes had no commission, and was afraid the French would take away his bark. We passed by Scuda, a small island (where it is said Sir Francis Drake's bowels were buried) and came to a small river to westward of Chagre; where we took two new canoes, and carried them with us into the Samballoes. We had the wind at west, with much rain; which brought us to Point Samballas. Here Captain Wright and Captain Yankes left us in the tartane to fix the canoes, while they went on the coast of Cartagena to seek for provision. We cruised in among the islands, and kept our Moskito men, or strikers-out, who brought aboard some half-grown tortoise; and some of us went ashore every day to hunt for what we could find in the woods: sometimes we got peccary, warree or deer; at other times we light on a drove of large fat monkeys, or quames, curassows (each a large sort of fowl) pigeons, parrots, or turtle-doves. We lived very well on what we got, not staying long in one place; but sometimes we would go on the islands, where there grow great groves of sapadilloes, which is a sort of fruit much like a pear, but more juicy; and under those trees we found plenty of soldiers, a little kind of animals that live in shells and have two great claws like a crab, and are good food. One time our men found a great many large ones, and being sharp-set had them dressed, but most of them were very sick afterwards, being poisoned by them: for on this island were many manchaneel-trees, whose fruit is like a small crab, and smells very well, but they are not wholesome; and we commonly take care of meddling with any animals that eat them. And this we take for a general rule; when we find any fruits that we have not seen before, if we see them pecked by birds, we may freely eat, but if we see no such sign we let them alone; for of this fruit no birds will taste. Many of these islands have of these manchaneel trees growing on them.
Thus, cruising in among these islands, at length we came again to La Sound's Key; and the day before having met with a Jamaica sloop that was come over on the coast to trade, she went with us. It was in the evening when we came to an anchor, and the next morning we fired two guns for the Indians that lived on the Main to come aboard; for by this time we concluded we should hear from our five men that we left in the heart of the country among the Indians, this being about the latter end of August, and it was the beginning of May when we parted from them. According to our expectations the Indians came aboard and brought our friends with them: Mr. Wafer wore a clout about him, and was painted like an Indian; and he was some time aboard before I knew him. One of them, named Richard Cobson, died within three or four days after, and was buried on La Sound's Key.
After this we went to other keys, to the eastward of these, to meet Captain Wright and Captain Yankes, who met with a fleet of periagos laden with Indian corn, hog and fowls, going to Cartagena; being convoyed by a small armadillo of two guns and six patereroes. Her they chased ashore, and most of the periagos; but they got two of them off, and brought them away.
THE RIVER OF DARIEN, AND THE WILD INDIANS NEAR IT; MONASTERY OF MADRE DE POPA, RIO GRANDE, SANTA MARTA TOWN, AND THE HIGH MOUNTAIN THERE; RIO LA HACHA TOWN, RANCHO REYS, AND PEARL FISHERY THERE; THE INDIAN INHABITANTS AND COUNTRY.
Here Captain Wright's and Captain Yankes's barks were cleaned; and we stocked ourselves with corn, and then went towards the coast of Cartagena. In our way thither we passed by the river of Darien; which is very broad at the mouth, but not above 6 foot water on a spring-tide; for the tide rises but little here. Captain Coxon, about 6 months before we came out of the South Seas, went up this river with a party of men: every man carried a small strong bag to put his gold in; expecting great riches there, though they got little or none. They rowed up about 100 leagues before they came to any settlement, and then found some Spaniards, who lived there to truck with the Indians for gold; there being gold scales in every house. The Spaniards admired how they came so far from the mouth of the river, because there are a sort of Indians living between that place and the sea who are very dreadful to the Spaniards, and will not have any commerce with them, nor with any white people. They use trunks about 8 foot long, out of which they blow poisoned darts; and are so silent in their attacks on their enemies, and retreat so nimbly again, that the Spaniards can never find them. Their darts are made of macaw-wood, being about the bigness and length of a knitting-needle; one end is wound about with cotton, the other end is extraordinary sharp and small; and is jagged with notches like a harpoon: so that whatever it strikes into it immediately breaks off by the weight of the biggest end; which it is not of strength to bear (it being made so slender for that purpose) and is very difficult to be got out again by reason of those notches. These Indians have always war with our Darien friendly Indians, and live on both sides this great river 50 or 60 leagues from the sea, but not near the mouth of the river. There are abundance of manatee in this river, and some creeks belonging to it. This relation I had from several men who accompanied Captain Coxon in that discovery; and from Mr. Cook in particular, who was with them, and is a very intelligent person: he is now chief mate of a ship bound to Guinea. To return therefore to the prosecution of our voyage: meeting with nothing of note, we passed by Cartagena; which is a city so well known that I shall say nothing of it. We sailed by in sight of it, for it lies open to the sea: and had a fair view of Madre de Popa, or Nuestra Senora de Popa, a monastery of the Virgin Mary, standing on the top of a very steep hill just behind Cartagena. It is a place of incredible wealth, by reason of the offerings made here continually; and for this reason often in danger of being visited by the privateers, did not the neighbourhood of Cartagena keep them in awe. It is in short the very Loreto of the West Indies: it has innumerable miracles related of it. Any misfortune that befalls the privateers is attributed to this lady's doing; and the Spaniards report that she was aboard that night the Oxford man-of-war was blown up at the isle of Vacca near Hispaniola, and that she came home all wet; as belike she often returns with her clothes dirty and torn with passing through woods and bad ways when she has been out upon any expedition; deserving doubtless a new suit for such eminent pieces of service.
From hence we passed on to the Rio Grande, where we took up fresh water at sea, a league off the mouth of that river. From thence we sailed eastwards passing by Santa Marta, a large town and good harbour belonging to the Spaniards: yet has it within these few years been twice taken by the privateers. It stands close upon the sea, and the hill within land is a very large one, towering up a great height from a vast body of land. I am of opinion that it is higher than the Pike of Tenerife; others also that have seen both think the same; though its bigness makes its height less sensible. I have seen it in passing by, 30 leagues off at sea; others, as they told me, above 60: and several have told me that they have seen at once Jamaica, Hispaniola, and the high land of Santa Marta; and yet the nearest of these two places is distant from it 120 leagues; and Jamaica, which is farthest off, is accounted near 150 leagues; and I question whether any land on either of those two islands may be seen 50 leagues. Its head is generally hid in the clouds; but in clear weather, when the top appears, it looks white; supposed to be covered with snow. Santa Marta lies in the latitude of 12 degrees north.
Being advanced 5 or 6 leagues to the eastward of Santa Marta, we left our ships at anchor and returned back in our canoes to the Rio Grande; entering it by a mouth of it that disembogues itself near Santa Marta: purposing to attempt some towns that lie a pretty way up that river. But, this design meeting with discouragements, we returned to our ships and set sail to the Rio la Hacha. This has been a strong Spanish town, and is well built; but being often taken by the privateers the Spaniards deserted it some time before our arrival. It lies to the westward of a river; and right against the town is a good road for ships, the bottom clean and sandy. The Jamaica sloops used often to come over to trade here: and I am informed that the Spaniards have again settled themselves in it, and made it very strong. We entered the fort and brought two small guns aboard. From thence we went to the Rancho Reys, one or two small Indian villages where the Spaniards keep two barks to fish for pearl. The pearl-banks lie about 4 or 5 leagues off from the shore, as I have been told; thither the fishing barks go and anchor; then the divers go down to the bottom and fill a basket (which is let down before) with oysters; and when they come up others go down, two at a time; this they do till the bark is full, and then go ashore, where the old men, women, and children of the Indians open the oysters, there being a Spanish overseer to look after the pearl. Yet these Indians do very often secure the best pearl for themselves, as many Jamaica men can testify who daily trade with them. The meat they string up, and hang it a-drying. At this place we went ashore, where we found one of the barks, and saw great heaps of oyster-shells, but the people all fled: yet in another place, between this and Rio La Receba, we took some of the Indians, who seem to be a stubborn sort of people: they are long-visaged, black hair, their noses somewhat rising in the middle, and of a stern look. The Spaniards report them to be a very numerous nation; and that they will not subject themselves to their yoke. Yet they have Spanish priests among them; and by trading have brought them to be somewhat sociable; but cannot keep a severe hand over them. The land is but barren, it being of a light sand near the sea, and most savannah, or champaign; and the grass but thin and coarse, yet they feed plenty of cattle. Every man knows his own and looks after them; but the land is in common, except only their houses or small plantations where they live, which every man maintains with some fence about it. They may remove from one place to another as they please, no man having right to any land but what he possesses. This part of the country is not so subject to rain as to the westward of Santa Marta; yet here are tornadoes, or thundershowers; but neither so violent as on the coast of Portobello, nor so frequent. The westerly winds in the westerly-wind season blow here, though not so strong nor lasting as on the coasts of Cartagena and Portobello.
When we had spent some time here we returned again towards the coast of Cartagena; and, being between Rio Grande and that place, we met with westerly winds, which kept us still to the eastward of Cartagena 3 or 4 days; and then in the morning we descried a sail off at sea, and we chased her at noon: Captain Wright, who sailed best, came up with her, and engaged her; and in half an hour after Captain Yankes, who sailed better than the tartane (the vessel that I was in) came up with her likewise, and laid her aboard, then Captain Wright also; and they took her before we came up. They lost 2 or 3 men, and had 7 or 8 wounded. The prize was a ship of 12 guns and 40 men, who had all good small arms. She was laden with sugar and tobacco, and 8 or 10 tuns of marmalett on board: she came from St. Jago on Cuba, and was bound to Cartagena.
We went back with her to Rio Grande to fix our rigging which was shattered in the fight, and to consider what to do with her; for these were commodities of little use to us, and not worth going into a port with. At the Rio Grande Captain Wright demanded the prize as his due by virtue of his commission: Captain Yankes said it was his due by the law of privateers. Indeed Captain Wright had the most right to her, having by his commission protected Captain Yankes from the French, who would have turned him out because he had no commission; and he likewise began to engage her first. But the company were all afraid that Captain Wright would presently carry her into a port; therefore most of Captain Wright's men stuck to Captain Yankes, and Captain Wright losing his prize burned his own bark, and had Captain Yankes's, it being bigger than his own; the tartane was sold to a Jamaica trader, and Captain Yankes commanded the prize-ship. We went again from hence to Rio la Hacha, and set the prisoners ashore; and it being now the beginning of November we concluded to go to Curacao to sell our sugar, if favoured by westerly winds, which were now come in.
DUTCH ISLE OF CURACAO, ETC.
We sailed from thence, having fair weather and winds to our mind, which brought us to Curacao, a Dutch island. Captain Wright went ashore to the governor, and offered him the sale of the sugar: but the governor told him he had a great trade with the Spaniards, therefore he could not admit us in there; but if we could go to St. Thomas, which is an island and free port belonging to the Danes, and a sanctuary for privateers, he would send a sloop with such goods as we wanted, and money to buy the sugar, which he would take at a certain rate; but it was not agreed to.
Curacao is the only island of importance that the Dutch have in the West Indies. It is about 5 leagues in length, and may be 9 or 10 in circumference: the northermost point is laid down in north latitude 12 degrees 40 minutes, and it is about 7 or 8 leagues from the main, near Cape Roman. On the south side of the east end is a good harbour called Santa Barbara; but the chiefest harbour is about 3 leagues from the south-east end, on the south side of it where the Dutch have a very good town and a very strong fort. Ships bound in thither must be sure to keep close to the harbour's mouth, and have a hawser or rope ready to send one end ashore to the fort: for there is no anchoring at the entrance of the harbour, and the current always sets to the westward. But being got in, it is a very secure port for ships, either to careen or lie safe. At the east end are two hills, one of them is much higher than the other, and steepest towards the north side. The rest of the island is indifferent level; where of late some rich men have made sugar-works; which formerly was all pasture for cattle: there are also some small plantations of potatoes and yams, and they have still a great many cattle on the island; but it is not so much esteemed for its produce as for its situation for the trade with the Spaniard. Formerly the harbour was never without ships from Cartagena and Portobello that did use to buy of the Dutch 1000 or 1500 Negroes at once, besides great quantities of European commodities; but of late that trade is fallen into the hands of the English at Jamaica: yet still the Dutch have a vast trade over all the West Indies, sending from Holland ships of good force laden with European goods, whereby they make very profitable returns. The Dutch have two other islands here, but of little moment in comparison of Curacao; the one lies 7 or 8 leagues to the westward of Curacao, called Aruba; the other 9 or 10 leagues to the eastward of it, called Bonaire. From these islands the Dutch fetch in sloops provision for Curacao to maintain their garrison and Negroes. I was never at Aruba, therefore cannot say anything of it as to my own knowledge; but by report it is much like Bonaire, which I shall describe, only not so big. Between Curacao and Bonaire is a small island called Little Curacao, it is not above a league from Great Curacao. The king of France has long had an eye on Curacao and made some attempts to take it, but never yet succeeded. I have heard that about 23 or 24 years since the governor had sold it to the French, but died a small time before the fleet came to demand it, and by his death that design failed.
COUNT D'ESTREE'S UNFORTUNATE EXPEDITION THITHER.
Afterwards, in the year 1678, the Count D'Estree, who a year before had taken the isle of Tobago from the Dutch, was sent thither also with a squadron of stout ships, very well manned, and fitted with bombs and carcasses; intending to take it by storm. This fleet first came to Martinique; where, while they stayed, orders were sent to Petit Guavres for all privateers to repair thither and assist the count in his design. There were but two privateers' ships that went thither to him, which were manned partly with French, partly with Englishmen. These set out with the count; but in their way to Curacao the whole fleet was lost on a reef, or ridge of rocks, that runs off from the isle of Aves; not above two ships escaping, one of which was one of the privateers; and so that design perished.
ISLE OF BONAIRE.
Wherefore, not driving a bargain for our sugar with the governor of Curacao, we went from thence to Bonaire, another Dutch island, where we met a Dutch sloop come from Europe, laden with Irish beef; which we bought in exchange for some of our sugar.
Bonaire is the eastermost of the Dutch islands, and is the largest of the three, though not the most considerable. The middle of the island is laid down in latitude 12 degrees 16 minutes. It is about 20 leagues from the Main, and 9 or 10 from Curacao, and is accounted 16 or 17 leagues round. The road is on the south-west side, near the middle of the island; where there is a pretty deep bay runs in. Ships that come from the eastward luff up close to the eastern shore: and let go their anchor in 60 fathom water, within half a cable's length of the shore. But at the same time they must be ready with a boat to carry a hawser or rope, and make it fast ashore; otherwise, when the land-wind comes in the night, the ship would drive off to sea again; for the ground is so steep that no anchor can hold if once it starts. About half a mile to the westward of this anchoring-place there is a small low island, and a channel between it and the main island.
The houses are about half a mile within land, right in the road: there is a governor lives here, a Deputy to the governor of Curacao, and 7 or 8 soldiers, with 5 or 6 families of Indians. There is no fort; and the soldiers in peaceable times have little to do but to eat and sleep, for they never watch but in time of war. The Indians are husbandmen, and plant maize and guinea-corn, and some yams, and potatoes: but their chiefest business is about cattle: for this island is plentifully stocked with goats: and they send great quantities every year in salt to Curacao. There are some horses, and bulls and cows; but I never saw any sheep, though I have been all over the island. The south side is plain low land, and there are several sorts of trees, but none very large. There is a small spring of water by the houses, which serves the inhabitants, though it is blackish. At the west end of the island there is a good spring of fresh water, and three or four Indian families live there, but no water nor houses at any other place. On the south side near the east end is a good salt pond where Dutch sloops come for salt.
1682.
ISLE OF AVES, THE BOOBY AND MAN-OF-WAR-BIRD.
From Bonaire we went to the isle of Aves, or Birds; so called from its great plenty of birds, as men-of-war and boobies; but especially boobies. The booby is a waterfowl, somewhat less than a hen, of a light grayish colour. I observed the boobies of this island to be whiter than others. This bird has a strong bill, longer and bigger than a crow's and broader at the end: her feet are flat like a duck's feet. It is a very simple creature and will hardly go out of a man's way. In other places they build their nests on the ground, but here they build on trees; which I never saw anywhere else; though I have seen of them in a great many places. Their flesh is black and eats fishy, but are often eaten by the privateers. Their numbers have been much lessened by the French fleet which was lost here, as I shall give an account.
The man-of-war (as it is called by the English) is about the bigness of a kite, and in shape like it, but black; and the neck is red. It lives on fish, yet never lights on the water, but soars aloft like a kite, and when it sees its prey it flies down head foremost to the water's edge very swiftly, takes its prey out of the sea with its bill, and immediately mounts again as swiftly, and never touching the water with his bill. His wings are very long; his feet are like other land-fowl, and he builds on trees where he finds any; but where they are wanting, on the ground.
This island Aves lies about 8 or 9 leagues to the eastward of the island Bonaire, about 14 or 15 leagues from the Main, and about the latitude of 11 degrees 45 minutes north. It is but small, not above four mile in length, and towards the east end not half a mile broad. On the north side it is low land, commonly overflown with the tide; but on the south side there is a great rocky bank of coral thrown up by the sea. The west end is, for near a mile space, plain even savannah land, without any trees. There are 2 or 3 wells dug by privateers, who often frequent this island, because there is a good harbour about the middle of it on the north side where they may conveniently careen. The reef or bank of rocks on which the French fleet was lost, as I mentioned above, runs along from the east end to the northward about 3 mile, then trends away to the westward, making as it were a half moon. This reef breaks off all the sea, and there is good riding in even sandy ground to the westward of it. There are 2 or 3 small low sandy keys or islands within this reef, about 3 miles from the main island.
THE WRECK OF D'ESTREE'S FLEET, AND CAPTAIN PAIN'S ADVENTURE HERE.
The Count d'Estree lost his fleet here in this manner. Coming from the eastward, he fell in on the back of the reef, and fired guns to give warning to the rest of his fleet: but they supposing their admiral was engaged with enemies, hoisted up their topsails, and crowded all the sails they could make, and ran full sail ashore after him; all within half a mile of each other. For his light being in the main-top was an unhappy beacon for them to follow; and there escaped but one king's ship and one privateer. The ships continued whole all day, and the men had time enough, most of them, to get ashore, yet many perished in the wreck; and many of those that got safe on the island, for want of being accustomed to such hardships, died like rotten sheep. But the privateers who had been used to such accidents lived merrily, from whom I had this relation: and they told me that if they had gone to Jamaica with 30 pounds a man in their pockets, they could not have enjoyed themselves more: for they kept in a gang by themselves, and watched when the ships broke, to get the goods that came from them, and though much was staved against the rocks, yet abundance of wine and brandy floated over the reef, where the privateers waited to take it up. They lived here about three weeks, waiting an opportunity to transport themselves back again to Hispaniola; in all which time they were never without two or three hogsheads of wine and brandy in their tents, and barrels of beef and pork; which they could live on without bread well enough, though the newcomers out of France could not. There were about forty Frenchmen on board in one of the ships where there was good store of liquor, till the after-part of her broke away and floated over the reef, and was carried away to sea, with all the men drinking and singing, who being in drink, did not mind the danger, but were never heard of afterwards.
In a short time after this great shipwreck Captain Pain, commander of a privateer of six guns, had a pleasant accident befall him at this island. He came hither to careen, intending to fit himself very well; for here lay driven on the island masts, yards, timbers, and many things that he wanted, therefore he hauled into the harbour, close to the island, and unrigged his ship. Before he had done a Dutch ship of twenty guns was sent from Curacao to take up the guns that were lost on the reef: but seeing a ship in the harbour, and knowing her to be a French privateer, they thought to take her first, and came within a mile of her, and began to fire at her, intending to warp in the next day, for it is very narrow going in. Captain Pain got ashore some of his guns, and did what he could to resist them; though he did in a manner conclude he must be taken. But while his men were thus busied he spied a Dutch sloop turning to get into the road, and saw her at the evening anchor at the west end of the island. This gave him some hope of making his escape; which he did by sending two canoes in the night aboard the sloop, who took her, and got considerable purchase in her; and he went away in her, making a good reprisal and leaving his own empty ship to the Dutch man-of-war.
LITTLE ISLE OF AVES.
There is another island to the eastward of the isle of Aves about four league, called by privateers the little isle of Aves, which is overgrown with mangrove-trees. I have seen it but was never on it. There are no inhabitants that I could learn on either of these islands, but boobies and a few other birds.
Whilst we were at the isle of Aves we careened Captain Wright's bark and scrubbed the sugar-prize, and got two guns out of the wrecks; continuing here till the beginning of February 1681/2.
We went from hence to the isles Los Roques to careen the sugar-prize, which the isle of Aves was not a place so convenient for. Accordingly we hauled close to one of the small islands and got our guns ashore the first thing we did, and built a breast-work on the point, and planted all our guns there to hinder an enemy from coming to us while we lay on the careen: then we made a house and covered it with our sails to put our goods and provisions in. While we lay here, a French man-of-war of 36 guns came through the keys or little islands; to whom we sold about 10 tun of sugar. I was aboard twice or thrice, and very kindly welcomed both by the captain and his lieutenant, who was a cavalier of Malta; and they both offered me great encouragement in France if I would go with them; but I ever designed to continue with those of my own nation.
THE ISLES LOS ROQUES, THE NODDY AND TROPIC-BIRD, MINERAL WATER, EGG-BIRDS; THE MANGROVE-TREES, BLACK, RED, AND WHITE, ISLE OF TORTUGA, ITS SALT PONDS.
The islands Los Roques are a parcel of small uninhabited islands lying about the latitude of 11 degrees 40 minutes about 15 or 16 leagues from the Main, and about 20 leagues north-west by west from Tortuga, and 6 or 7 leagues to the westward of Orchilla, another island lying about the same distance from the Main; which island I have seen, but was never at it. Los Roques stretch themselves east and west about 5 leagues, and their breadth about 3 leagues. The northernmost of these islands is the most remarkable by reason of a high white rocky hill at the west end of it, which may be seen a great way; and on it there are abundance of tropic-birds, men-of-war, booby and noddies, which breed there. The booby and man-of-war I have described already. The noddy is a small black bird, about the bigness of the English blackbird, and indifferent good meat. They build in rocks. We never find them far off from shore. I have seen of them in other places, but never saw any of their nests but in this island, where there is great plenty of them. The tropic-bird is as big as a pigeon but round and plump like a partridge. They are all white, except two or three feathers in each wing of a light grey. Their bills are of a yellowish colour, thick and short. They have one long feather, or rather a quill about 7 inches long, grows out at the rump, which is all the tail they have. They are never seen far without either Tropic, for which reason they are called tropic-birds. They are very good food, and we meet with them a great way at sea, and I never saw of them anywhere but at sea and in this island, where they build and are found in great plenty.
By the sea on the south side of that high hill there's fresh water comes out of the rocks, but so slowly that it yield not above 40 gallons in 24 hours, and it tastes so copperish, or aluminous rather, and rough in the mouth, that it seems very unpleasant at first drinking: but after two or three days any water will seem to have no taste.
The middle of this island is low plain land, overgrown with long grass, where there are multitudes of small grey fowls no bigger than a blackbird, yet lay eggs bigger than a magpie's; and they are therefore by privateers called egg-birds. The east end of the island is overgrown with black mangrove-trees.
There are three sorts of mangrove-trees, black, red and white. The black mangrove is the largest tree; the body about as big as an oak, and about 20 feet high. It is very hard and serviceable timber, but extraordinary heavy, therefore not much made use of for building. The red mangrove grows commonly by the seaside, or by rivers or creeks. The body is not so big as that of the black mangrove, but always grows out of many roots about the bigness of a man's leg, some bigger some less, which at about 6, 8, or 10 foot above the ground join into one trunk or body that seems to be supported by so many artificial stakes. Where this sort of tree grows it is impossible to march by reason of these stakes, which grow so mixed one amongst another that I have, when forced to go through them, gone half a mile, and never set my foot on the ground, stepping from root to root. The timber is hard and good for many uses. The inside of the bark is red, and it is used for tanning of leather very much all over the West Indies. The white mangrove never grows so big as the other two sorts, neither is it of any great use: of the young trees privateers use to make loom, or handles for their oars, for it is commonly straight, but not very strong, which is the fault of them. Neither the black nor white mangrove grow towering up from stilts or rising roots as the red does; but the body immediately out of the ground, like other trees.
The land of this east end is light sand which is sometimes overflown with the sea at spring tides. The road for ships is on the south side against the middle of the island. The rest of the islands of Los Roques are low. The next to this on the south side is but small, flat, and even, without trees, bearing only grass. On the south side of it is a pond of brackish water which sometimes privateers use instead of better; there is likewise good riding by it. About a league from this are two other islands, not 200 yards distant from each other; yet a deep channel for ships to pass through. They are both overgrown with red mangrove-trees; which trees, above any of the mangroves, do flourish best in wet drowned land, such as these two islands are; only the east point of the westermost island is dry sand, without tree or bush. On this point we careened, lying on the south side of it.
The other islands are low, and have red mangroves and other trees on them. Here also ships may ride, but no such place for careening as where we lay, because at that place ships may haul close to the shore; and, if they had but four guns on the point, may secure the channel, and hinder any enemy from coming near them. I observed that within among the islands was good riding in many places, but not without the islands, except to the westward or south-west of them. For on the east or north-east of these islands the common trade-wind blows, and makes a great sea: and to the southward of them there is no ground under 70, or 80, or 100 fathom, close by the land.
After we had filled what water we could from hence we set out again in April 1682 and came to Salt Tortuga, so called to distinguish it from the shoals of Dry Tortugas, near Cape Florida, and from the isle of Tortugas by Hispaniola, which was called formerly French Tortugas; though, not having heard any mention of that name a great while, I am apt to think it is swallowed up in that of Petit Guavres, the chief garrison the French have in those parts. This island we arrived at is pretty large, uninhabited, and abounds with salt. It is in latitude 11 degrees north, and lies west and a little northerly from Margarita, an island inhabited by the Spaniards, strong and wealthy; it is distant from it about 14 leagues, and 17 or 18 from Cape Blanco on the Main: a ship being within these islands a little to the southward may see at once the Main, Magarita and Tortuga when it is clear weather. The east end of Tortuga is full of rugged, bare, broken rocks which stretch themselves a little way out to sea. At the south-east part is an indifferent good road for ships, much frequented in peaceable times by merchant-ships that come thither to lade salt in the months of May, June, July, and August. For at the east end is a large salt pond, within 200 paces of the sea. The salt begins to kern or grain in April, except it is a dry season; for it is observed that rain makes the salt kern. I have seen above 20 sail at a time in this road come to lade salt; and these ships coming from some of the Caribbean Islands are always well stored with rum, sugar and lime-juice to make punch, to hearten their men when they are at work, getting and bringing aboard the salt; and they commonly provide the more, in hopes to meet with privateers who resort hither in the aforesaid months purposely to keep a Christmas, as they call it; being sure to meet with liquor enough to be merry with, and are very liberal to those that treat them. Near the west end of the island, on the south side, there is a small harbour and some fresh water: that end of the island is full of shrubby trees, but the east end is rocky and barren as to trees, producing only coarse grass. There are some goats on it, but not many; and turtle or tortoise come upon the sandy bays to lay their eggs, and from thence the island has its name. There is no riding anywhere but in the roads where the salt ponds are, or in the harbour.
ISLE OF BLANCO; THE IGUANA ANIMAL, THEIR VARIETY; AND THE BEST SEA-TORTOISE.
At this isle we thought to have sold our sugar among the English ships that come hither for salt; but, failing there, we designed for Trinidad, an island near the Main, inhabited by the Spaniards, tolerably strong and wealthy; but, the current and easterly winds hindering us, we passed through between Margarita and the Main, and went to Blanco, a pretty large island almost north of Margarita; about 30 leagues from the Main, and in 11 degrees 50 minutes north latitude. It is a flat, even, low, uninhabited island, dry and healthy: most savannah of long grass, and has some trees of lignum-vitae growing in spots, with shrubby bushes of other wood about them. It is plentifully stored with iguanas, which are an animal like a lizard, but much bigger. The body is as big as the small of a man's leg, and from the hindquarter the tail grows tapering to the end, which is very small. If a man takes hold of the tail, except very near the hindquarter, it will part and break off in one of the joints, and the iguana will get away. They lay eggs, as most of those amphibious creatures do, and are very good to eat. Their flesh is much esteemed by privateers, who commonly dress them for their sick men; for they make very good broth. They are of divers colours, as almost black, dark brown, light brown, dark green, light green, yellow and speckled. They all live as well in the water as on land, and some of them are constantly in the water, and among rocks: these are commonly black. Others that live in swampy wet ground are commonly on bushes and trees, these are green. But such as live in dry ground, as here at Blanco, are commonly yellow; yet these also will live in the water, and are sometimes on trees. The road is on the north-west end against a small cove, or little sandy bay. There is no riding anywhere else, for it is deep water, and steep close to the land. There is one small spring on the west side, and there is sandy bays round the island, where turtle or tortoise come up in great abundance, going ashore in the night. These that frequent this island are called green turtle, and they are the best of that sort, both for largeness and sweetness of any in all the West Indies. I would here give a particular description of these and other sorts of turtle in these seas; but because I shall have occasion to mention some other sort of turtle when I come again into the South Seas, that are very different from all these, I shall there give a general account of all these several sorts at once, that the difference between them may be the better discerned. Some of our modern descriptions speak of goats on this island. I know not what there may have been formerly, but there are none now to my certain knowledge; for myself, and many more of our crew, have been all over it.
MODERN ALTERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES.
Indeed these parts have undergone great changes in this last age, as well in places themselves as in their owners, and commodities of them; particularly Nombre de Dios, a city once famous, and which still retains a considerable name in some late accounts, is now nothing but a name. For I have lain ashore in the place where that city stood; but it is all overgrown with wood, so as to leave no sign that any town has been there.
THE COAST OF CARACAS, ITS REMARKABLE LAND, AND PRODUCT OF THE BEST COCOA-NUTS.
We stayed at the isle of Blanco not above ten days, and then went back to Salt Tortuga again, where Captain Yankes parted with us: and from thence, after about four days, all which time our men were drunk and quarrelling, we in Captain Wright's ship went to the coast of Caracas on the mainland. This coast is upon several accounts very remarkable: it is a continued tract of high ridges of hills and small valleys intermixed for about 20 leagues, stretching east and west but in such manner that the ridges of hills and the valleys alternately run pointing upon the shore from south to north: the valleys are some of them about 4 or 5, others not above 1 or 2 furlongs wide, and in length from the sea scarce any of them above 4 or 5 mile at most; there being a long ridge of mountains at that distance from the sea-coast, and in a manner parallel to it, that joins those shorter ridges, and closes up the south end of the valleys, which at the north ends of them lie open to the sea, and make so many little sandy bays that are the only landing-places on the coast. Both the main ridge and these shorter ribs are very high land, so that 3 or 4 leagues off at sea the valleys scarce appear to the eye, but all look like one great mountain. From the isles of Los Roques about 15, and from the isle of Aves about 20 leagues off, we see this coast very plain from on board our ships, yet when at anchor on this coast we cannot see those Isles; though again from the tops of these hills they appear as if at no great distance, like so many hillocks in a pond. These hills are barren, except the lower sides of them that are covered with some of the same rich black mould that fills the valleys, and is as good as I have seen. In some of the valleys there's a strong red clay, but in the general they are extremely fertile, well-watered, and inhabited by Spaniards and their Negroes. They have maize and plantains for their support, with Indian fowls and some hogs.
THE COCOA DESCRIBED AT LARGE, WITH THE HUSBANDRY OF IT.
But the main product of these valleys, and indeed the only commodity it vends, are the cocoa-nuts, of which the chocolate is made. The cocoa-tree grows nowhere in the North Seas but in the Bay of Campeachy, on Costa Rica, between Portobello and Nicaragua, chiefly up Carpenter's River; and on this coast as high as the isle of Trinidad. In the South Seas it grows in the river of Guayaquil, a little to the southward of the Line, and in the valley of Colima, on the south side of the continent of Mexico; both which places I shall hereafter describe. Besides these I am confident there's no places in the world where the cocoa grows, except those in Jamaica, of which there are now but few remaining, of many and large walks or plantations of them found there by the English at their first arrival, and since planted by them; and even these, though there is a great deal of pains and care bestowed on them, yet seldom come to anything, being generally blighted. The nuts of this coast of Caracas, though less than those of Costa Rica, which are large flat nuts, yet are better and fatter, in my opinion, being so very oily that we are forced to use water in rubbing them up; and the Spaniards that live here, instead of parching them to get off the shell before they pound or rub them to make chocolate, do in a manner burn them to dry up the oil; for else, they say, it would fill them too full of blood, drinking chocolate as they do five or six times a day. My worthy consort Mr. Ringrose commends most the Guayaquil nut; I presume because he had little knowledge of the rest; for, being intimately acquainted with him, I know the course of his travels and experience: but I am persuaded, had he known the rest so well as I pretend to have done, who have at several times been long used to, and in a manner lived upon all the several sorts of them above mentioned, he would prefer the Caracas nuts before any other; yet possibly the drying up of these nuts so much by the Spaniards here, as I said, may lessen their esteem with those Europeans that use their chocolate ready rubbed up: so that we always chose to make it up ourselves.
The cocoa-tree has a body about a foot and a half thick (the largest sort) and 7 or 8 foot high, to the branches, which are large and spreading like an oak, with a pretty thick, smooth, dark green leaf, shaped like that of a plum-tree, but larger. The nuts are enclosed in cods as big as both a man's fists put together: at the broad end of which there is a small, tough, limber stalk, by which they hang pendulous from the body of the tree, in all parts of it from top to bottom, scattered at irregular distances, and from the greater branches a little way up; especially at the joints of them or partings, where they hang thickest, but never on the smaller boughs. There may be ordinarily about 20 or 30 of these cods upon a well-bearing tree; and they have two crops of them in a year, one in December, but the best in June. The cod itself or shell is almost half an inch thick; neither spongy nor woody, but of a substance between both, brittle, yet harder than the rind of a lemon; like which its surface is grained or knobbed, but more coarse and unequal. The cods at first are of a dark green, but the side of them next the sun of a muddy red. As they grow ripe, the green turns to a fine bright yellow, and the muddy to a more lively, beautiful red, very pleasant to the eye. They neither ripen nor are gathered at once: but for three weeks or a month when the season is the overseers of the plantations go every day about to see which are turned yellow; cutting at once, it may be, not above one from a tree. The cods thus gathered they lay in several heaps to sweat, and then, bursting the shell with their hands, they pull out the nuts which are the only substance they contain, having no stalk or pith among them, and (excepting that these nuts lie in regular rows) are placed like the grains of maize, but sticking together, and so closely stowed that, after they have been once separated, it would be hard to place them again in so narrow a compass. There are generally near 100 nuts in a cod; in proportion to the greatness of which, for it varies, the nuts are bigger or less. When taken out they dry them in the sun upon mats spread on the ground: after which they need no more care, having a thin hard skin of their own, and much oil, which preserves them. Salt water will not hurt them; for we had our bags rotten, lying in the bottom of our ship, and yet the nuts never the worse. They raise the young trees of nuts set with the great end downward in fine black mould, and in the same places where they are to bear; which they do in 4 or 5 years' time, without the trouble of transplanting. There are ordinarily of these trees from 500 to 2000 and upward in a plantation or cocoa-walk, as they call them; and they shelter the young trees from the weather with plantains set about them for two or three years; destroying all the plantains by such time the cocoa-trees are of a pretty good body and able to endure the heat; which I take to be the most pernicious to them of anything; for, though these valleys lie open to the north winds, unless a little sheltered here and there by some groves of plantain-trees, which are purposely set near the shores of the several bays, yet, by all that I could either observe or learn, the cocoas in this country are never blighted, as I have often known them to be in other places. Cocoa-nuts are used as money in the Bay of Campeachy.
CITY OF CARACAS.
The chief town of this country is called Caracas; a good way within land, it is a large wealthy place, where live most of the owners of these cocoa-walks that are in the valleys by the shore; the plantations being managed by overseers and Negroes. It is in a large savannah country that abounds with cattle; and a Spaniard of my acquaintance, a very sensible man who has been there, tells me that it is very populous, and he judges it to be three times as big as Corunna in Galicia. The way to it is very steep and craggy, over that ridge of hills which I say closes up the valleys and partition hills of the cocoa coast.
LA GUAIRE FORT AND HAVEN.
In this coast itself the chief place is La Guaira, a good town close by the sea; and, though it has but a bad harbour, yet it is much frequented by the Spanish shipping; for the Dutch and English anchor in the sandy bays that lie here and there, in the mouths of several valleys, and where there is very good riding. The town is open, but has a strong fort; yet both were taken some years since by Captain Wright and his privateers. It is seated about 4 or 5 leagues to the westward of Cape Blanco, which cape is the eastermost boundary of this coast of Caracas. Further eastward about 20 leagues is a great lake or branch of the sea called Laguna de Venezuela; about which are many rich towns, but the mouth of the lake is shallow, that no ship can enter.
TOWN OF CUMANA.
Near this mouth is a place called Cumana where the privateers were once repulsed without daring to attempt it any more, being the only place in the North Seas they attempted in vain for many years; and the Spaniards since throw it in their teeth frequently, as a word of reproach or defiance to them.
VERINA, ITS FAMOUS BEST SPANISH TOBACCO.
Not far from that place is Verina, a small village and Spanish plantation, famous for its tobacco, reputed the best in the world.
But to return to Caracas, all this coast is subject to dry winds, generally north-east, which caused us to have scabby lips; and we always found it thus, and that in different seasons of the year, for I have been on this coast several times. In other respects it is very healthy, and a sweet clear air. The Spaniards have lookouts or scouts on the hills, and breast-works in the valleys, and most of their Negroes are furnished with arms also for defence of the bays.
THE RICH TRADE OF THE COAST OF CARACAS.
The Dutch have a very profitable trade here almost to themselves. I have known three or four great ships at a time on the coast, each it may be of thirty or forty guns. They carry hither all sorts of European commodities, especially linen; making vast returns, chiefly in silver and cocoa. And I have often wondered and regretted it that none of my own countrymen find the way thither directly from England; for our Jamaica men trade thither indeed, and find the sweet of it, though they carry English commodities at second or third hand.
While we lay on this coast, we went ashore in some of the bays, and took 7 or 8 tun of cocoa; and after that 3 barks, one laden with hides, the second with European commodities, the third with earthenware and brandy. With these 3 barks we went again to the island of Los Roques, where we shared our commodities and separated, having vessels enough to transport us all whither we thought most convenient. Twenty of us (for we were about 60) took one of the vessels and our share of the goods, and went directly for Virginia.
OF THE SUCKING FISH, OR REMORA.
In our way thither we took several of the sucking-fishes: for when we see them about the ship, we cast out a line and hook, and they will take it with any manner of bait, whether fish or flesh. The sucking-fish is about the bigness of a large whiting, and much of the same make towards the tail, but the head is flatter. From the head to the middle of its back there grows a sort of flesh of a hard gristly substance like that of the limpet (a shellfish tapering up pyramidically) which sticks to the rocks; or like the head or mouth of a shell-snail, but harder. This excrescence is of a flat and oval form, about seven or eight inches long and five or six broad; and rising about half an inch high. It is full of small ridges with which it will fasten itself to anything that it meets with in the sea, just as a snail does to a wall. When any of them happen to come about a ship they seldom leave her, for they will feed on such filth as is daily thrown overboard, or on mere excrements. When it is fair weather, and but little wind, they will play about the ship; but in blustering weather, or when the ship sails quick, they commonly fasten themselves to the ship's bottom, from whence neither the ship's motion, though never so swift, nor the most tempestuous sea can remove them. They will likewise fasten themselves to any other bigger fish; for they never swim fast themselves if they meet with anything to carry them. I have found them sticking to a shark after it was hauled in on the deck, though a shark is so strong and boisterous a fish, and throws about him so vehemently for half an hour together, it may be, when caught, that did not the sucking-fish stick at no ordinary rate, it must needs be cast off by so much violence. It is usual also to see them sticking to turtle, to any old trees, planks, or the like, that lie driven at sea. Any knobs or inequalities at a ship's bottom are a great hindrance to the swiftness of its sailing; and 10 or 12 of these sticking to it must needs retard it as much, in a manner, as if its bottom were foul. So that I am inclined to think that this fish is the remora, of which the ancients tell such stories; if it be not I know no other that is, and I leave the reader to judge. I have seen of these sucking-fishes in great plenty in the Bay of Campeachy and in all the sea between that and the coast of Caracas, as about those islands particularly I have lately described, Los Roques, Blanco, Tortugas, etc. They have no scales, and are very good meat.
THE AUTHOR'S ARRIVAL IN VIRGINIA.
We met nothing else worth remark in our voyage to Virginia, where we arrived in July 1682. That country is so well known to our nation that I shall say nothing of it, nor shall I detain the reader with the story of my own affairs, and the trouble that befell me during about thirteen months of my stay there; but in the next chapter enter immediately upon my second voyage into the South Seas, and round the globe.
1683.
THE AUTHOR'S VOYAGE TO THE ISLE OF JUAN FERNANDEZ IN THE SOUTH SEAS.
Being now entering upon the relation of a new voyage which makes up the main body of this book, proceeding from Virginia by the way of Tierra del Fuego, and the South Seas, the East Indies, and so on, till my return to England by the way of the Cape of Good Hope, I shall give my reader this short account of my first entrance upon it. Among those who accompanied Captain Sharp into the South Seas in our former expedition, and leaving him there, returned overland, as is said in the Introduction and in the 1st and 2nd chapters there was one Mr. Cook, an English native of St. Christopher's, a Cirole, as we call all born of European parents in the West Indies. He was a sensible man, and had been some years a privateer. At our joining ourselves with those privateers, we met at our coming again to the North Seas; his lot was to be with Captain Yankes, who kept company for some considerable time with Captain Wright, in whose ship I was, and parted with us at our 2nd anchoring at the isle of Tortugas; as I have said in the last chapter. After our parting, this Mr. Cook being quartermaster under Captain Yankes, the second place in the ship according to the law of privateers, laid claim to a ship they took from the Spaniards; and such of Captain Yankes's men as were so disposed, particularly all those who came with us overland, went aboard this prize-ship under the new Captain Cook. This distribution was made at the isle of Vacca, or the isle of Ash, as we call it; and here they parted also such goods as they had taken. But Captain Cook having no commission, as Captain Yankes, Captain Tristian, and some other French commanders had, who lay then at that island, and they grudging the English such a vessel, they all joined together, plundered the English of their ships, goods, and arms, and turned them ashore. Yet Captain Tristian took in about 8 or 10 of these English, and carried them with him to Petit Guavres: of which number Captain Cook was one, and Captain Davis another, who with the rest found means to seize the ship as she lay at anchor in the road, Captain Tristian and many of his men being then ashore: and the English sending ashore such Frenchmen as remained in the ship and were mastered by them, though superior in number, stood away with her immediately for the isle of Vacca before any notice of this surprise could reach the French governor of that isle; so, deceiving him also by a stratagem, they got on board the rest of their countrymen who had been left on that island; and going thence they took a ship newly come from France laden with wines. They also took a ship of good force, in which they resolved to embark themselves, and make a new expedition into the South Seas, to cruise on the coast of Chile and Peru. But first they went for Virginia with their prizes; where they arrived the April after my coming thither. The best of their prizes carried 18 guns; this they fitted up there with sails, and everything necessary for so long a voyage; selling the wines they had taken for such provisions as they wanted. Myself and those of our fellow-travellers over the Isthmus of America who came with me to Virginia the year before this (most of which had since made a short voyage to Carolina, and were again returned to Virginia) resolved to join ourselves to these new adventurers: and as many more engaged in the same design as made our whole crew consist of about 70 men. So, having furnished ourselves with necessary materials, and agreed upon some particular rules, especially of temperance and sobriety, by reason of the length of our intended voyage, we all went on board our ship.
August 23 1683 we sailed from Achamack in Virginia under the command of Captain Cook bound for the South Seas. I shall not trouble the reader with an account of every day's run, but hasten to the less known parts of the world to give a description of them; only relating such memorable accidents as happened to us and such places as we touched at by the way.
HE ARRIVES AT THE ISLES OF CAPE VERDE.
We met nothing worth observation till we came to the Islands of Cape Verde, excepting a terrible storm which we could not escape: this happened in a few days after we left Virginia; with a south-south-east wind just in our teeth. The storm lasted above a week: it drenched us all like so many drowned rats, and was one of the worst storms I ever was in. One I met with in the East Indies was more violent for the time; but of not above 24 hours continuance.
ISLE OF SAL; ITS SALT PONDS.
After that storm we had favourable winds and good weather; and in a short time we arrived at the island Sal, which is one of the eastermost of the Cape Verde Islands. Of these there are in number (so considerable as to bear distinct names) and they lie several degrees off from Cape Verde in Africa, whence they receive that appellation; taking up about 5 degrees of longitude in breadth, and about as many of latitude in their length, namely, from near 14 to 19 north. They are most inhabited by Portuguese banditti. This of Sal is an island lying in the latitude of 16, in longitude 19 degrees 33 minutes west from the Lizard in England, stretching from north to south about 8 or 9 leagues, and not above a league and a half or two leagues wide. It has its name from the abundance of salt that is naturally congealed there, the whole island being full of large salt ponds. The land is very barren, producing no tree that I could see, but some small shrubby bushes by the seaside. Neither could I discern any grass; yet there are some poor goats on it.
THE FLAMINGO, AND ITS REMARKABLE NEST.
I know not whether there are any other beasts on the island: there are some wildfowl, but I judge not many. I saw a few flamingos, which is a sort of large fowl, much like a heron in shape, but bigger, and of a reddish colour. They delight to keep together in great companies, and feed in mud or ponds, or in such places where there is not much water: they are very shy, therefore it is hard to shoot them. Yet I have lain obscured in the evening near a place where they resort, and with two more in my company have killed 14 of them at once; the first shot being made while they were standing on the ground, the other two as they rose. They build their nests in shallow ponds where there is much mud, which they scrape together, making little hillocks like small islands appearing out of the water a foot and a half high from the bottom. They make the foundation of these hillocks broad, bringing them up tapering to the top, where they leave a small hollow pit to lay their eggs in; and when they either lay their eggs or hatch them they stand all the while, not on the hillock but close by it with their legs on the ground and in the water, resting themselves against the hillock and covering the hollow nest upon it with their rumps: for their legs are very long; and building thus, as they do, upon the ground, they could neither draw their legs conveniently into their nests, nor sit down upon them otherwise than by resting their whole bodies there, to the prejudice of their eggs or their young, were it not for this admirable contrivance which they have by natural instinct. They never lay more than two eggs and seldom fewer. The young ones cannot fly till they are almost full-grown; but will run prodigiously fast; yet we have taken many of them. The flesh of both young and old is lean and black, yet very good meat, tasting neither fishy nor any way unsavoury. Their tongues are large, having a large knob of fat at the root, which is an excellent bit: a dish of flamingo's tongues being fit for a prince's table.
When many of them are standing together by a pond's side, being half a mile distant from a man, they appear to him like a brick wall; their feathers being of the colour of new red brick: and they commonly stand upright and single, one by one, exactly in a row (except when feeding) and close by each other. The young ones at first are of a light grey; and as their wing-feathers spring out they grow darker; and never come to their right colour, or any beautiful shape, under ten or eleven months old. I have seen flamingoes at Rio la Hacha, and at an island lying near the Main of America, right against Curacao, called by privateers Flamingo Key, from the multitude of these fowls that breed there: and I never saw of their nests and young but here.
There are not above 5 or 6 men on this island of Sal, and a poor governor, as they called him, who came aboard in our boat, and about 3 or 4 poor lean goats for a present to our captain, telling him they were the best that the island did afford. The captain, minding more the poverty of the giver than the value of the present, gave him in requital a coat to clothe him; for he had nothing but a few rags on his back and an old hat not worth three farthings; which yet I believe he wore but seldom, for fear he should want before he might get another; for he told us there had not been a ship in 3 years before. We bought of him about 20 bushels of salt for a few old clothes: and he begged a little powder and shot. We stayed here 3 days; in which time one of these Portuguese offered to some of our men a lump of ambergris in exchange for some clothes, desiring them to keep it secret, for he said if the governor should know it he should be hanged. At length one Mr. Coppinger bought for a small matter; yet I believe he gave more than it was worth.
AMBERGRIS WHERE FOUND.
We had not a man in the ship that knew ambergris; but I have since seen it in other places, and therefore am certain it was not right. It was of a dark colour, like sheep dung, and very soft, but of no smell, and possibly it was some of their goat's dung. I afterwards saw some sold at the Nicobars in the East Indies which was of a lighter colour, but very hard, neither had it any smell; and this also I suppose was a cheat. Yet it is certain that in both these places there is ambergris found.
I was told by one John Read, a Bristol man, that he was apprentice to a master who traded to these islands of Cape Verde and once as he was riding at an anchor at Fogo, another of these islands, there was a lump of it swam by the ship, and the boat being ashore he missed it, but knew it to be ambergris, having taken up a lump swimming in the like manner the voyage before, and his master having at several times bought pieces of it of the natives of the isle of Fogo so as to enrich himself thereby. And so at the Nicobars Englishmen have bought, as I have been credibly informed, great quantities of very good ambergris. Yet the inhabitants are so subtle that they will counterfeit it, both there and here: and I have heard that in the Gulf of Florida, whence much of it comes, the native Indians there use the same fraud.
Upon this occasion I cannot omit to tell my reader what I learnt from Mr. Hill the surgeon upon his showing me once a piece of ambergris, which was thus. One Mr. Benjamin Barker, a man that I have been long well acquainted with, and know him to be a very diligent and observing person, and likewise very sober and credible, told this Mr. Hill that, being in the Bay of Honduras to procure log-wood, which grows there in great abundance, and, passing in a canoe over to one of the islands in that bay, he found upon the shore, on a sandy bay there, a lump of ambergris so large that, when carried to Jamaica, he found it to weigh a hundred pound and upwards. When he first found it it lay dry above the mark which the sea then came to at high-water; and he observed in it a great multitude of beetles: it was of a dusky colour, towards black, and about the hardness of mellow cheese, and of a very fragrant smell: this that Mr. Hill showed me, being some of it which Mr. Barker gave him. Besides those already mentioned, all the places where I have heard that ambergris has been found, at Bermuda and the Bahama Islands in the West Indies, and that part of the coast of Africa with its adjacent islands which reaches from Mozambique to the Red Sea.
THE ISLES OF ST. NICHOLAS, MAYO, ST. JAGO, FOGO, A BURNING MOUNTAIN; WITH THE REST OF THE ISLES OF CAPE VERDE.
We went from this Island of Sal to St. Nicholas, another of the Cape Verde Islands lying west-south-west from Sal about 22 leagues. We arrived there the next day after we left the other, and anchored on the south-east side of the island. This is a pretty large island; it is one of the biggest of all the Cape Verde, and lies in a triangular form. The longest side, which lies to the east, is about 30 leagues long, and the other two about 20 leagues each. It is a mountainous barren island, and rocky all round towards the sea; yet in the heart of it there are valleys where the Portuguese, which inhabit here, have vineyards and plantations, and wood for fuel. Here are many goats, which are but poor in comparison with those in other places, yet much better than those at Sal: there are likewise many asses. The governor of this island came aboard us with three or four gentlemen more in his company who were all indifferently well clothed, and accoutred with swords and pistols; but the rest that accompanied him to the seaside, which were about twenty or thirty men more, were but in a ragged garb. The governor brought aboard some wine made in the island, which tasted much like Madeira wine: it was of a pale colour, and looked thick. He told us the chief town was in the valley fourteen mile from the bay where we rode; that he had there under him above one hundred families, besides other inhabitants that lived scattering in valleys more remote. They were all very swarthy; the governor was the clearest of them, yet of a dark tawny complexion.
At this island we scrubbed the bottom of our ship, and here also we dug wells ashore on the bay, and filled all our water, and after 5 or 6 days stay we went from hence to Mayo, another of the Cape Verde Islands, lying about forty mile east and by south from the other, arriving there the next day and anchoring on the north-west side of the island. We sent our boat on shore, intending to have purchased some provision, as beef or goats, with which this island is better stocked than the rest of the islands. But the inhabitants would not suffer our men to land; for about a week before our arrival there came an English ship, the men of which came ashore pretending friendship, and seized on the governor with some others, and, carrying them aboard, made them send ashore for cattle to ransom their liberties: and yet after this set sail, and carried them away, and they had not heard of them since. The Englishman that did this (as I was afterwards informed) was one Captain Bond of Bristol. Whether ever he brought back those men again I know not: he himself and most of his men have since gone over to the Spaniards: and it was he who had like to have burnt our ship after this in the Bay of Panama; as I shall have occasion to relate.
This isle of Mayo is but small and environed with shoals, yet a place much frequented by shipping for its great plenty of salt: and though there is but bad landing, yet many ships lade here every year. Here are plenty of bulls, cows, and goats; and at a certain season of the year, as May, June, July, and August, a sort of small sea-tortoise come hither to lay their eggs; but these turtle are not so sweet as those in the West Indies. The inhabitants plant corn, yams, potatoes, and some plantains, and breed a few fowls; living very poor, yet much better than the inhabitants of any other of these islands, St. Jago excepted, which lies four or five leagues to the westward of Mayo and is the chief, the most fruitful, and best inhabited of all the islands of Cape Verde; yet mountainous, and much barren land in it.
On the east side of the isle St. Jago is a good port, which in peaceable times especially is seldom without ships; for this has been long a place which ships have been wont to touch at for water and refreshments, as those outward-bound to the East Indies, English, French and Dutch; many of the ships bound to the coast of Guinea, the Dutch to Surinam, and their own Portuguese fleet going for Brazil, which is generally about the latter end of September: but few ships call in here in their return to Europe. When any ships are here the country people bring down their commodities to sell to the seamen and passengers, namely, bullocks, hogs, goats, fowls, eggs, plantains, and coconuts, which they will give in exchange for shirts, drawers, handkerchiefs, hats, waistcoats, breeches, or in a manner for any sort of cloth, especially linen, for woollen is not much esteemed there. They care not willingly to part with their cattle of any sort but in exchange for money, or linen, or some other valuable commodity. Travellers must have a care of these people, for they are very thievish; and if they see an opportunity will snatch anything from you and run away with it. We did not touch at this island in this voyage; but I was there before this in the year 1670, when I saw a fort here lying on the top of a hill and commanding the harbour.
The governor of this island is chief over all the rest of the islands. I have been told that there are two large towns on this island, some small villages, and a great many inhabitants; and that they make a great deal of wine, such as is that of St. Nicholas. I have not been on any other of the Cape Verde Islands, nor near them; but have seen most of them at a distance. They seem to be mountainous and barren; some of these before-mentioned being the most fruitful and most frequented by strangers, especially St. Jago and Mayo. As to the rest of them, Fogo and Brava are two small islands lying to the westward of St. Jago, but of little note; only Fogo is remarkable for its being a volcano: it is all of it one large mountain of a good height, out of the top whereof issues flames of fire, yet only discerned in the night: and then it may be seen a great way at sea. Yet this island is not without inhabitants, who live at the foot of the mountain near the sea. Their substance is much the same as in the other islands; they have some goats, fowls, plantains, coconuts, etc., as I am informed. Of the plantains and coconuts I shall have occasion to speak when I come into the East Indies; and shall defer the giving an account of them till then.
The remainder of these Islands of Cape Verde are St. Antonia, St. Lucia, St. Vicente, and Buena Vista: of which I know nothing considerable.
SHERBOROUGH RIVER ON THE COAST OF GUINEA.
Our entrance among these islands was from the north-east; for in our passage from Virginia we ran pretty fair toward the coast of Gualata in Africa to preserve the trade-wind, lest we should be borne off too much to the westward and so lose the islands. We anchored at the south of Sal and passing by the south of St. Nicholas anchored again at Mayo, as has been said; where we made the shorter stay, because we could get no flesh among the inhabitants, by reason of the regret they had at their governor, and his men being carried away by Captain Bond. So leaving the isles of Cape Verde we stood away to the southward with the wind at east-north-east, intending to have touched no more till we came to the Straits of Magellan. But when we came into the latitude of 10 degrees north we met the winds at south by west and south-south-west. Therefore we altered our resolutions and steered away for the coast of Guinea, and in few days came to the mouth of the river of Sherborough, which is an English factory lying south of Sierra Leone. We had one of our men who was well acquainted there; and by his direction we went in among the shoals, and came to an anchor.
THE COMMODITIES AND NEGROES THERE. A TOWN OF THEIRS DESCRIBED.
Sherborough was a good way from us so I can give no account of the place, or our factory there; save that I have been informed that there is a considerable trade driven there for a sort of red wood for dyeing, which grows in that country very plentifully, it is called by our people cam-wood. A little within the shore where we anchored was a town of Negroes, natives of this coast. It was screened from our sight by a large grove of trees that grew between them and the shore; but we went thither to them several times during the 3 or 4 days of our stay here to refresh ourselves; and they as often came aboard us, bringing with them plantains, sugar-cane, palm-wines, rice, fowls, and honey, which they sold us. They were no way shy of us, being well acquainted with the English, by reason of our Guinea factories and trade. This town seemed pretty large; the houses are but low and ordinary: but one great house in the midst of it where their chief men meet and receive strangers: and here they treated us with palm-wine. As to their persons, they are like other Negroes. While we lay here we scrubbed the bottom of our ship and then filled all our water-casks; and, buying up 2 puncheons of rice for our voyage, we departed from hence about the middle of November 1683, prosecuting our intended course towards the Straits of Magellan.
TORNADOES, SHARKS, FLYING-FISH.
We had but little wind after we got out, and very hot weather with some fierce tornadoes, commonly rising out of the north-east which brought thunder, lightning, and rain. These did not last long; sometimes not a quarter of an hour, and then the wind would shuffle about to the southward again, and fall flat calm; for these tornadoes commonly come against the wind that is then blowing, as our thunder-clouds are often observed to do in England; but the tornadoes I shall describe more largely in my Chapter of Winds, in the Appendix to this book. At this time many of our men were taken with fevers yet we lost but one. While we lay in the calms we caught several great sharks; sometimes two or three in a day, and ate them all, boiling and squeezing them dry, and then stewing them with vinegar, pepper, etc., for we had but little flesh aboard. We took the benefit of every tornado, which came sometimes three or four in a day, and carried what sail we could to get to the southward, for we had but little wind when they were over; and those small winds between the tornadoes were much against us, at south by east and south-south-east till we passed the Equinoctial Line, which we crossed about a degree to the eastward of the meridian of the isle of St. Jago, one of the Cape Verde Islands.
1684.
At first we could scarcely lie south-west but, being got a degree to the southward of the Line, the wind veered most easterly, and then we stemmed south-west by south and as we got farther to the southward, so the wind came about to the eastward and freshened upon us. In the latitude of 3 south we had the wind at south-east. In the latitude of 5 we had it at east south where it stood a considerable time and blew a fresh top-gallant gale. We then made the best use of it, steering on briskly with all the sail we could make; and this wind, by the 18th of January carried us into the latitude of 36 south. In all this time we met with nothing worthy remark; not so much as a fish except flying fish, which have been so often described that I think it needless to do it.
A SEA DEEP AND CLEAR, YET PALE.
Here we found the sea much changed from its natural greenness to a white or palish colour, which caused us to sound, supposing we might strike ground: for whenever we find the colour of the sea to change we know we are not far from land or shoals which stretch out into the sea, running from some land. But here we found no ground with one hundred fathom line. I was this day at noon by reckoning 48 degrees 50 minutes west from the Lizard, the variation by our morning amplitude 15 degrees 10 minutes east, the variation increasing. The 20th day one of our surgeons died much lamented, because we had but one more for such a dangerous voyage.
ISLES OF SIBBEL DE WARD.
January 28 we made the Sibbel de Wards which are 3 islands lying in the latitude of 51 degrees 25 minutes south and longitude west from the Lizard in England, by my account, 57 degrees 28 minutes. The variation here we found to be 23 degrees 10 minutes. I had for a month before we came hither endeavoured to persuade Captain Cook and his company to anchor at these islands, where I told them we might probably get water, as I then thought, and in case we should miss of it here, yet by being good husbands of what we had we might reach Juan Fernandez in the South Seas before our water was spent. This I urged to hinder their designs of going through the Straits of Magellan, which I knew would prove very dangerous to us; the rather because, our men being privateers and so more wilful and less under command, would not be so ready to give a watchful attendance in a passage so little known. For, although these men were more under command than I had ever seen any privateers, yet I could not expect to find them at a minute's call in coming to an anchor or weighing anchor: beside, if ever we should have occasion to moor or cast out two anchors, we had not a boat to carry out or weigh an anchor. These islands of Sibbel de Wards were so named by the Dutch. They are all three rocky barren islands without any tree, only some dildoe-bushes growing on them: and I do believe there is no water on any one of them, for there was no appearance of any water. The two northermost we could not come near; but the southermost we came close by, but could not strike ground till within two cables' length of the shore, and there found it to be foul rocky ground.
SMALL RED LOBSTERS.
From the time that we were in 10 degrees south till we came to these islands we had the wind between east-north-east and the north-north-east, fair weather and a brisk gale. The day that we made these islands we saw great shoals of small lobsters which coloured the sea in red spots for a mile in compass, and we drew some of them out of the sea in our water-buckets. They were no bigger than the top of a man's little finger, yet all their claws, both great and small, like a lobster. I never saw any of this sort of fish naturally red but here; for ours on the English coast, which are black naturally, are not red till they are boiled: neither did I ever anywhere else meet with any fish of the lobster shape so small as these; unless, it may be, shrimps or prawns: Captain Swan and Captain Eaton met also with shoals of this fish in much the same latitude and longitude.
STRAIT LE MAIRE.
Leaving therefore the Sibbel de Ward Islands, as having neither good anchorage nor water, we sailed on, directing our course for the Straits of Magellan. But, the winds hanging in the wester-board and blowing hard, oft put us by our topsails, so that we could not fetch it. The 6th day of February we fell in with the Straits Le Maire, which is very high land on both sides, and the straits very narrow. We had the wind at north-north-west a fresh gale; and, seeing the opening of the straits, we ran in with it, till within four mile of the mouth, and then it fell calm, and we found a strong tide setting out of the straits to the northward, and like to founder our ship; but whether flood or ebb I know not; only it made such a short cockling sea as if it had been in a race, or place where two tides meet; for it ran every way, sometimes breaking in over our waist, sometimes over our poop, sometimes over our bow, and the ship tossed like an eggshell, so that I never felt such uncertain jerks in a ship. At 8 o'clock in the evening we had a small breeze at west-north-west and steered away to the eastward, intending to go round the States Island, the east end of which we reached the next day by noon, having a fresh breeze all night.
STATES ISLAND.
The 7th day at noon, being off the east end of States Island, I had a good observation of the sun, and found myself in latitude 54 degrees 52 minutes south.
At the east end of States Island are three small islands, or rather rocks, pretty high, and white with the dung of fowls.
CAPE HORN IN TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
Wherefore having observed the sun, we hauled up south, designing to pass round to the southward of Cape Horne, which is the southermost Land of Tierra del Fuego. The winds hung in the western quarter betwixt the north-west and the west, so that we could not get much to the westward, and we never saw Tierra del Fuego after that evening that we made the Straits Le Maire. I have heard that there have been smokes and fires on Tierra del Fuego, not on the tops of hills, but in plains and valleys, seen by those who have sailed through the Straits of Magellan; supposed to be made by the natives.
We did not see the sun at rising or setting in order to make an amplitude after we left the Sibbel de Wards till we got into the South Sea: therefore I know not whether the variation increased any more or no. Indeed I had an observation of the sun at noon in latitude 59 degrees 30 minutes and we were then standing to the southward with the wind at west by north, and that night the wind came about more to the southward of the west and we tacked. I was then in latitude 60 by reckoning, which was the farthest south latitude that ever I was in.
The 14th day of February, being in latitude 57 and to the west of Cape Horne, we had a violent storm, which held us to the 3rd day of March, blowing commonly south-west and south-west by west and west-south-west, thick weather all the time with small drizzling rain, but not hard. We made a shift however to save 23 barrels of rainwater besides what we dressed our victuals withal.
March the 3rd the wind shifted at once, and came about at south, blowing a fierce gale of wind; soon after it came about to the eastward, and we stood into the South Seas.
The 9th day, having an observation of the sun, not having seen it of late, we found ourselves in latitude 47 degrees 10 minutes and the variation to be but 15 degrees 30 minutes east.
The wind stood at south-east, we had fair weather, and a moderate gale, and the 17th day we were in latitude 36 by observation, and then found the variation to be but 8 degrees east.
THEIR MEETING WITH CAPTAIN EATON IN THE SOUTH SEAS, AND THEIR GOING TOGETHER TO THE ISLE OF JUAN FERNANDEZ.
The 19th day when we looked out in the morning we saw a ship to the southward of us, coming with all the sail she could make after us: we lay muzzled to let her come up with us, for we supposed her to be a Spanish ship come from Valdivia bound to Lima: we being now to the northward of Valdivia and this being the time of the year when ships that trade thence to Valdivia return home. They had the same opinion of us, and therefore made sure to take us, but coming nearer we both found our mistakes. This proved to be one Captain Eaton in a ship sent purposely from London to the South Seas. We hailed each other, and the captain came on board, and told us of his actions on the coast of Brazil, and in the river of Plate.
He met Captain Swan (one that came from England to trade here) at the east entrance into the Straits of Magellan, and they accompanied each other through the straits, and were separated after they were through by the storm before-mentioned. Both we and Captain Eaton being bound for Juan Fernandez Isle, we kept company, and we spared him bread and beef, and he spared us water, which he took in as he passed through the straits.
OF A MOSKITO MAN LEFT THERE ALONE THREE YEARS: HIS ART AND SAGACITY; WITH THAT OF OTHER INDIANS.
March the 22nd 1684, we came in sight of the island, and the next day got in and anchored in a bay at the south end of the island, and 25 fathom water, not two cables' length from the shore. We presently got out our canoe, and went ashore to see for a Moskito Indian whom we left here when we were chased hence by three Spanish ships in the year 1681, a little before we went to Arica; Captain Watling being then our commander, after Captain Sharp was turned out.
This Indian lived here alone above three years and, although he was several times sought after by the Spaniards, who knew he was left on the island, yet they could never find him. He was in the woods hunting for goats when Captain Watling drew off his men, and the ship was under sail before he came back to shore. He had with him his gun and a knife, with a small horn of powder and a few shot; which, being spent, he contrived a way by notching his knife to saw the barrel of his gun into small pieces wherewith he made harpoons, lances, hooks, and a long knife, heating the pieces first in the fire, which he struck with his gunflint, and a piece of the barrel of his gun, which he hardened; having learnt to do that among the English. The hot pieces of iron he would hammer out and bend as he pleased with stones, and saw them with his jagged knife; or grind them to an edge by long labour, and harden them to a good temper as there was occasion. All this may seem strange to those that are not acquainted with the sagacity of the Indians; but it is no more than these Moskito men are accustomed to in their own country, where they make their own fishing and striking-instruments, without either forge or anvil; though they spend a great deal of time about them.
Other wild Indians who have not the use of iron, which the Moskito men have from the English, make hatchets of a very hard stone, with which they will cut down trees (the cotton-tree especially, which is a soft tender wood) to build their houses or make canoes; and, though in working their canoes hollow, they cannot dig them so neat and thin, yet they will make them fit for their service. This their digging or hatchet-work they help out by fire; whether for the felling of trees or for the making the inside of their canoe hollow. These contrivances are used particularly by the savage Indians of Bluefield's River, described in the 3rd chapter, whose canoes and stone hatchets I have seen. These stone hatchets are about 10 inches long, 4 broad, and three inches thick in the middle. They are ground away flat and sharp at both ends: right in the midst and clear round it they make a notch, so wide and deep that a man might place his finger along it and, taking a stick or withe about 4 foot long, they bind it round the hatchet head, in that notch, and so, twisting it hard, use it as a handle or helve; the head being held by it very fast. Nor are other wild Indians less ingenious. Those of Patagonia particularly head their arrows with flint, cut or ground; which I have seen and admired. But to return to our Moskito man on the isle of Juan Fernandez. With such instruments as he made in that manner, he got such provision as the island afforded; either goats or fish. He told us that at first he was forced to eat seal, which is very ordinary meat, before he had made hooks: but afterwards he never killed any seals but to make lines, cutting their skins into thongs. He had a little house or hut half a mile from the sea, which was lined with goat's skin; his couch or barbecue of sticks lying along about two foot distant from the ground, was spread with the same, and was all his bedding. He had no clothes left, having worn out those he brought from Watling's ship, but only a skin about his waist. He saw our ship the day before we came to an anchor, and did believe we were English, and therefore killed three goats in the morning before we came to an anchor, and dressed them with cabbage, to treat us when we came ashore. He came then to the seaside to congratulate our safe arrival. And when we landed a Moskito Indian named Robin first leapt ashore and, running to his brother Moskito man, threw himself flat on his face at his feet, who helping him up, and embracing him, fell flat with his face on the ground at Robin's feet, and was by him taken up also. We stood with pleasure to behold the surprise, and tenderness, and solemnity of this interview, which was exceedingly affectionate on both sides; and when their ceremonies of civility were over we also that stood gazing at them drew near, each of us embracing him we had found here, who was overjoyed to see so many of his old friends come hither, as he thought purposely to fetch him. He was named Will, as the other was Robin. These were names given them by the English, for they had no names among themselves; and they take it as a great favour to be named by any of us; and will complain for want of it if we do not appoint them some name when they are with us: saying of themselves they are poor men, and have no name.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
This island is in latitude 34 degrees 45 minutes and about 120 leagues from the Main. It is about 12 leagues round, full of high hills, and small pleasant valleys; which if manured would probably produce anything proper for the climate. The sides of the mountains are part savannahs, part woodland. Savannahs are clear pieces of land without woods; not because more barren than the woodland, for they are frequently spots of as good land as any, and often are intermixed with woodland.
THE SAVANNAHS OF AMERICA.
In the Bay of Campeachy are very large savannahs, which I have seen full of cattle: but about the river of Plate are the largest that ever I heard of, 50, 60, or 100 miles in length; and Jamaica, Cuba, and Hispaniola have many savannahs intermixed with woods. Places cleared of wood by art and labour do not go by this name, but those only which are found so in the uninhabited parts of America, such as this isle of Juan Fernandez; or which were originally clear in other parts.
The grass in these savannahs at Juan Fernandez is not a long flaggy grass, such as is usually in the savannahs in the West Indies, but a sort of kindly grass, thick and flourishing the biggest part of the year. The woods afford divers sorts of trees; some large and good timber for building, but none fit for masts. The cabbage trees of this isle are but small and low; yet afford a good head, and the cabbage very sweet. This tree I shall describe in the Appendix, in the Bay of Campeachy.
GOATS AT JUAN FERNANDEZ.
The savannahs are stocked with goats in great herds: but those that live on the east end of the island are not so fat as those on the west end; for though there is much more grass, and plenty of water in every valley, nevertheless they thrive not so well here as on the west end, where there is less food; and yet there are found greater flocks, and those too fatter and sweeter.
The west end of the island is all high champion ground without any valley, and but one place to land; there is neither wood nor any fresh water, and the grass short and dry.
Goats were first put on the island by Juan Fernandez, who first discovered it on his voyage from Lima to Valdivia; (and discovered also another island about the same bigness, 20 leagues to the westward of this.) From those goats these were propagated, and the island has taken its name from this its first discoverer who, when he returned to Lima, desired a patent for it, designing to settle here; and it was in his second voyage hither that he set ashore three or four goats which have since, by their increase, so well stocked the whole island. But he could never get a patent for it, therefore it lies still destitute of inhabitants, though doubtless capable of maintaining 4 or 500 families, by what may be produced off the land only. I speak much within compass; for the savannahs would at present feed 1000 head of cattle besides goats, and the land being cultivated would probably bear corn, or wheat, and good peas, yams, or potatoes; for the land in their valleys and sides of the mountains is of a good black fruitful mould. The sea about it is likewise very productive of its inhabitants.
SEALS. SEA-LIONS.
Seals swarm as thick about this island as if they had no other place in the world to live in; for there is not a bay nor rock that one can get ashore on but is full of them. Sea-lions are here in great companies, and fish, particularly snapper and rock-fish, are so plentiful that two men in an hour's time will take with hook and line as many as will serve 100 men.
The seals are a sort of creatures pretty well known, yet it may not be amiss to describe them. They are as big as calves, the head of them like a dog, therefore called by the Dutch the sea-hounds. Under each shoulder grows a long thick fin: these serve them to swim with when in the sea, and are instead of legs to them when on the land for raising their bodies up on end, by the help of these fins or stumps, and so having their tail-parts drawn close under them, they rebound as it were, and throw their bodies forward, drawing their hinder parts after them; and then again rising up, and springing forward with their fore parts alternately, they lie tumbling thus up and down all the while they are moving on land. From their shoulders to their tails they grow tapering like fish, and have two small fins on each side the rump; which is commonly covered with their fins. These fins serve instead of a tail in the sea; and on land they sit on them when they give suck to their young. Their hair is of divers colours, as black, grey, dun, spotted, looking very sleek and pleasant when they come first out of the sea: for these at Juan Fernandez have fine thick short fur; the like I have not taken notice of anywhere but in these seas. Here are always thousands, I might say possibly millions of them, either sitting on the bays, or going and coming in the sea round the island; which is covered with them (as they lie at the top of the water playing and sunning themselves) for a mile or two from the shore. When they come out of the sea they bleat like sheep for their young; and, though they pass through hundreds of others' young ones before they come to their own, yet they will not suffer any of them to suck. The young ones are like puppies, and lie much ashore; but when beaten by any of us, they, as well as the old ones, will make towards the sea, and swim very swift and nimble; though on shore they lie very sluggishly and will not go out of our ways unless we beat them, but snap at us. A blow on the nose soon kills them. Large ships might here load themselves with seal-skins, and train-oil; for they are extraordinary fat. Seals are found as well in cold as hot climates; and in the cold places they love to get on lumps of ice, where they will lie and sun themselves, as here on the land: they are frequent in the northern parts of Europe and America, and in the southern parts of Africa, as about the Cape of Good Hope and at the Straits of Magellan: and though I never saw any in the West Indies but in the Bay of Campeachy, at certain islands called the Alceranes, and at others called the Desarts; yet they are over all the American coast of the South Seas, from Tierra del Fuego up to the Equinoctial Line; but to the north of the Equinox again, in these seas, I never saw any till as far as 21 north latitude. Nor did I ever see any in the East Indies. In general they seem to resort where there is plenty of fish, for that is their food; and fish, such as they feed on, as cods, groupers, etc., are most plentiful on rocky coasts: and such is mostly this western coast of the South America; as I shall further relate.
The sea-lion is a large creature about 12 or 14 foot long. The biggest part of his body is as big as a bull: it is shaped like a seal, but six times as big. The head is like a lion's head; it has a broad face with many long hairs growing about its lips like a cat. It has a great goggle eye, the teeth three inches long, about the bigness of a man's thumb: in Captain Sharp's time, some of our men made dice with them. They have no hair on their bodies like the seal; they are of a dun colour, and are all extraordinary fat; one of them being cut up and boiled will yield a hogshead of oil which is very sweet and wholesome to fry meat withal. The lean flesh is black, and of a coarse grain; yet indifferent good food. They will lie a week at a time ashore if not disturbed. Where 3 or 4 or more of them come ashore together they huddle one on another like swine, and grunt like them, making a hideous noise. They eat fish, which I believe is their common food.
SNAPPER, A SORT OF FISH.
The snapper is a fish much like a roach, but a great deal bigger. It has a large head and mouth, and great gills. The back is of a bright red, the belly of a silver colour: the scales are as broad as a shilling. The snapper is excellent meat. They are in many places in the West Indies and the South Seas: I have not seen them anywhere beside.
ROCK-FISH.
The rock-fish is called by seamen a grouper; the Spaniards call it a baccalao, which is the name for cod, because it is much like it. It is rounder than the snapper, of a dark brown colour; and has small scales no bigger than a silver penny. This fish is good sweet meat, and is found in great plenty on all the coast of Peru and Chile.
THE BAYS, AND NATURAL STRENGTH OF THIS ISLAND.
There are only two bays in the whole island where ships may anchor; these are both at the east end, and in both of them is a rivulet of good fresh water. Either of these bays may be fortified with little charge, to that degree that 50 men in each may be able to keep off 1000; and there is no coming into these bays from the west end but with great difficulty over the mountains, where if 3 men are placed they may keep down as many as come against them on any side. This was partly experienced by 5 Englishmen that Captain Davis left here, who defended themselves against a great body of Spaniards who landed in the bays, and came here to destroy them; and though the second time one of their consorts deserted and fled to the Spaniards, yet the other four kept their ground, and were afterwards taken in from hence by Captain Strong of London.
We remained at Juan Fernandez sixteen days; our sick men were ashore all the time, and one of Captain Eaton's doctors (for he had four in his ship) tending and feeding them with goat and several herbs, whereof here is plenty growing in the brooks; and their diseases were chiefly scorbutic.
THE AUTHOR DEPARTS FROM JUAN FERNANDEZ. OF THE PACIFIC SEA.
The 8th of April 1684 we sailed from the isle of Juan Fernandez with the wind at south-east. We were now two ships in company: Captain Cook's, whose ship I was in, and who here took the sickness of which he died a while after, and Captain Eaton's. Our passage lay now along the Pacific Sea, properly so called. For though it be usual with our map-makers to give that name to this whole ocean, calling it Mare Australe, Mal del Zur, or Mare Pacificum; yet in my opinion the name of the Pacific Sea ought not to be extended from south to north farther than from 30 to about 4 degrees south latitude, and from the American shore westward indefinitely, with respect to my observation; who have been in these parts 250 leagues or more from land, and still had the sea very quiet from winds. For in all this tract of water of which I have spoken there are no dark rainy clouds, though often a thick horizon so as to hinder an observation of the sun with the quadrant; and in the morning hazy weather frequently, and thick mists, but scarce able to wet one. Nor are there in this sea any winds but the trade-wind, no tempests, no tornadoes or hurricanes (though north of the Equator they are met with as well in this ocean as in the Atlantic) yet the sea itself at the new and full of the moon runs with high, large, long surges, but such as never break out at sea and so are safe enough; unless that where they fall in and break upon the shore they make it bad landing.
OF THE ANDES, OR HIGH MOUNTAINS IN PERU AND CHILE.
In this sea we made the best of our way toward the Line till in the latitude of 24 south where we fell in with the mainland of the South America. All this course of the land, both of Chile and Peru, is vastly high; therefore we kept 12 or 14 leagues off from shore, being unwilling to be seen by the Spaniards dwelling there. The land (especially beyond this, from 24 degrees south latitude 17, and from 14 to 10) is of a most prodigious height. It lies generally in ridges parallel to the shore, and 3 or 4 ridges one with another, each surpassing other in height; and those that are farthest within land are much higher than others. They always appear blue when seen at sea: sometimes they are obscured with clouds, but not so often as the high lands in other parts of the world, for here are seldom or never any rains on these hills, any more than in the sea near it; neither are they subject to fogs. These are the highest mountains that ever I saw, far surpassing the Pike of Tenerife or Santa Marta and, I believe, any mountains in the world.
I have seen very high land in the latitude of 30 south, but not so high as in the latitudes before described. In Sir John Narborough's voyage also to Valdivia (a city on this coast) mention is made of very high land seen near Valdivia: and the Spaniards with whom I have discoursed have told me that there is a very high land all the way between Coquimbo (which lies in about 30 degrees south latitude) and Valdivia, which is in 40 south; so that by all likelihood these ridges of mountains do run in a continued chain from one end of Peru and Chile to the other, all along this South Sea coast, called usually the Andes, or Sierra Nevada des Andes. The excessive height of these mountains may possibly be the reason that there are no rivers of note that fall into these seas. Some small rivers indeed there are, but very few of them, for in some places there is not one that comes out into the sea in 150 or 200 leagues, and where they are thickest they are 30, 40, or 50 leagues asunder, and too little and shallow to be navigable. Besides, some of these do not constantly run, but are dry at certain seasons of the year; as the river of Ylo runs flush with a quick current at the latter end of January, and so continues till June, and then it decreases by degrees, growing less, and running slow till the latter end of September, when it fails wholly, and runs no more till January again: this I have seen at both seasons in two former voyages I made hither, and have been informed by the Spaniards that other rivers on this coast are of the like nature, being rather torrents or land-floods caused by their rains at certain seasons far within land than perennial streams.
A PRIZE TAKEN.
We kept still along in sight of this coast but at a good distance from it, encountering with nothing of note till in the latitude of 9 degrees 40 minutes south. On the 3rd of May we descried a sail to the northward of us. She was plying to windward, we chased her, and Captain Eaton being ahead soon took her: she came from Guayaquil about a month before, laden with timber, and was bound to Lima. Three days before we took her she came from Santa, whither she had gone for water, and where they had news of our being in these seas by an express from Valdivia, for, as we afterwards heard, Captain Swan had been at Valdivia to seek a trade there; and he having met Captain Eaton in the Straits of Magellan, the Spaniards of Valdivia were doubtless informed of us by him, suspecting him also to be one of us, though he was not. Upon this news the viceroy of Lima sent expresses to all the sea ports, that they might provide themselves against our assaults.
ISLE OF LOBOS: PENGUINS AND OTHER BIRDS THERE.
We immediately steered away for the island Lobos which lies in latitude 6 degrees 24 minutes south latitude (I took the elevation of it ashore with an astrolabe) and it is 5 leagues from the Main. It is called Lobos de la Mar, to distinguish it from another that is not far from it, and extremely like it, called Lobos de la Terra, for it lies nearer the main. Lobos, or Lovos, is the Spanish name for a seal, of which there are great plenty about these and several other islands in these seas that go by this name.
The 9th of May we arrived at this isle of Lobos de la Mar and came to an anchor with our prize. This Lobos consists indeed of two little islands, each about a mile round, of an indifferent height, a small channel between, fit for boats only; and several rocks lying on the north side of the islands, a little way from shore. There is a small cove or sandy bay sheltered from the winds at the west end of the eastermost island, where ships may careen: the rest of the shore, as well round the two islands as between them, is a rocky coast consisting of small cliffs. Within land they are both of them partly rocky, and partly sandy, barren, without any fresh water, tree, shrub, grass, or herbs; or any land animals (for the seals and sea-lions come ashore here) but fowls, of which there are great multitudes; as boobies, but mostly penguins, which I have seen plentifully all over the South Seas, on the coast of Newfoundland, and of the Cape of Good Hope. They are a sea-fowl, about as big as a duck, and such feet; but a sharp bill, feeding on fish. They do not fly, but flutter, having rather stumps like a young gosling's than wings: and these are instead of fins to them in the water. Their feathers are downy. Their flesh is but ordinary food but their eggs are good meat. There is another sort of small black fowl that makes holes in the sand for their night habitations whose flesh is good sweet meat. I never saw any of them but here and at Juan Fernandez.
There is good riding between the eastermost island and the rocks in ten, twelve, or fourteen fathom, for the wind is commonly at south or south-south-east, and the eastermost island lying east and west, shelters that road.
Here we scrubbed our ships and, being in a readiness to sail, the prisoners were examined to know if any of them could conduct us to some town where we might make some attempt; for they had before informed us that we were descried by the Spaniards, and by that we knew that they would send no riches by sea so long as we were here. Many towns were considered on, as Guayaquil, Zana, Truxillo, and others: at last Truxillo was pitched on as the most important, therefore the likeliest to make us a voyage if we could conquer it: which we did not much question though we knew it to be a very populous city. But the greatest difficulty was in landing; for Guanchaquo, which is the nearest sea port to it, but six miles off, is an ill place to land, since sometimes the very fishermen that live there are not able to go in three or four days.
THREE PRIZES MORE.
However the 17th of May in the afternoon our men were mustered of both ships' companies, and their arms proved. We were in all 108 men fit for service besides the sick: and the next day we intended to sail and take the wood prize with us. But the next day, one of our men being ashore betimes on the island, described three sail bound to the northward; two of them without the island to the westward, the other between it and the continent.
We soon got our anchors up and chased: and Captain Eaton, who drew the least draught of water, put through between the westermost island and the rocks, and went after those two that were without the islands. We in Captain Cook's ship went after the other, which stood in for the mainland, but we soon fetched her up and, having taken her, stood in again with her to the island; for we saw that Captain Eaton wanted no help, having taken both those that he went after. He came in with one of his prizes; but the other was so far to leeward and so deep that he could not then get her in, but he hoped to get her in the next day: but being deep laden, as designed to go down before the wind to Panama, she would not bear sail.
The 19th day she turned all day, but got nothing nearer the island. Our Moskito strikers, according to their custom, went and struck six turtles; for here are indifferent plenty of them. These ships that we took the day before we came from Guanchaquo, all three laden with flour, bound for Panama. Two of them were laden as deep as they could swim, the other was not above half laden, but was ordered by the viceroy of Lima to sail with the other two, or else she should not sail till we were gone out of the seas; for he hoped they might escape us by setting out early. In the biggest ship was a letter to the president of Panama from the viceroy of Lima; assuring him that there were enemies come into that sea; for which reason he had dispatched these three ships with flour, that they might not want (for Panama is supplied from Peru) and desired him to be frugal of it, for he knew not when he should send more. In this ship were likewise 7 or 8 tuns of marmalade of quinces, and a stately mule sent to the president, and a very large image of the Virgin Mary in wood, carved and painted to adorn a new church at Panama, and sent from Lima by the viceroy; for this great ship came from thence not long before. She brought also from Lima 800,000 pieces-of-eight to carry with her to Panama: but while she lay at Guanchaco, taking in her lading of flour, the merchants, hearing of Captain Swan's being in Valdivia, ordered the money ashore again. These prisoners likewise informed us that the gentlemen (inhabitants of Truxillo) were building a fort at Guanchaquo (which is the sea port for Truxillo) close by the sea, purposely to hinder the designs of any that should attempt to land there. Upon this news we altered our former resolutions, and resolved to go with our three prizes to the Galapagos; which are a great many large islands lying some under the Equator, others on each side of it. I shall here omit the description of Truxillo, because in my Appendix, at the latter end of the book, I intend to give a general relation of most of the towns of note on this coast from Valdivia to Panama, and from thence towards California.
The 19th day in the evening we sailed from the island Lobos with Captain Eaton in our company. We carried the three flour prizes with us, but our first prize laden with timber we left here at an anchor; the wind was at south by east which is the common trade-wind here, and we steered away north-west by north intending to run into the latitude of the isles Galapagos, and steer off west, because we did not know the certain distance, and therefore could not shape a direct course to them. When we came within 40 minutes of the Equator we steered west, having the wind at south, a very moderate gentle gale.
THE ISLANDS GALAPAGOS: THE DILDOE-TREE, BURTON-WOOD, MAMMEE-TREES, IGUANAS, LAND-TORTOISE, THEIR SEVERAL KIND; GREEN SNAKES, TURTLE-DOVES, TORTOISE, OR TURTLE-GRASS.
It was the 31st day of May when we first had sight of the islands Galapagos: some of them appeared on our weather bow, some on our lee bow, others right ahead. We at first sight trimmed our sails and steered as nigh the wind as we could, striving to get to the southermost of them but, our prizes being deep laden, their sails but small and thin, and a very small gale, they could not keep up with us; therefore we likewise edged away again a point from the wind to keep near them; and in the evening the ship that I was in and Captain Eaton anchored on the east side of one of the eastermost islands, a mile from the shore, in sixteen fathom water, clean, white, hard sand.
The Galapagos Islands are a great number of uninhabited islands lying under and on both sides of the Equator. The eastermost of them are about 110 leagues from the Main. They are laid down in the longitude of 181, reaching to the westward as far as 176, therefore their longitude from England westward is about 68 degrees. But I believe our hydrographers do not place them far enough to the westward. The Spaniards who first discovered them, and in whose charts alone they are laid down, report them to be a great number stretching north-west from the Line, as far as 5 degrees north, but we saw not above 14 or 15. They are some of them 7 or 8 leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. They are of a good height, most of them flat and even on the top; 4 or 5 of the eastermost are rocky, barren and hilly, producing neither tree, herb, nor grass, but a few dildoe-trees, except by the seaside. The dildoe-tree is a green prickly shrub that grows about 10 or 12 foot high, without either leaf or fruit. It is as big as a man's leg, from the root to the top, and it is full of sharp prickles growing in thick rows from top to bottom; this shrub is fit for no use, not so much as to burn. Close by the sea there grows in some places bushes of burton-wood, which is very good firing. This sort of wood grows in many places in the West Indies, especially in the Bay of Campeachy and the Samballoes. I did never see any in these seas but here. There is water on these barren islands in ponds and holes among the rocks. Some other of these islands are mostly plain and low, and the land more fertile, producing trees of divers sorts unknown to us. Some of the westermost of these islands are nine or ten leagues long and six or seven broad; the mould deep and black. These produce trees of great and tall bodies, especially mammee-trees, which grow here in great groves. In these large islands there are some pretty big rivers; and in many of the other lesser islands there are brooks of good water. The Spaniards when they first discovered these islands found multitudes of iguanas, and land-turtle or tortoise, and named them the Galapagos Islands. I do believe there is no place in the world that is so plentifully stored with those animals. The iguanas here are fat and large as any that I ever saw; they are so tame that a man may knock down twenty in an hour's time with a club. The land-turtle are here so numerous that 5 or 600 men might subsist on them alone for several months without any other sort of provision: they are extraordinary large and fat; and so sweet that no pullet eats more pleasantly. One of the largest of these creatures will weigh 150 or 200 weight, and some of them are 2 foot, or 2 foot 6 inches over the challapee or belly. I did never see any but at this place that will weigh above 30 pound weight. I have heard that at the isle of St. Lawrence or Madagascar, and at the English Forest, an island near it called also Don Mascarin and now possessed by the French, there are very large ones, but whether so big, fat, and sweet as these, I know not. There are 3 or 4 sorts of these creatures in the West Indies. One is called by the Spaniards hecatee; these live most in fresh-water ponds, and seldom come on land. They weigh about 10 or 15 pound; they have small legs and flat feet, and small long necks. Another sort is called tenapen; these are a great deal less than the hecatee; the shell on their backs is all carved naturally, finely wrought, and well clouded: the backs of these are rounder than those before mentioned; they are otherwise much of the same form: these delight to live in wet swampy places, or on the land near such places. Both these sorts are very good meat. They are in great plenty on the isles of Pines near Cuba: there the Spanish hunters when they meet them in the woods bring them home to their huts, and mark them by notching their shells, then let them go; this they do to have them at hand, for they never ramble far from thence. When these hunters return to Cuba, after about a month or six weeks' stay, they carry with them 3 or 400 or more of these creatures to sell; for they are very good meat, and every man knows his own by their marks. These tortoise in the Galapagos are more like the hecatee except that, as I said before, they are much bigger; and they have very long small necks and little heads. There are some green snakes on these islands, but no other land animal that I did ever see. There are great plenty of turtle-doves so tame that a man may kill 5 or 6 dozen in a forenoon with a stick. They are somewhat less than a pigeon, and are very good meat, and commonly fat.
There are good wide channels between these islands fit for ships to pass, and in some places shoal water where there grows plenty of turtle-grass; therefore these islands are plentifully stored with sea-turtle of that sort which is called the green turtle. I have hitherto deferred the description of these creatures therefore I shall give it here.
SEA-TURTLE, THEIR SEVERAL KINDS.
There are 4 sorts of sea-turtle, namely, the trunk-turtle, the loggerhead, the hawksbill, and the green turtle. The trunk-turtle is commonly bigger than the other, their backs are higher and rounder, and their flesh rank and not wholesome. The loggerhead is so called because it has a great head, much bigger than the other sorts; their flesh is likewise very rank, and seldom eaten but in case of necessity: they feed on moss that grows about rocks. The hawksbill-turtle is the least kind, they are so called because their mouths are long and small, somewhat resembling the bill of a hawk: on the backs of these hawksbill turtle grows that shell which is so much esteemed for making cabinets, combs, and other things. The largest of them may have 3 pound and a half of shell; I have taken some that have had 3 pound 10 ounces: but they commonly have a pound and a half or two pound; some not so much. These are but ordinary food, but generally sweeter than the loggerhead: yet these hawksbills in some places are unwholesome, causing them that eat them to purge and vomit excessively, especially those between the Samballoes and Portobello. We meet with other fish in the West Indies of the same malignant nature: but I shall describe them in the Appendix. These hawksbill-turtles are better or worse according to their feeding. In some places they feed on grass, as the green tortoise also does; in other places they keep among rocks and feed on moss or seaweeds; but these are not so sweet as those that eat grass, neither is their shell so clear; for they are commonly overgrown with barnacles which spoil the shell; and their flesh is commonly yellow, especially the fat.
Hawksbill-turtle are in many places of the West Indies: they have islands and places peculiar to themselves where they lay their eggs, and seldom come among any other turtle. These and all other turtle lay eggs in the sand; their time of laying is in May, June, July. Some begin sooner, some later. They lay 3 times in a season, and at each time 80 or 90 eggs. Their eggs are as big as a hen's egg, and very round, covered only with a white tough skin. There are some bays on the north side of Jamaica where these hawksbills resort to lay. In the Bay of Honduras are islands which they likewise make their breeding-places, and many places along all the coast on the Main of the West Indies from Trinidad de La Vera Cruz in the Bay of Nova Hispania. When a sea-turtle turns out of the sea to lay she is at least an hour before she returns again, for she is to go above high-water mark, and if it be low-water when she comes ashore, she must rest once or twice, being heavy, before she comes to the place where she lays. When she has found a place for her purpose she makes a great hole with her fins in the sand, wherein she lays her eggs, then covers them 2 foot deep with the same sand which she threw out of the hole, and so returns. Sometimes they come up the night before they intend to lay, and take a view of the place, and so having made a tour, or semicircular march, they return to the sea again, and they never fail to come ashore the next night to lay near that place. All sorts of turtle use the same methods in laying. I knew a man in Jamaica that made 8 pound Sterling of the shell of these hawksbill turtle which he got in one season and in one small bay, not half a mile long. The manner of taking them is to watch the bay by walking from one part to the other all night, making no noise, nor keeping any sort of light. When the turtle comes ashore the man that watches for them turns them on their backs, then hauls them above high-water mark, and leaves them till the morning. A large green turtle, with her weight and struggling, will puzzle 2 men to turn her. The hawksbill-turtle are not only found in the West Indies but on the coast of Guinea, and in the East Indies. I never saw any in the South Seas.
The green turtle are so called because their shell is greener than any other. It is very thin and clear and better clouded than the hawksbill; but it is used only for inlays, being extraordinary thin. These turtles are generally larger than the hawksbill; one will weigh 2 or 3 hundred pound. Their backs are flatter than the hawksbill, their heads round and small. Green turtle are the sweetest of all the kinds: but there are degrees of them both in respect to their flesh and their bigness. I have observed that at Blanco in the West Indies the green turtle (which is the only kind there) are larger than any other in the North Seas. There they will commonly weigh 280 or 300 pound: their fat is yellow, and the lean white, and their flesh extraordinary sweet. At Boca Toro, west of Portobello, they are not so large, their flesh not so white, nor the fat so yellow. Those in the Bay of Honduras and Campeachy are somewhat smaller still; their fat is green, and the lean of a darker colour than those at Boca Toro. I heard of a monstrous green turtle once taken at Port Royal in the Bay of Campeachy that was four foot deep from the back to the belly, and the belly six foot broad; Captain Roch's son, of about nine or ten years of age, went in it as in a boat on board his father's ship, about a quarter of a mile from the shore. The leaves of fat afforded eight gallons of oil. The turtle that live among the keys or small islands on the south side of Cuba are a mixed sort, some bigger, some less; and so their flesh is of a mixed colour, some green, some dark, some yellowish. With these Port Royal in Jamaica is constantly supplied by sloops that come hither with nets to take them. They carry them alive to Jamaica where the turtles have wires made with stakes in the sea to preserve them alive; and the market is every day plentifully stored with turtle, it being the common food there, chiefly for the ordinary sort of people.
Green turtle live on grass which grows in the sea in 3, 4, 5, or 6 fathom water, at most of the places before mentioned. This grass is different from manatee-grass, for that is a small blade; but this a quarter of an inch broad and six inches long. The turtle of these islands Galapagos are a sort of a bastard green turtle; for their shell is thicker than other green turtle in the West or East Indies, and their flesh is not so sweet. They are larger than any other green turtle; for it is common for these to be two or three foot deep, and their callapees or bellies five foot wide: but there are other green turtle in the South Seas that are not so big as the smallest hawksbill. These are seen at the island Plata, and other places thereabouts: they feed on moss and are very rank but fat.
Both these sorts are different from any others, for both he's and she's come ashore in the daytime and lie in the sun; but in other places none but the she's go ashore, and that in the night only to lay their eggs. The best feeding for turtle in the South Seas is among these Galapagos Islands, for here is plenty of grass.
There is another sort of green turtle in the South Seas which are but small, yet pretty sweet: these lie westward on the coast of Mexico. One thing is very strange and remarkable in these creatures; that at the breeding time they leave for two or three months their common haunts, where they feed most of the year, and resort to other places only to lay their eggs: and it is not thought that they eat anything during this season: so that both he's and she's grow very lean; but the he's to that degree that none will eat them. The most remarkable places that I did ever hear of for their breeding is at an island in the West Indies called Caymans, and the isle Ascension in the Western Ocean: and when the breeding time is past there are none remaining. Doubtless they swim some hundreds of leagues to come to those two places: for it has been often observed that at Cayman, at the breeding time, there are found all those sort of turtle before described. The South Keys of Cuba are above 40 leagues from thence, which is the nearest place that these creatures can come from; and it is most certain that there could not live so many there as come here in one season.
Those that go to lay at Ascension must needs travel much farther; for there is no land nearer it than 300 leagues: and it is certain that these creatures live always near the shore. In the South Sea likewise the Galapagos is the place where they live the biggest part of the year; yet they go from thence at their season over to the Main to lay their eggs; which is 100 leagues the nearest place. Although multitudes of these turtles go from their common places of feeding and abode to those laying-places, yet they do not all go: and at the time when the turtle resort to these places to lay their eggs they are accompanied with abundance of fish, especially sharks; the places which the turtle then leave being at that time destitute of fish, which follow the turtle.
When the she's go thus to their places to lay the male accompany them, and never leave them till they return: both male and female are fat the beginning of the season; but before they return the male, as I said, are so lean that they are not fit to eat, but the female are good to the very last; yet not so fat as at the beginning of the season. It is reported of these creatures that they are nine days engendering, and in the water, the male on the female's back. It is observable that the male, while engendering, do not easily forsake their female: for I have gone and taken hold of the male when engendering: and a very bad striker may strike them then, for the male is not shy at all: but the female, seeing a boat when they rise to blow, would make her escape, but that the male grasps her with his two fore fins, and holds her fast. When they are thus coupled it is best to strike the female first, then you are sure of the male also. These creatures are thought to live to a great age; and it is observed by the Jamaica turtlers that they are many years before they come to their full growth.
THE AIR AND WEATHER AT THE GALAPAGOS.
The air of these islands is temperate enough considering the clime. Here is constantly a fresh sea-breeze all day, and cooling refreshing winds in the night: therefore the heat is not so violent here as in most places near the Equator. The time of the year for the rains is in November, December, and January. Then there is oftentimes excessive hard tempestuous weather, mixed with much thunder and lightning. Sometimes before and after these months there are moderate refreshing showers; but in May, June, July, and August the weather is always very fair.
We stayed at one of these islands which lies under the Equator but one night because our prizes could not get in to anchor. We refreshed ourselves very well both with land and sea-turtles; and the next day we sailed from thence.
SOME OF THE ISLANDS DESCRIBED, THEIR SOIL, ETC.
The next island of the Galapagos that we came to is but two leagues from this: it is rocky and barren like this; it is about five or six leagues long and four broad. We anchored in the afternoon at the north side of the island, a quarter of a mile from the shore in 16 fathom water. It is steep all round this island and no anchoring only at this place. Here it is but ordinary riding; for the ground is so steep that if an anchor starts it never holds again; and the wind is commonly off from the land except in the night when the land-wind comes more from the west, for there it blows right along the shore, though but faintly. Here is no water but in ponds and holes of the rocks.
That which we first anchored at has water on the north end falling down in a stream from high steep rocks upon the sandy bay, where it may be taken up. As soon as we came to an anchor, we made a tent ashore for Captain Cook who was sick. Here we found the sea-turtle lying ashore on the sand; this is not customary in the West Indies. We turned them on their backs that they might not get away. The next day more came up, when we found it to be their custom to lie in the sun: so we never took care to turn them afterwards; but sent ashore the cook every morning, who killed as many as served for the day. This custom we observed all the time we lay here, feeding sometimes on land-turtle, sometimes on sea-turtle, there being plenty of either sort. Captain Davis came hither again a second time; and then he went to other islands on the west side of these. There he found such plenty of land-turtle that he and his men ate nothing else for three months that he stayed there. They were so fat that he saved sixty jars of oil out of those that he spent: this oil served instead of butter to eat with doughboys or dumplings, in his return out of these seas. He found very convenient places to careen, and good channels between the islands; and very good anchoring in many places. There he found also plenty of brooks of good fresh water, and firewood enough, there being plenty of trees fit for many uses. Captain Harris, one that we shall speak of hereafter, came thither likewise, and found some islands that had plenty of mammee-trees, and pretty large rivers. The sea about these islands is plentifully stored with fish such as are at Juan Fernandez. They are both large and fat and as plentiful here as at Juan Fernandez. Here are particularly abundance of sharks. The north part of this second isle we anchored at lies 28 minutes north of the Equator. I took the height of the sun with an astrolabe. These isles of the Galapagos have plenty of salt. We stayed here but 12 days in which time we put ashore 5000 packs of flour for a reserve if we should have occasion of any before we left these seas. Here one of our Indian prisoners informed us that he was born at Realejo, and that he would engage to carry us thither. He being examined of the strength and riches of it satisfied the company so well that they were resolved to go thither.
Having thus concluded; the 12th of June we sailed from hence, designing to touch at the island Cocos, as well to put ashore some flour there as to see the island, because it was in our way to Realejo. We steered north till in latitude 4 degrees 40 minutes, intending then to steer west by north, for we expected to have had the wind at south by east or south-south-east as we had on the south side of the Equator. Thus I had formerly found the winds near the shore in these latitudes; but when we first parted from the Galapagos we had the wind at south, and as we sailed farther north we had the winds at south by west then at south-south-west, winds which we did not expect. We thought at first that the wind would come about again to the south; but when we came to sail off west to the island Cocos we had the wind at south-west by south and could lie but west by north. Yet we stood that course till we were in the latitude 5 degrees 40 minutes north and then despairing, as the winds were, to find the island Cocos, we steered over to the Main; for had we seen the island then, we could not have fetched it, being so far to the north of it.
THE ISLAND COCOS DESCRIBED, CAPE BLANCO, AND THE BAY OF CALDERA; THE SAVANNAHS THERE.
The island Cocos is so named by the Spaniards because there are abundance of coconut-trees growing on it. They are not only in one or two places but grow in great groves, all round the island, by the sea. This is an uninhabited island, it is 7 or 8 leagues round and pretty high in the middle, where it is destitute of trees, but looks very green and pleasant with a herb called by the Spaniards gramadael. It is low land by the seaside.
This island is in 5 degrees 15 minutes north of the Equator; it is environed with rocks, which makes it almost inaccessible: only at the north-east end there is a small harbour where ships may safely enter and ride secure. In this harbour there is a fine brook of fresh water running into the sea. This is the account that the Spaniards give of it, and I had the same also from Captain Eaton, who was there afterward.
Any who like us had not experienced the nature of the winds in these parts might reasonably expect that we could have sailed with a flown sheet to Realejo; but we found ourselves mistaken, for as we came nearer the shore we found the winds right in our teeth. But I shall refer my reader to the Chapter of Winds in the Appendix for a farther account of this.
We had very fair weather and small winds in this voyage from the Galapagos, and at the beginning of July we fell in with Cape Blanco, on the Main of Mexico. This is so called from two white rocks lying off it. When we are off at sea right against the cape they appear as part of the cape; but being near the shore, either to the eastward or westward of the cape, they appear like two ships under sail at first view but, coming nearer, they are like two high towers; they being small, high and steep on all sides, and they are about half a mile from the cape. This cape is in latitude 9 degrees 56 minutes. It is about the height of Beachy Head in England, on the coast of Sussex. It is a full point, with steep rocks to the sea. The top of it is flat and even for about a mile; then it gradually falls away on each side with a gentle descent. It appears very pleasant, being covered with great lofty trees. From the cape on the north-west side the land runs in north-east for about 4 leagues, making a small bay called by the Spaniards Caldera. A league within Cape Blanco, on the north-west side of it and at the entrance of this bay, there is a small brook of very good water running into the sea. Here the land is low, making a saddling between 2 small hills. It is very rich land, producing large tall trees of many sorts; the mould is black and deep, which I have always taken notice of to be a fat soil. About a mile from this brook towards the north-east the woodland terminates. Here the savannah land begins, and runs some leagues into the country, making many small hills and dales. These savannahs are not altogether clear of trees, but are here and there sprinkled with small groves, which render them very delightful. The grass which grows here is very kindly, thick and long; I have seen none better in the West Indies. Toward the bottom of the bay the land by the sea is low and full of mangroves, but farther in the country the land is high and mountainous. The mountains are part woodland, part savannah. The trees in those woods are but small and short; and the mountain savannahs are clothed but with indifferent grass. From the bottom of this bay it is but 14 or 15 leagues to the Lake of Nicaragua on the North Sea coast: the way between is somewhat mountainous, but most savannah.
CAPTAIN COOK DIES.
Captain Cook, who was then sick at Juan Fernandez, continued so till we came within 2 or 3 leagues of Cape Blanco, and then died of a sudden; though he seemed that morning to be as likely to live, as he had been some weeks before; but it is usual with sick men coming from the sea, where they have nothing but the sea air, to die off as soon as ever they come within the view of the land. About four hours after we all came to an anchor (namely the ship that I was in, Captain Eaton, and the great meal prize) a league within the cape, right against the brook of fresh water, in 14 fathom clean hard sand. Presently after we came to an anchor Captain Cook was carried ashore to be buried, twelve men carried their arms to guard those that were ordered to dig the grave: for although we saw no appearance of inhabitants, yet we did not know but the country might be thick inhabited. And before Captain Cook was interred three Spanish Indians came to the place where our men were digging the grave and demanded what they were, and from whence they came? To whom our men answered they came from Lima and were bound to Realejo, but that the captain of one of the ships dying at sea, obliged them to come into this place to give him Christian burial. The three Spanish Indians who were very shy at first began to be very bold and, drawing near, asked many silly questions; and our men did not stick to soothe them up with as many falsehoods, purposely to draw them into their clutches. Our men often laughed at their temerity; and asked them if they never saw any Spaniards before? They told them that they themselves were Spaniards and that they lived among Spaniards, and that although they were born there yet they had never seen 3 ships there before: our men told them that neither now might they have seen so many if it had not been on an urgent occasion. At length they drilled them by discourse so near that our men laid hold on all three at once; but before Captain Cook was buried one of them made his escape, the other two were brought off aboard our ship. Captain Eaton immediately came aboard and examined them; they confessed that they came purposely to view our ship and if possible to inform themselves what we were; for the president of Panama not long before sent a letter of advice to Nicoya, informing the magistrates thereof that some enemies were come into these seas, and that therefore it behoved them to be careful of themselves. Nicoya is a small Mulatto town about 12 or 14 leagues east from hence, standing on the banks of a river of that name. It is a place very fit for building ships, therefore most of the inhabitants are carpenters who are commonly employed in building new or repairing old ships. It was here that Captain Sharp (just after I left him in the year 1681) got carpenters to fix his ship before he returned to England: and for that reason it behoved the Spaniards to be careful (according to the governor of Panama's advice) lest any men at other times wanting such necessaries as that place afforded might again be supplied there.
OF NICOYA, AND A RED WOOD FOR DYEING, AND OTHER COMMODITIES.
These Spanish Indians told us likewise that they were sent to the place where they were taken in order to view our ships, as fearing these were those mentioned by the president of Panama: it being demanded of them to give an account of the estate and riches of the country; they said that the inhabitants were most husbandmen, who were employed either in planting and manuring of corn, or chiefly about cattle; they having large savannahs, which were well stored with bulls, cows and horses; that by the seaside in some places there grew some red-wood, useful in dyeing; of this they said there was little profit made, because they were forced to send it to the Lake of Nicaragua, which runs into the North Seas: that they sent thither also great quantities of bull and cow-hides, and brought from thence in exchange Europe commodities; as hats, linen and woollen, wherewith they clothed themselves; that the flesh of the cattle turned to no other profit than sustenance for their families; as for butter and cheese they make but little in those parts. After they had given this relation they told us that if we wanted provision there was a beef estancia, or farm of bulls and cows, about three mile off where we might kill what we pleased. This was welcome news for we had no sort of flesh since we left the Galapagos; therefore twenty-four of us immediately entered into two boats, taking one of these Spanish Indians with us for a pilot, and went ashore about a league from the ship. There we hauled up our boats dry and marched all away, following our guide, who soon brought us to some houses and a large pen for cattle. This pen stood in a large savannah, about two mile from our boats: there were a great many fat bulls and cows feeding in the savannahs; some of us would have killed three or four to carry on board, but others opposed it, and said it was better to stay all night, and in the morning drive the cattle into the pen, and then kill 20 or 30, or as many as we pleased.
A NARROW ESCAPE OF TWELVE MEN.
I was minded to return aboard, and endeavoured to persuade them all to go with me, but some would not, therefore I returned with 12, which was half, and left the other 12 behind. At this place I saw three or four tun of the redwood; which I take to be that sort of wood, called in Jamaica blood-wood, or Nicaragua-wood. We who returned aboard met no one to oppose us, and the next day we expected our consorts that we left ashore, but none came; therefore at four o'clock in the afternoon ten men went in our canoe to see what was become of them: when they came to the bay where we landed to go to the estancia they found our men all on a small rock, half a mile from the shore, standing in the water up to their waists. These men had slept ashore in the house and turned out betimes in the morning to pen the cattle; 2 or 3 went one way and as many another way to get the cattle to the pen, and others stood at the pen to drive them in. When they were thus scattered about 40 or 50 armed Spaniards came in among them. Our men immediately called to each other and drew together in a body before the Spaniards could attack them; and marched to their boat, which was hauled up dry on the sand. But when they came to the sandy bay they found their boat all in flames. This was a very unpleasing sight for they knew not how to get aboard unless they marched by land to the place where Captain Cook was buried, which was near a league. The greatest part of the way was thick woods, where the Spaniards might easily lay an ambush for them, at which they are very expert. On the other side, the Spaniards now thought them secure; and therefore came to them, and asked them if they would be pleased to walk to their plantations, with many other such flouts; but our men answered never a word. It was about half ebb when one of our men took notice of a rock a good distance from the shore, just appearing above water; he showed it to his consorts, and told them it would be a good castle for them if they could get thither. They all wished themselves there; for the Spaniards, who lay as yet at a good distance from them behind the bushes, as secure of their prey, began to whistle now and then a shot among them. Having therefore well considered the place together with the danger they were in, they proposed to send one of the tallest men to try if the sea between them and the rock were fordable. This counsel they presently put in execution and found it according to their desire. So they all marched over to the rock, where they remained till the canoe came to them; which was about seven hours. It was the latter part of the ebb when they first went over, and then the rock was dry; but when the tide of flood returned again the rock was covered, and the water still flowing; so that if our canoe had stayed but one hour longer they might have been in as great danger of their lives from the sea as before from the Spaniards; for the tide rises here about eight foot. The Spaniards remained on the shore, expecting to see them destroyed, but never came from behind the bushes where they first planted themselves; they having not above 3 or 4 hand-guns, the rest of them being armed with lances. The Spaniards in these parts are very expert in heaving or darting the lance; with which upon occasion, they will do great feats, especially in ambuscades: and by their good will, they care not for fighting otherwise, but content themselves with standing aloof, threatening and calling names, at which they are as expert as the other; so that if their tongues be quiet, we always take it for granted they have laid some ambush. Before night our canoe came aboard, and brought our men all safe. The next day two canoes were sent to the bottom of the bay to seek for a large canoe, which we were informed was there. The Spaniards have neither ships nor barks here, and but a few canoes, which they seldom use: neither are there any fishermen here, as I judge, because fish is very scarce; for I never saw any here, neither could any of our men ever take any; and yet wherever we come to an anchor we always send out our strikers, and put our hooks and lines overboard, to try for fish. The next day our men returned out of the bay and brought the canoe with them, which they were sent for, and three or four days afterwards the two canoes were sent out again for another, which they likewise brought aboard. These canoes were fitted with thwarts or benches, straps and oars fit for service; and one of these Captain Eaton had for his share, and we the other, which we fixed for landing men when occasion required.
LANCE-WOOD.
While we lay here we filled our water and cut a great many looms, or handles, or staves for oars; for here is plenty of lance-wood, which is most proper for that use. I never saw any in the South Seas but in this place: there is plenty of it in Jamaica, especially at a place called Bluefields (not Bluefield's River which is on the Main) near the west end of that island. The lance-wood grows straight like our young ash; it is very hard, tough, and heavy, therefore privateers esteem it very much, not only to make looms for oars, but scouring-rods for their guns; for they have seldom less than three or four spare rods for fear one should break, and they are much better than rods made of ash.
The day before we went from hence Mr. Edward Davis, the company's quartermaster, was made Captain by consent of all the company; for it was his place by succession. The 20th day of July we sailed from this bay of Caldera with Captain Eaton and our prize which we brought from Galapagos in company, directing our course for Realejo. The wind was at north, which although but an ordinary wind yet carried us in three days abreast of our intended port.
VOLCAN VIEJO, A BURNING MOUNTAIN ON THE COAST OF REALEJO.
Realejo is the most remarkable land on all this coast, for there is a high peaked burning mountain, called by the Spaniards Volcan Viejo, or the Old Volcano. This must be brought to bear north-east then steer in directly with the mountain, and that course will bring you to the harbour. The sea-winds are here at south-south-west, therefore ships that come hither must take the sea-winds, for there is no going in with the land-wind. The volcano may be easily known, because there is not any other so high a mountain near it, neither is there any that appears in the like form all along the coast; besides it smokes all the day, and in the night it sometimes sends forth flames of fire. This mountain may be seen twenty leagues; being within three leagues of the harbour, the entrance into it may be seen; there is a small flat low island which makes the harbour. It is about a mile long and a quarter of a mile broad, and is from the Main about a mile and a half. There is a channel at each end of the island, the west channel is the widest and safest, yet at the north-west point of the island there is a shoal which ships must take heed of going in. Being past that shoal, you must keep close to the island, for there is a whole sandy point strikes over from the Main almost half way. The east channel is not so wide, besides there runs a stronger tide; therefore ships seldom or never go in that way. This harbour is capable of receiving 200 sail of ships; the best riding is near the Main, where there is seven or eight fathom water, clean hard sand.
Realejo Town is two leagues from hence, and there are 2 creeks that run towards it; the westermost comes near the back side of the town, the other runs up to the town, but neither ships nor barks can go so far. These creeks are very narrow, and the land on each side drowned and full of red mangrove-trees. About a mile and a half below the town, on the banks of the east creek, the Spaniards had cast up a strong breast-work; it was likewise reported they had another on the west creek, both so advantageously placed that ten men might with ease keep 200 men from landing. I shall give a description of the town in my return hither, and therefore forbear to do it here. Wherefore, to resume the thread of our course, we were now in sight of the volcano, being by estimation 7 or 8 leagues from the shore, and the mountain bearing north-east we took in our topsails and hauled up our courses, intending to go with our canoes into the harbour in the night.
A TORNADO.
In the evening we had a very hard tornado out of the north-east with much thunder, lightning, and rain. The violence of the wind did not last long, yet it was 11 o'clock at night before we got out our canoes, and then it was quite calm. We rowed in directly for the shore and thought to have reached it before day, but it was 9 o'clock in the morning before we got into the harbour.
THE ISLAND AND HARBOUR OF REALEJO.
When we came within a league of the island of Realejo, that makes the harbour, we saw a house on it, and coming nearer we saw two or three men, who stood and looked on us till we came within half a mile of the island, then they went into their canoe, which lay on the inside of the island, and rowed towards the Main; but we overtook them before they got over, and brought them back again to the island. There was a horseman right against us on the Main when we took the canoe, who immediately rode away towards the town as fast as he could. The rest of our canoes rowed heavily and did not come to the island till 12 o'clock, therefore we were forced to stay for them. Before they came we examined the prisoners who told us that they were set there to watch, for the governor of Realejo received a letter about a month before, wherein he was advised of some enemies come into the sea, and therefore admonished him to be careful; that immediately thereupon the governor had caused a house to be built on this island, and ordered four men to be continually there to watch night and day; and if they saw any ship coming thither they were to give notice of it. They said they did not expect to see boats or canoes, but looked out for a ship. At first they took us in our advanced canoe to be some men that had been cast away and lost our ship; till, seeing 3 or 4 canoes more, they began to suspect what we were. They told us likewise that the horseman which we saw did come to them every morning, and that in less than an hour's time he could be at the town. When Captain Eaton and his canoes came ashore we told them what had happened. It was now three hours since the horseman rode away, and we could not expect to get to the town in less than two hours; in which time the governor having notice of our coming might be provided to receive us at his breast-works; therefore we thought it best to defer this design till another time.
THE GULF OF AMAPALLA AND POINT GASIVINA.
There is a fine spring of fresh water on the island; there are some trees also, but the biggest part is savannah, whereon is good grass, though there is no sort of beast to eat it. This island is in latitude 12 degrees 10 minutes north. Here we stayed till 4 o'clock in the afternoon; then, our ships being come within a league of the shore, we all went on board, and steered for the Gulf of Amapalla, intending there to careen our ships.
The 26th of July Captain Eaton came aboard our ship to consult with Captain Davis how to get some Indians to assist us in careening: it was concluded that, when we came near the gulf, Captain Davis should take two canoes well manned and go before, and Captain Eaton should stay aboard. According to this agreement Captain Davis went away for the gulf the next day.
ISLES OF MANGERA AND AMAPALLA.
The Gulf of Amapalla is a great arm of the sea running 8 or 10 leagues into the country. It is bounded on the south side of its entrance with Point Casivina, and on the north-west side with St. Michael's Mount. Both these places are very remarkable: Point Casivina is in latitude 12 degrees 40 minutes north: it is a high round point which at sea appears like an island; because the land within it is very low. St. Michael's Mount is a very high peaked hill, not very steep: the land at the foot of it on the south-east side is low and even, for at least a mile. From this low land the Gulf of Amapalla enters on that side. Between this low land and Point Casivina there are two considerable high islands; the southermost is called Mangera, the other is called Amapalla; and they are two miles asunder.
Mangera is a high round island, about 2 leagues in compass, appearing like a tall grove. It is environed with rocks all round, only a small cove, or sandy bay, on the north-east side. The mould and soil of this island is black, but not deep; it is mixed with stones, yet very productive of large tall timber trees.
THE INDIAN INHABITANTS.
In the middle of the island there is an Indian town, and a fair Spanish church. The Indians have plantations of maize round the town, and some plantains: they have a few cocks and hens, but no other sort of tame fowl; neither have they any sort of beast, but cats and dogs. There is a path from the town to the sandy bay, but the way is steep and rocky. At this sandy bay there are always 10 or 12 canoes lie hauled up dry, except when they are in use.
Amapalla is a larger island than Mangera; the soil much the same. There are two towns on it, about two miles asunder; one on the north side, the other on the east side: that on the east side is not above a mile from the sea; it stands on a plain on the top of a hill, the path to it is so steep and rocky that a few men might keep down a great number only with stones. There is a very fair church standing in the midst of the town. The other town is not so big, yet it has a good handsome church. One thing I have observed in all the Indian towns under the Spanish government, as well in these parts in the Bay of Campeachy and elsewhere, that the images of the Virgin Mary and other saints (with which all their churches were filled) are still painted in an Indian complexion, and partly in that dress; but in those towns which are inhabited chiefly by Spaniards, the saints also conform themselves to the Spanish garb and complexion.
HOG-PLUM-TREE.
The houses here are but mean; the Indians of both plains have good field maize, remote from the town: they have but few plantains, but they have abundance of large hog-plum-trees growing about their houses. The tree that bears this fruit is as big as our largest plum-tree: the leaf is of a dark green colour and as broad as the leaf of a plum-tree; but they are shaped like the hawthorn leaf. The trees are very brittle wood; the fruit is oval, and as big as a small horse-plum. It is at first very green, but when it is ripe one side is yellow, the other red. It has a great stone, and but little substance about it: the fruit is pleasant enough; but I do not, remember that ever I saw one thoroughly ripe that had not a maggot or two in it. I do not remember that I did ever see any of this fruit in the South Seas but at this place. In the Bay of Campeachy they are very plentiful, and in Jamaica they plant them to fence their ground. These Indians have also some fowls, as those at Mangera: no Spaniards dwell among them but only one padre or priest, who serves for all three towns; these two at Amapalla and that at Mangera. They are under the governor of the town of St. Michael's, at the foot of St. Michael's Mount, to whom they pay their tribute in maize; being extremely poor, yet very contented. They have nothing to make money of but their plantations of maize and their fowls; the padre or friar has his tenths of it, and knows to a peck how much every man has, and how many fowls, of which they dare not kill one, though they are sick, without leave from him. There was (as I said) never another white man on these islands but the friar. He could speak the Indian language, as all friars must that live among them. In this vast country of America there are divers nations of Indians, different in their language, therefore those friars that are minded to live among any nations of Indians must learn the language of those people they propose to teach. Although these here are but poor, yet the Indians in many other places have great riches which the Spaniards draw from them for trifles: in such places the friars get plentiful incomes; as particularly in the Bay of Campeachy, where the Indians have large cocoa-walks; or in other places where they plant cochineel-trees, or silvester-trees; or where they gather vinelloes, and in such places where they gather gold. In such places as these the friars do get a great deal of wealth. There was but one of all the Indians on both these islands that could speak Spanish; he could write Spanish also, being bred up purposely to keep the registers and books of account: he was secretary to both islands. They had a casica too (a small sort of magistrate the Indians have amongst themselves) but he could neither write nor speak Spanish.
OTHER ISLANDS IN THE GULF OF AMAPALLA.
There are a great many more islands in this bay, but none inhabited as these. There is one pretty large island belonging to a nunnery, as the Indians told us, this was stocked with bulls and cows; there were 3 or 4 Indians lived there to look after the cattle, for the sake of which we often frequented this island while we lay in the bay: they are all low islands except Amapalla and Mangera. There are two channels to come into this gulf, one between Point Casivina and Mangera, the other between Mangera and Amapalla: the latter is the best. The riding-place is on the east side of Amapalla, right against a spot of low ground; for all the island except this one place is high land. Running in farther ships may anchor near the Main, on the north-east side of the island Amapalla. This is the place most frequented by Spaniards: it is called the Port of Martin Lopez. This gulf or lake runs in some leagues beyond all the islands; but it is shoal water and not capable of ships.
It was into this gulf that Captain Davis was gone with the two canoes to endeavour for a prisoner, to gain intelligence, if possible, before our ships came in: he came the first night to Mangera, but for want of a pilot did not know where to look for the town. In the morning he found a great many canoes hauled up on the bay; and from that bay found a path which led him and his company to the town. The Indians saw our ships in the evening coming towards the island, and, being before informed of enemies in the sea, they kept scouts out all night for fear: who, seeing Captain Davis coming, ran into the town, and alarmed all the people. When Captain Davis came thither they all run into the woods. The friar happened to be there at this time; who, being unable to ramble into the woods, fell into Captain Davis's hands: there were two Indian boys with him who were likewise taken. Captain Davis went only to get a prisoner, therefore was well satisfied with the friar, and immediately came down to the seaside. He went from thence to the island Amapalla, carrying the friar and the two Indian boys with him. These were his pilots to conduct him to the landing-place, where they arrived about noon. They made no stay here, but left three or four men to look after the canoes, and Captain Davis with the rest marched to the town, taking the friar with them. The town, as is before noted, is about a mile from the landing-place, standing in a plain on the top of a hill, having a very steep ascent to go to it. All the Indians stood on the top of the hill waiting Captain Davis's coming.
The secretary, mentioned before, had no great kindness for the Spaniards. It was he that persuaded the Indians to wait Captain Davis's coming; for they were all running into the woods; but he told them that if any of the Spaniard's enemies came thither it was not to hurt them, but the Spaniards whose slaves they were; and that their poverty would protect them. This man with the casica stood more forward than the rest, at the bank of the hill, when Captain Davis with his company appeared beneath. They called out therefore in Spanish, demanding of our men what they were, and from whence they came? To whom Captain Davis and his men replied they were Biscayers, and that they were sent thither by the king of Spain to clear those seas from enemies; that their ships were coming into the gulf to careen, and that they came thither before the ships to seek a convenient place for it, as also to desire the Indian's assistance. The secretary, who, as I said before, was the only man that could speak Spanish, told them that they were welcome, for he had a great respect for any Old Spain men, especially for the Biscayers, of whom he had heard a very honourable report; therefore he desired them to come up to their town. Captain Davis and his men immediately ascending the hill, the friar going before; and they were received with a great deal of affection by the Indians. The casica and secretary embraced Captain Davis, and the other Indians received his men with the like ceremony. These salutations being ended, they all marched towards the church, for that is the place of all public meetings, and all plays and pastimes are acted there also; therefore in the churches belonging to Indian towns they have all sorts of vizards, and strange antick dresses both for men and women, and abundance of musical hautboys and strumstrums. The strumstrum is made somewhat like a sittern; most of those that the Indians use are made of a large gourd cut in the midst, and a thin board laid over the hollow, and which is fastened to the sides; this serves for the belly; over which the strings are placed. The nights before any holidays, or the nights ensuing, are the times when they all meet to make merry. Their mirth consists in singing, dancing, and sporting in those antick habits, and using as many antick gestures. If the moon shine they use but few torches, if not, the church is full of light. There meet at these times all sorts of both sexes. All the Indians that I have been acquainted with who are under the Spaniards seem to be more melancholy than other Indians that are free; and at these public meetings, when they are in the greatest of their jollity, their mirth seems to be rather forced than real. Their songs are very melancholy and doleful; so is their music: but whether it be natural to the Indians to be thus melancholy, or the effect of their slavery, I am not certain: but I have always been prone to believe that they are then only condoling their misfortunes, the loss of their country and liberties: which although these that are now living do not know, nor remember what it was to be free, yet there seems to be a deep impression of the thoughts of the slavery which the Spaniards have brought them under, increased probably by some traditions of their ancient freedom.
Captain Davis intended when they were all in the church to shut the doors and then make a bargain with them, letting them know what he was, and so draw them afterwards by fair means to our assistance: the friar being with him, who had also promised to engage them to it: but before they were all in the church, one of Captain Davis's men pushed one of the Indians to hasten him into the church. The Indian immediately ran away, and all the rest taking the alarm sprang out of the church like deer; it was hard to say which was first: and Captain Davis, who knew nothing of what happened, was left in the church only with the friar. When they were all fled, Captain Davis's men fired and killed the secretary; and thus our hopes perished by the indiscretion of one foolish fellow.
CAPTAIN EATON AND CAPTAIN DAVIS CAREEN THEIR SHIPS HERE, AND AFTERWARDS PART.
In the afternoon the ships came into the gulf between Point Casivina and Mangera, and anchored near the island Amapalla on the east side in 10 fathom water, clean hard sand. In the evening Captain Davis and his company came aboard, and brought the friar with them; who told Captain Davis that if the secretary had not been killed he could have sent him a letter by one of the Indians that was taken at Mangera, and persuaded him to come to us; but now the only way was to send one of those Indians to seek the casica, and that himself would instruct him what to say, and did not question but the casica would come in on his word. The next day we sent ashore one of the Indians, who before night returned with the casica and six other Indians, who remained with us all the time that we stayed here. These Indians did us good service; especially in piloting us to an island where we killed beef whenever we wanted; and for this their service we satisfied them to their hearts' content. It was at this island Amapalla that a party of Englishmen and Frenchmen came afterwards, and stayed a great while, and at last landed on the Main, and marched overland to the Cape River, which disembogues into the North Seas near Cape Gracias a Dios, and is therefore called the Cape River: near the head of this river they made bark-logs (which I shall describe in the next chapter) and so went into the North Seas. This was the way that Captain Sharp had proposed to go if he had been put to it; for this way was partly known by privateers by the discovery that was made into the country about 30 years since, by a party of Englishmen that went up that river in canoes, about as far as the place where these Frenchmen made their bark-logs: there they landed and marched to a town called Segovia in the country. They were near a month getting up the river, for there were many cataracts where they were often forced to leave the river and haul their canoes ashore over the land till they were past the cataracts, and then launch their canoes again into the river. I have discoursed several men that were in that expedition, and if I mistake not Captain Sharp was one of them. But to return to our voyage in hand; when both our ships were clean and our water filled Captain Davis and Captain Eaton broke off consortships. Captain Eaton took aboard of his ship 400 packs of flour, and sailed out of the gulf the second day of September.
THEY DEPART FROM AMAPALLA.
The third day of September 1684 we sent the friar ashore and left the Indians in possession of the prize which we brought in hither, though she was still half laden with flour, and we sailed out with the land-wind, passing between Amapalla and Mangera. When we were a league out we saw a canoe coming with sail and oars after us; therefore we shortened sail and stayed for her. She was a canoe sent by the governor of St. Michael's Town to our captain, desiring him not to carry away the friar. The messenger being told that the friar was set ashore again at Amapalla he returned with joy, and we made sail again, having the wind at west-north-west.
TORNADOES.
We steered towards the coast of Peru; we had tornadoes every day till we made Cape San Francisco, which from June to November are very common on these coasts; and we had with the tornadoes very much thunder, lightning, and rain. When the tornadoes were over the winds, which while they lasted was most from the south-east, came about again to the west, and never failed us till we were in sight of Cape San Francisco, where we found the wind at south with fair weather.
CAPE SAN FRANCISCO.
This cape is in latitude 01 degrees 00 north. It is a high bluff, or full point of land, clothed with tall great trees. Passing by this point, coming from the north, you will see a small low point which you might suppose to be the cape; but you are then past it, and presently afterwards it appears with three points. The land in the country within this cape is very high, and the mountains commonly appear very black.
THEY MEET CAPTAIN EATON, AND PART AGAIN.
When we came in with this cape we overtook Captain Eaton, plying under the shore: he in his passage from Amapalla, while he was on that coast, met with such terrible tornadoes of thunder and lightning that, as he and all his men related, they had never met with the like in any place. They were very much affrighted by them, the air smelling very much of sulphur, and they apprehending themselves in great danger of being burnt by the lightning. He touched at the island Cocos, and put ashore 200 packs of flour there, and loaded his boat with coconuts, and took in fresh water. In the evening we separated again from Captain Eaton; for he stood off to sea and we plied up under the shore, making our best advantage both of sea and land-winds. The sea-winds are here at south, the land-winds at south-south-east, but sometimes when we came abreast of the river we should have the wind at south-east.
ISLE OF PLATA DESCRIBED.
The 20th day of September we came to the island Plata, and anchored in 16 fathom. We had very good weather from the time that we fell in with Cape San Francisco; and were now fallen in again with the same places from whence I begin the account of this voyage in the first chapter, having now compassed in the whole continent of the South America.
The island Plata, as some report, was so named by the Spaniards after Sir Francis Drake took the Cacafoga, a ship chiefly laden with plate, which they say he brought hither and divided it here with his men. It is about four mile long, and a mile and a half broad, and of a good height. It is bounded with high steep cliffs clear round, only at one place on the east side. The top of it is flat and even, the soil sandy and dry: the trees it produces are but small-bodied, low, and grow thin; and there are only three or four sorts of trees, all unknown to us. I observed they were much overgrown with long moss. There is good grass, especially in the beginning of the year. There is no water on this island but at one place on the east side, close by the sea; there it drills slowly down from the rocks, where it may be received into vessels. There was plenty of goats but they are now all destroyed. There is no other sort of land-animal that I did ever see: here are plenty of boobies and men-of-war-birds. The anchoring-place is on the east side near the middle of the island close by the shore, within 2 cables' length of the sandy bay: there is about 18 or 20 fathom good fast oazy ground and smooth water; for the south-east point of the island shelters from the south winds which constantly blow here. From the south-east point there strikes out a small shoal a quarter of a mile into the sea, where there is commonly a great rippling or working of short waves during all the flood. The tide runs pretty strong, the flood to the south and the ebb to the north. There is good landing on the sandy bay against the anchoring-place, from whence you may go up into the island, and at no place besides. There are 2 or 3 high, steep, small rocks at the south-east point, not a cable's length from the island; and another much bigger at the north-east end: it is deep water all round, but at the anchoring-place, and at the shoal at the south-east point. This island lies in latitude 01 degrees 10 minutes south. It is distant from Cape San Lorenzo 4 or 5 leagues, bearing from it west-south-west and half a point westerly. At this island are plenty of those small sea-turtle spoken of in my last chapter.
ANOTHER MEETING WITH CAPTAIN EATON, AND THEIR FINAL PARTING.
The 21st day Captain Eaton came to an anchor by us: he was very willing to have consorted with us again; but Captain Davis's men were so unreasonable that they would not allow Captain Eaton's men an equal share with them in what they got: therefore Captain Eaton stayed here but one night, and the next day sailed from hence, steering away to the southward. We stayed no longer than the day ensuing, and then we sailed towards Point Santa Helena, intending there to land some men purposely to get prisoners for intelligence.
POINT SANTA HELENA.
Point Santa Helena bears south from the island Plata. It lies in latitude 2 degrees 15 minutes south. The point is pretty high, flat, and even at top, overgrown with many great thistles, but no sort of tree; at a distance it appears like an island because the land within it is very low.
This point strikes out west into the sea, making a pretty large bay on the north side. A mile within the point on the sandy bay close by the sea there is a poor small Indian village called Santa Helena; the land about it is low, sandy and barren, there are no trees nor grass growing near it; neither do the Indians produce any fruit, grain, or plant but watermelons only, which are large and very sweet. There is no fresh water at this place nor near it; therefore the inhabitants are obliged to fetch all their water from the river Colanche, which is in the bottom of the bay, about 4 leagues from it.
ALGATRANE, A SORT OF TAR.
Not far from this town, on the bay close by the sea, about 5 paces from high-water mark, there is a sort of bituminous matter boils out of a little hole in the earth; it is like thin tar: the Spaniards call it algatrane. By much boiling it becomes hard like pitch. It is frequently used by the Spaniards instead of pitch; and the Indians that inhabit here save it in jars. It boils up most at high water; and then the Indians are ready to receive it. These Indians are fishermen and go out to sea on bark-logs. Their chief subsistence is maize, most of which they get from ships that come hither from Algatrane. There is good anchoring to leeward of the point right against the village: but on the west side of the point it is deep water and no anchoring.
A SPANISH WRECK.
The Spaniards do report that there was once a very rich ship driven ashore here in calm for want of wind to work her. As soon as ever she struck she heeled off to sea, 7 or 8 fathom water, where she lies to this day; none having attempted to fish for her, because she lies deep, and there falls in here a great high sea.
CRUISINGS.
When we were abreast of this point, we sent away our canoes in the night to take the Indian village. They landed in the morning betimes close by the town and took some prisoners. They took likewise a small bark which the Indians had set on fire, but our men quenched it and took the Indians that did it; who being asked wherefore he set the bark on fire said that there was an order from the viceroy lately set out commanding all seamen to burn their vessels if attacked by us, and betake themselves to their boats. There was another bark in a small cove a mile from the village, thither our men went, thinking to take her, but the seamen that were aboard set her in flames and fled: in the evening our men came aboard and brought the small bark with them, the fire of which they had quenched; and then we returned again towards Plata; where we arrived the 26th day of September.
MANTA, NEAR CAPE SAN LORENZO.
In the evening we sent out some men in our bark lately taken, and canoes, to an Indian village called Manta, two or three leagues to the westward of Cape San Lorenzo; hoping there to get other prisoners, for we could not learn from those we took at Point Santa Helena the reason why the viceroy should give such orders to burn the ships. They had a fresh sea-breeze till about 12 o'clock at night, and then it proved calm; wherefore they rowed away with their canoes as near to the town as they thought convenient, and lay still till day.
Manta is a small Indian village on the Main, distant from the island Plata 7 or 8 leagues. It stands so advantageously to be seen, being built on a small ascent, that it makes a very fair prospect to the sea; yet but a few poor scattering Indian houses. There is a very fine church, adorned with a great deal of carved work. It was formerly a habitation for Spaniards, but they are all removed from hence now. The land about it is dry and sandy, bearing only a few shrubby trees. These Indians plant no manner of grain or root, but are supplied from other places; and commonly keep a stock of provision to relieve ships that want; for this is the first settlement that ships can touch at which come from Panama bound to Lima, or any other port in Peru. The land, being dry and sandy, is not fit to produce crops of maize; which is the reason they plant none. There is a spring of good water between the village and the sea.
MONTE CHRISTO.
On the back of the town, a pretty way up in the country, there is a very high mountain, towering up like a sugar-loaf, called Monte Christo. It is a very good sea-mark, for there is none like it on all the coast. The body of this mountain bears due south from Manta. About a mile and a half from the shore, right against the village, there is a rock, which is very dangerous, because it never appears above water; neither does the sea break on it, because there is seldom any great sea; yet it is now so well known that all ships bound to this place do easily avoid it. A mile within this rock there is good anchoring in 6, 8, or 10 fathom water, good hard sand and clear ground. And a mile from the road on the west side there is a shoal running out a mile into the sea. From Manta to Cape San Lorenzo the land is plain and even, of an indifferent height. [See a farther account of these coasts in the Appendix.]
CRUISINGS.
As soon as ever the day appeared our men landed, and marched towards the village, which was about a mile and a half from their landing-place: some of the Indians who were stirring saw them coming and alarmed their neighbours; so that all that were able got away. They took only two old women who both said that it was reported that a great many enemies were come overland through the country of Darien into the South Seas, and that they were at present in canoes and periagos: and that the viceroy upon this news had set out the forementioned order for burning their own ships. Our men found no sort of provision here; the viceroy having likewise sent orders to all sea ports to keep no provision, but to just supply themselves. These women also said that the Manta Indians were sent over to the island Plata to destroy all the goats there; which they performed about a month agone. With this news our men returned again, and arrived at Plata the next day.
We lay still at the island Plata, being not resolved what to do; till the 2nd day of October, and then Captain Swan in the Cygnet of London arrived there. He was fitted out by very eminent merchants of that city, on a design only to trade with the Spaniards or Indians, having a very considerable cargo well sorted for these parts of the world; but meeting with divers disappointments and, being out of hopes to obtain a trade in these seas, his men forced him to entertain a company of privateers which he met with near Nicoya, a town whither he was going to seek a trade, and these privateers were bound thither in boats to get a ship. These were the men that we had heard of at Manta; they came overland under the command of Captain Peter Harris, nephew to that Captain Harris who was killed before Panama. Captain Swan was still commander of his own ship, and Captain Harris commanded a small bark under Captain Swan. There was much joy on all sides when they arrived; and immediately hereupon Captain Davis and Captain Swan consorted, wishing for Captain Eaton again. Our little bark, which was taken at Santa Helena, was immediately sent out to cruise, while the ships were fitting; for Captain Swan's ship being full of goods was not fit to entertain his new guest till the goods were disposed of; therefore he by the consent of the supercargo got up all his goods on deck, and sold to anyone that would buy upon trust: the rest was thrown overboard into the sea except fine goods, as silks, muslins, stockings, etc., and except the iron, whereof he had a good quantity, both wrought and in bars: this was saved for ballast.
The third day after our bark was sent to cruise she brought in a prize of 400 tuns, laden with timber: they took her in the Bay of Guayaquil; she came from a town of that name and was bound to Lima. The commander of this prize said that it was generally reported and believed at Guayaquil that the viceroy was fitting out 10 sail of frigates to drive us out of these seas. This news made our unsettled crew wish that they had been persuaded to accept of Captain Eaton's company on reasonable terms. Captain Davis and Captain Swan had some discourse concerning Captain Eaton; they at last concluded to send our small bark towards the coast of Lima, as far as the island Lobos, to seek Captain Eaton. This being approved by all hands she was cleaned the next day and sent away, manned with twenty men, ten of Captain Davis's, and ten of Swan's men, and Captain Swan writ a letter directed to Captain Eaton, desiring his company, and the isle of Plata was appointed for the general rendezvous. When this bark was gone we turned another bark which we had into a fire-ship; having six or seven carpenters who soon fixed her; and while the carpenters were at work about the fire-ship we scrubbed and cleaned our men-of-war as well as time and place would permit.
The 19th day of October we finished our business, and the 20th day we sailed towards the island Lobos, where our bark was ordered to stay for us, or meet us again at Plata. We had but little wind, therefore it was the 23rd day before we passed by Point Santa Helena. The 25th day we crossed over the Bay of Guayaquil.
CAPE BLANCO.
The 30th day we doubled Cape Blanco. This cape is in latitude 3 degrees 45 minutes. It is counted the worst cape in all the South Seas to double, passing to the southward; for in all other places ships may stand off to sea 20 or 30 leagues off if they find they cannot get anything under the shore; but here they dare not do it: for, by relation of the Spaniards, they find a current setting north-west which will carry a ship off more in two hours than they can run in again in five. Besides, setting to the northward they lose ground: therefore they always beat up in under the shore, which ofttimes they find very difficult because the wind commonly blows very strong at south-south-west or south by west without altering; for here are never any land-winds. This cape is of an indifferent height: it is fenced with white rocks to the sea; for which reason, I believe, it has this name. The land in the country seems to be full of high, steep, rugged and barren rocks.
PAYTA.
The 2nd day of November we got as high as Payta: we lay about six leagues off shore all the day, that the Spaniards might not see us; and in the evening sent our canoes ashore to take it, manned with 110 men.
Payta is a small Spanish sea port town in the latitude of 5 degrees 15 minutes. It is built on the sand, close by the sea, in a nook, elbow, or small bay, under a pretty high hill. There are not above 75 or 80 houses and two churches. The houses are but low and ill built.
THE BUILDINGS IN PERU.
The building in this country of Peru is much alike on all the sea-coast. The walls are built of brick made with earth and straw kneaded together: they are about three foot long, two foot broad, and a foot and a half thick: they never burn them, but lay them a long time in the sun to dry before they are used in building. In some places they have no roofs, only poles laid across from the side walls and covered with mats; and then those walls are carried up to a considerable height. But where they build roofs upon their houses the walls are not made so high, as I said before. The houses in general all over this kingdom are but meanly built, one chief reason, with the common people especially, is the want of materials to build withal; for however it be more within land, yet here is neither stone nor timber to build with, nor any materials but such brick as I have described; and even the stone which they have in some places is so brittle that you may rub it into sand with your fingers. Another reason why they build so meanly is because it never rains; therefore they only endeavour to fence themselves from the sun. Yet their walls, which are built but with an ordinary sort of brick in comparison with what is made in other parts of the world, continue a long time as firm as when first made, having never any winds nor rains to rot, moulder, or shake them. However, the richer sort have timber, which they make use of in building; but it is brought from other places.
THE SOIL OF PERU.
This dry country commences to the northward, from about Cape Blanco to Coquimbo, in about 30 degrees south, having no rain that I could ever observe or hear of; nor any green thing growing in the mountains: neither yet in the valleys, except where here and there watered with a few small rivers dispersed up and down. So that the northermost parts of this tract of land are supplied with timber from Guayaquil, Gallo, Tornato, and other places that are watered with rains; where there are plenty of all sorts of timber. In the south parts, as about Guasco and Coquimbo, they fetch their timber from the island Chiloe, or other places thereabouts. The walls of churches and rich men's houses are whitened with lime, both within and without; and the doors and posts are very large, and adorned with carved work, and the beams also in the churches: the inside of the houses are hung round with rich embroidered or painted cloths. They have likewise abundance of fine pictures, which adds no small ornament to their houses: these, I suppose, they have from Old Spain. But the houses of Payta are none of them so richly furnished. The churches were large and fairly carved: at one end of the town there was a small fort close by the sea, but no great guns in it. This fort, only with muskets, will command all the bay so as to hinder any boats from landing. There is another fort on the top of the hill, just over the town, which commands both it and the lower fort.
COLAN.
There is neither wood nor water to be had there: they fetch their water from an Indian town called Colan, about two leagues north-north-east from Payta: for at Colan there is a small river of fresh water which runs out into the sea; from whence ships that touch at Payta are supplied with water and other refreshments, as fowls, hogs, plantains, yams, and maize: Payta being destitute of all these things, only as they fetch them from Colan, as they have occasion.
BARK LOGS DESCRIBED.
The Indians of Colan are all fishermen: they go out to sea and fish from bark-logs. Bark-logs are made of many round logs of wood, in manner of a raft, and very different according to the use that they are designed for, or the humour of the people that make them, or the matter that they are made of. If they are made for fishing then they are only 3 or 4 logs of light wood, of 7 or 8 foot long, placed by the side of each other, pinned fast together with wooden pins and bound hard with withes. The logs are so placed that the middlemost are longer than those by the sides, especially at the head or fore part, which grows narrower gradually into an angle or point, the better to cut through the water. Others are made to carry goods: the bottom of these is made of 20 or 30 great trees of about 20, 30, or 40 foot long, fastened like the other, side to side, and so shaped: on the top of these they place another shorter row of trees across them, pinned fast to each other and then pinned to the undermost row: this double row of planks makes the bottom of the float, and of a considerable breadth. From this bottom the raft is raised to about 10 foot higher, with rows of posts sometimes set upright, and supporting a floor or two: but those I observed were raised by thick trees laid across each other, as in wood-piles; only not close together as in the bottom of the float, but at the ends and sides only, so as to leave the middle all hollow like a chamber; except that here and there a beam goes across it to keep the float more compact. In this hollow at about 4 foot height from the beams at the bottom they lay small poles along and close together to make a floor for another room, on the top of which also they lay another such floor made of poles; and the entrances into both these rooms is only by creeping between the great traverse trees which make the walls of this sea-house. The lowest of these storeys serves as a cellar: there they lay great stones for ballast, and their jars of fresh water closed up, and whatever may bear being wet; for, by the weight of the ballast and cargo, the bottom of this room, and of the whole vessel, is sunk so deep as to lie 2 or 3 feet within the surface of the water. The second story is for the seamen and their necessaries. Above this second story the goods are stowed to what height they please, usually about 8 or 10 feet, and kept together by poles set upright quite round: only there is a little space abaft for the steersmen (for they have a large rudder) and afore for the fire-hearth, to dress their victuals, especially when they make long voyages, as from Lima to Truxillo, or Guayaquil, or Panama, which last voyage is 5 or 600 leagues. In the midst of all, among the goods, rises a mast, to which is fastened a large sail, as in our West Country barges in the Thames. They always go before the wind, being unable to ply against it; and therefore are fit only for these seas, where the wind is always in a manner the same, not varying above a point or two all the way from Lima, till such time as they come into the Bay of Panama: and even there they meet with no great sea; but sometimes northerly winds; and then they lower their sails, and drive before it, waiting a change. All their care then is only to keep off from shore; for they are so made that they cannot sink at sea. These rafts carry 60 or 70 tuns of goods and upwards; their cargo is chiefly wine, oil, flour, sugar, Quito-cloth, soap, goat-skins dressed, etc. The float is managed usually by 3 or 4 men, who, being unable to return with it against the trade-wind, when they come to Panama dispose of the goods and bottom together; getting a passage back again for themselves in some ship or boat bound to the port they came from; and there they make a new bark-log for their next cargo.
The smaller sort of bark-logs, described before, which lie flat on the water and are used for fishing, or carrying water to ships, or the like (half a tun or a tun at a time) are more governable than the other, though they have masts and sails too. With these they go out at night by the help of the land-wind (which is seldom wanting on this coast) and return back in the daytime with the sea-wind.
This sort of floats are used in many places both in the East and West Indies. On the coast of Coromandel in the East Indies they call them catamarans. These are but one log, or two sometimes of a sort of light wood, and are made without sail or rudder, and so small that they carry but one man, whose legs and breech are always in the water, and he manages his log with a paddle, appearing at a distance like a man sitting on a fish's back.
PIURA.
The country about Payta is mountainous and barren like all the rest of the Kingdom of Peru. There is no town of consequence nearer it than Piura, which is a large town in the country 40 miles distant. It lies, by report of our Spanish prisoners, in a valley which is watered with a small river that disembogues itself into the Bay of Chirapee, in about 7 degrees of north latitude. This bay is nearer to Piura than Payta; yet all goods imported by sea for Piura are landed at Payta, for the bay of Chirapee is full of dangerous shoals, and therefore not frequented by shipping.
THE ROAD OF PAYTA.
The road of Payta is one of the best on the coast of Peru. It is sheltered from the south-west by a point of land which makes a large bay and smooth water for ships to ride in. There is room enough for a good fleet of ships, and good anchoring in any depth, from 6 fathom water to 20 fathom. Right against the town, the nearer the town, the shallower the water and the smoother the riding, it is clean sand all over the bay. Most ships passing either to the north or the south touch at this place for water, for, though here is none at the town, yet those Indian fishermen of Colan will, and do, supply all ships very reasonably; and good water is much prized on all this coast through the scarcity of it.
November the 3rd at 6 o'clock in the morning our men landed about 4 miles to the south of the town and took some prisoners that were sent thither to watch for fear of us; and these prisoners said that the governor of Piura came with 100 armed men to Payta the night before, purposely to oppose our landing there if we should attempt it.
Our men marched directly to the fort on the hill, and took it without the loss of one man. Hereupon the governor of Piura with all his men and the inhabitants of the town ran away as fast as they could. Then our men entered the town and found it emptied both of money and goods; there was not so much as a meal of victuals left for them.
The prisoners told us a ship had been here a little before and burnt a great ship in the road, but did not land their men; and that here they put ashore all their prisoners and pilots. We knew this must be Captain Eaton's ship which had done this, and by these circumstances we supposed he was gone to the East Indies, it being always designed by him. The prisoners told us also that, since Captain Eaton was here, a small bark had been off the harbour and taken a pair of bark-logs a-fishing, and made the fishermen bring aboard 20 or 30 jars of fresh water. This we supposed was our bark that was sent to the Lobos to seek Captain Eaton.
In the evening we came in with our ships and anchored before the town in 10 fathom water, near a mile from the shore. Here we stayed till the sixth day, in hopes to get a ransom from the town. Our captains demanded 300 packs of flour, 3000 pound of Sugar, 25 jars of wine, and 1000 jars of water to be brought off to us; but we got nothing of it. Therefore Captain Swan ordered the town to be fired, which was presently done. Then all our men came aboard, and Captain Swan ordered the bark which Captain Harris commanded to be burnt because she did not sail well.
At night, when the land-wind came off, we sailed from hence towards Lobos. The 10th day in the evening we saw a sail bearing north-west by north as far as we could well discern her on our deck. We immediately chased, separating ourselves the better to meet her in the night; but we missed her. Therefore the next morning we again trimmed sharp and made the best of our way to Lobos de la Mar.
LOBOS DE TERRA.
The 14th day we had sight of the island Lobos de Terra: it bore east from us; we stood in towards it, and betwixt 7 and 8 o'clock in the night came to an anchor at the north-east end of the island, in 4 fathom water. This island at sea is of an indifferent height, and appears like Lobos de la Mar. About a quarter of a mile from the north end there is a great hollow rock, and a good channel between, where there is 7 fathom water. The 15th day we went ashore and found abundance of penguins and boobies, and seal in great quantities. We sent aboard of all these to be dressed, for we had not tasted any flesh in a great while before; therefore some of us did eat very heartily. Captain Swan, to encourage his men to eat this coarse flesh, would commend it for extraordinary food, comparing the seal to a roasted pig, the boobies to hens, and the penguins to ducks: this he did to train them to live contentedly on coarse meat, not knowing but we might be forced to make use of such food before we departed out of these seas; for it is generally seen among privateers that nothing emboldens them sooner to mutiny than want, which we could not well suffer in a place where there are such quantities of these animals to be had if men could be persuaded to be content with them.
THEY COME AGAIN TO LOBOS DE LA MAR.
In the afternoon we sailed from Lobos de Terra with the wind at south by east and arrived at Lobos de la Mar on the 19th day. Here we found a letter, left by our bark that was sent to seek Captain Eaton, by which we understood that Captain Eaton had been there but was gone before they arrived, and had left no letter to advise us which way he was gone; and that our bark was again returned to Plata in hopes to find us there, or meet us by the way, else resolving to stay for us there. We were sorry to hear that Captain Eaton was gone, for now we did not expect to meet with him any more in these seas.
The 21st day we sent out our Moskito strikers for turtle, who brought aboard enough to serve both ships' companies; and this they did all the time that we abode here. While we lay at this island Captain Swan made new yards, squarer than those he had before, and made his sails larger, and our ship's company in the meantime split plank for firewood, and put aboard as many planks as we could conveniently stow for other uses: here being plank enough of all sorts which we had brought hither in the first prize that we took and left here.
The 26th day in the evening we saw a small bark about 3 leagues north-north-west from the island, but, we supposing her to be our own bark, did not go after her. The next morning she was two leagues south of the island, standing off to sea; but we did not now chase her neither, although we knew she was not our bark; for, being to windward of us, she could have made her escape if we had chased her. This bark, as we were afterwards informed, was sent out purposely to see if we were at this island. Her orders were not to come too near, only to appear in sight; they supposing that if we were here we should soon be after her; as indeed it was a wonder we had not chased her: but our not doing so, and lying close under the island undiscerned by them, was a great occasion of our coming upon Puna afterwards unexpectedly, they being now without fear of any enemy so near them.
THE BAY OF GUAYAQUIL.
The 28th day we scrubbed our ship's bottom, intending to sail the next day towards Guayaquil; it being concluded upon to attempt that town before we returned again to Plata. Accordingly, on the 29th day in the morning, we loosed from hence, steering directly for the Bay of Guayaquil. This bay runs in between Cape Blanco on the south side, and Point Chandy on the north.
ISLE OF SANTA CLARA.
About 25 leagues from Cape Blanco, near the bottom of the bay, there is a small island called Santa Clara, which lies east and west: it is of an indifferent length, and it appears like a dead man stretched out in a shroud. The east end represents the head, and the west end the feet. Ships that are bound into the river of Guayaquil pass on the south side to avoid the shoals which lie on the north side of it; whereon formerly ships have been lost.
A RICH SPANISH WRECK THERE.
It is reported by the Spaniards that there is a very rich wreck lies on the north side of that island, not far from it; and that some of the plate has been taken up by one who came from Old Spain, with a patent from the king to fish in those seas for wrecks; but he dying, the project ceased, and the wreck still remains as he left it; only the Indians by stealth do sometimes take up some of it; and they might have taken up much more if it were not for the cat-fish which swarms hereabouts.
CATFISH.
The cat-fish is much like a whiting, but the head is flatter and bigger. It has a great wide mouth, and certain small strings pointing out from each side of it, like cat's whiskers; and for that reason it is called a cat-fish. It has three fins; one growing on the top of his back, and one on either side. Each of these fins has a stiff sharp bone which is very venomous if it strikes into a man's flesh; therefore it is dangerous diving where many of these fish are. The Indians that adventured to search this wreck have to their sorrow experienced it; some having lost their lives, others the use of their limbs by it: this we were informed of by an Indian who himself had been fishing on it by stealth. I myself have known some white men that have lost the use of their hands only by a small prick with the fin of these fish: therefore when we catch them with a hook we tread on them to take the hook out of their mouths, or otherwise, in flurting about (as all fish will when first taken) they might accidentally strike their sharp fins into the hands of those that caught them. Some of the fish are seven or eight pound weight: some again, in some particular places, are none of them bigger than a man's thumb, but their fins are all alike venomous. They use to be at the mouths of rivers, or where there is much mud and oaze, and they are found all over the American coast, both in the North and South Sea, at least in the hot countries, as also in the East Indies: where, sailing with Captain Minchin among certain islands near the Straits of Malacca, he pointed to an island at which he told me he lost the use of his hand by one of these only in going to take the hook out of its mouth. The wound was scarce visible yet his hand was much swollen, and the pain lasted about 9 weeks; during most part of which the raging heat of it was almost ready to distract him. However, though the bony fins of these fish are so venomous, yet the bones in their bodies are not so; at least we never perceived any such effect in eating the fish; and their flesh is very sweet, delicious and wholesome meat.
PUNTA ARENA IN THE ISLE PUNA.
From the island Santa Clara to Punta Arena is 7 leagues east-north-east. This Punta Arena, or Sandy Point, is the westermost point of the island Puna. Here all ships bound into the river of Guayaquil anchor, and must wait for a pilot, the entrance being very dangerous for strangers.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
The island Puna is a pretty large flat low island, stretching east and west about 12 or 14 leagues long, and about four or five leagues wide. The tide runs very strong all about this island, but so many different ways, by reason of the branches, creeks, and rivers that run into the sea near it, that it casts up many dangerous shoals on all sides of it. There is in the island only one Indian town on the south side of it, close by the sea, and seven leagues from Punta Arena, which town is also called Puna. The Indians of this town are all seamen, and are the only pilots in these seas, especially for this river. Their chiefest employment when they are not at sea is fishing. These men are obliged by the Spaniards to keep good watch for ships that anchor at Punta Arena; which, as I said before, is 7 leagues from the town Puna. The place where they keep this watch is at a point of land on the island Puna that starts out into the sea; from whence they can see all ships that anchor at Punta Arena. The Indians come thither in the morning, and return at night on horseback. From this watching point to Punta Arena it is 4 leagues, all drowned mangrove-land: and in the midway between these two points is another small point, where these Indians are obliged to keep another watch when they fear an enemy. The sentinel goes thither in a canoe in the morning, and returns at night; for there is no coming thither by land through that mangrove marshy ground. The middle of the island Puna is savannah or pasture.
THE PALMETTO-TREE.
There are some ridges of good woodland which is of a light yellow or sandy mould, producing large tall trees, most unknown even to travellers: but there are plenty of palmetto-trees which, because I am acquainted with, I shall describe. The palmetto-tree is about the bigness of an ordinary ash: it is about 30 foot high; the body straight, without any limb, or branch, or leaf, except at the head only, where it spreads forth into many small branches, not half so big as a man's arm, some no bigger than one's finger: these branches are about three or four foot long, clear from any knot: at the end of the branch there grows one broad leaf, about the bigness of a large fan. This, when it first shoots forth, grows in folds, like a fan when it is closed; and still as it grows bigger so it opens, till it becomes like a fan spread abroad. It is strengthened towards the stalk with many small ribs springing from thence, and growing into the leaf; which as they grow near the end of the leaf, grow thinner and smaller. The leaves that make the brush part of the flag-brooms which are brought into England grow just in this manner; and are indeed a small kind of palmetto; for there are of them of several dimensions. In Bermuda and elsewhere they make hats, baskets, brooms, fans to blow the fire instead of bellows, with many other house implements, of palmetto leaves. On the ridges where these trees grow the Indians have here and there plantations of maize, yams, and potatoes.
TOWN AND HARBOUR OF PUNA.
There are in the town of Puna about 20 houses and a small church. The houses stand all on posts, 10 or 12 foot high, with ladders on the outside to go up into them. I did never see the like building anywhere but among the Malayans in the East Indies. They are thatched with palmetto-leaves, and their chambers well boarded, in which last they exceed the Malayans. The best place for ships to lie at an anchor is against the middle of the town. There is five fathom water within a cables' length of the shore, and good soft deep oaze where ships may careen or haul ashore; it stows 15 or 16 foot water up and down.
RIVER OF GUAYAQUIL.
From Puna to Guayaquil is reckoned 7 leagues. It is 1 league before you come to the river of Guayaquil's mouth, where it is about two mile wide; from thence upwards the river lies pretty straight without any considerable turnings. Both sides of the river are low swampy land, overgrown with red mangroves, so that there is no landing.
GUAYAQUIL TOWN.
Four mile before you come to the town of Guayaquil there's a low island standing in the river. This island divides the river into two parts, making two very fair channels for ships to pass up and down. The south-west channel is the widest, the other is as deep, but narrower and narrower yet, by reason of many trees and bushes which spread over the river, both from the main and from the island; and there are also several great stumps of trees standing upright in the water on either side. The island is above a mile long. From the upper part of the island to the town of Guayaquil is almost a league, and near as much from one side of the river to the other. In that spacious place ships of the greatest burden may ride afloat; but the best place for ships is nearest to that part of the land where the town stands; and this place is seldom without ships. Guayaquil stands facing the island, close by the river, partly on the side and partly at the foot of a gentle hill declining towards the river, by which the lower part of it is often overflown. There are two forts, one standing on the low ground, the other on the hill. This town makes a very fine prospect, it being beautified with several churches and other good buildings. Here lives a governor who, as I have been informed, has his patent from the king of Spain.
ITS COMMODITIES, COCOA, SARSAPARILLA, QUITO CLOTH.
Guayaquil may be reckoned one of the chiefest sea ports in the South Seas: the commodities which are exported from hence are cocoa, hides, tallow, sarsaparilla, and other drugs, and woollen cloth, commonly called cloth of Quito.
The cocoa grows on both sides of the river above the town. It is a small nut, like the Campeachy nut: I think, the smallest of the two; they produce as much cocoa here as serves all the kingdom of Peru; and much of it is sent to Acapulco and from thence to the Philippine Islands.
Sarsaparilla grows in the water by the sides of the river, as I have been informed.
The Quito-cloth comes from a rich town in the country within land called Quito. There is a great deal made, both serges and broadcloth. This cloth is not very fine, but it is worn by the common sort of people throughout the whole kingdom of Peru. This and all other commodities which come from Quito are shipped off at Guayaquil for other parts; and all imported goods for the city of Quito pass by Guayaquil: by which it may appear that Guayaquil is a place of no mean trade.
OF THE CITY, AND GOLD, AND AIR OF QUITO.
Quito, as I have been informed, is a very populous city, seated in the heart of the country. It is inhabited partly by Spaniards; but the major part of its inhabitants are Indians, under the Spanish government.
It is environed with mountains of a vast height, from whose bowels many great rivers have their rise. These mountains abound in gold, which by violent rains is washed with the sand into the adjacent brooks where the Indians resort in troops, washing away the sand and putting up the gold dust in their calabashes or gourd-shells: but for the manner of gathering the gold I refer you to Mr. Wafer's book: only I shall remark here that Quito is the place in all the kingdom of Peru that abounds most with this rich metal, as I have been often informed.
The country is subject to great rains and very thick fogs, especially the valleys. For that reason it is very unwholesome and sickly. The chiefest distempers are fevers, violent headache, pains in the bowels, and fluxes. I know no place where gold is found but what is very unhealthy, as I shall more particularly relate when I come to speak of Achin in the isle of Sumatra in the East Indies. Guayaquil is not so sickly as Quito and other towns farther within land; yet in comparison with the towns that are on the coast of Mare Pacifico, south of Cape Blanco, it is very sickly.
THEY ENTER THE BAY IN ORDER TO MAKE AN ATTEMPT ON THE TOWN OF GUAYAQUIL.
It was to this town of Guayaquil that we were bound; therefore we left our ships off Cape Blanco and ran into the Bay of Guayaquil with our bark and canoes, steering in for the island Santa Clara, where we arrived the next day after we left our ships, and from thence we sent away two canoes the next evening to Punta Arena. At this point there are abundance of oysters and other shellfish, as cockles and mussels; therefore the Indians of Puna often come hither to get these fish. Our canoes got over before day and absconded in a creek to wait for the coming of the Puna Indians. The next morning some of them, according to their custom, came thither on bark-logs at the latter part of the ebb, and were all taken by our men. The next day, by their advice, the two watchmen of the Indian town Puna were taken by our men, and all its inhabitants, not one escaping. The next ebb they took a small bark laden with Quito-cloth. She came from Guayaquil that tide and was bound to Lima, they having advice that we were gone off the coast by the bark which I said we saw while we lay at the island Lobos.
A GREAT ADVANTAGE SLIPPED THAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE OF A COMPANY OF NEGROES TAKEN IN GUAYAQUIL RIVER.
The master of this cloth-bark informed our men that there were three barks coming from Guayaquil, laden with Negroes: he said they would come from thence the next tide. The same tide of ebb that they took the cloth-bark they sent a canoe to our bark, where the biggest part of the men were, to hasten them away with speed to the Indian town. The bark was now riding at Punta Arena; and the next flood she came with all the men and the rest of the canoes to Puna. The tide of flood being now far spent we lay at this town till the last of the ebb and then rowed away, leaving five men aboard our bark who were ordered to lie still till eight o'clock the next morning, and not to fire at any boat or bark, but after that time they might fire at any object: for it was supposed that before that time we should be masters of Guayaquil. We had not rowed above two mile before we met and took one of the three barks laden with Negroes; the master of her said that the other two would come from Guayaquil the next tide of ebb. We cut her main-mast down and left her at an anchor. It was now strong flood, and therefore we rowed with all speed towards the town in hopes to get thither before the flood was down, but we found it farther than we did expect it to be, or else our canoes, being very full of men, did not row so fast as we would have them. The day broke when we were two leagues from the town, and then we had not above an hour's flood more; therefore our captains desired the Indian pilot to direct us to some creek where we might abscond all day, which was immediately done, and one canoe was sent toward Puna to our bark to order them not to move nor fire till the next day. But she came too late to countermand the first orders; for the two barks before mentioned laden with Negroes come from the town the last quarter of the evening tide, and lay in the river close by the shore on one side, and we rowed upon the other side and missed them; neither did they see nor hear us. As soon as the flood was spent the two barks weighed and went down with the ebb towards Puna. Our bark, seeing them coming directly towards them and both full of men, supposed that we by some accident had been destroyed, and that the two barks were manned with Spanish soldiers and sent to take our ships, and therefore they fired three guns at them a league before they came near. The two Spanish barks immediately came to an anchor, and the masters got into their boats and rowed for the shore; but our canoe that was sent from us took them both. The firing of these three guns made a great disorder among our advanced men, for most of them did believe they were heard at Guayaquil, and that therefore it could be no profit to lie still in the creek; but either row away to the town or back again to our ships. It was now quarter ebb, therefore we could not move upwards if we had been disposed so to do. At length Captain Davis said he would immediately land in the creek where they lay, and march directly to the town, if but forty men would accompany him: and without saying more words he landed among the mangroves in the marshes. Those that were so minded followed him, to the number of forty or fifty. Captain Swan lay still with the rest of the party in the creek, for they thought it impossible to do any good that way. Captain Davis and his men were absent about four hours, and then returned all wet and quite tired, and could not find any passage out into the firm land. He had been so far that he almost despaired of getting back again: for a man cannot pass through those red mangroves but with very much labour. When Captain Davis was returned we concluded to be going towards the town the beginning of the next flood; and, if we found that the town was alarmed, we purposed to return again without attempting anything there. As soon as it was flood we rowed away and passed by the island through the north-east channel, which is the narrowest. There are so many stumps in the river that it is very dangerous passing in the night (and that is the time we always take for such attempts) for the river runs very swift, and one of our canoes stuck on a stump and had certainly overset if she had not been immediately rescued by others. When we were come almost to the end of the island, there was a musket fired at us out of the bushes on the Main. We then had the town open before us, and presently saw lighted torches, or candles, all the town over; whereas before the gun was fired there was but one light: therefore we now concluded we were discovered: yet many of our men said that it was a holy day the next day, as it was indeed, and that therefore the Spaniards were making fireworks, which they often do in the night against such times. We rowed therefore a little farther, and found firm land, and Captain Davis pitched his canoe ashore and landed with his men. Captain Swan and most of his men did not think it convenient to attempt anything, seeing the town was alarmed; but at last, being upbraided with cowardice, Captain Swan and his men landed also. The place where we landed was about two mile from the town: it was all overgrown with woods so thick that we could not march through in the night; and therefore we sat down, waiting for the light of the day. We had two Indian pilots with us; one that had been with us a month, who, having received some abuses from a gentleman of Guayaquil, to be revenged offered his service to us, and we found him very faithful: the other was taken by us not above two or three days before, and he seemed to be as willing as the other to assist us. This latter was led by one of Captain Davis's men, who showed himself very forward to go to the town, and upbraided others with faint-heartedness: yet this man (as he afterwards confessed) notwithstanding his courage, privately cut the string that the guide was made fast with, and let him go to the town by himself, not caring to follow him; but when he thought the guide was got far enough from us, he cried out that the pilot was gone, and that somebody had cut the cord that tied him. This put every man in a moving posture to seek the Indian, but all in vain; and our consternation was great, being in the dark and among woods; so the design was wholly dashed, for not a man after that had the heart to speak of going farther. Here we stayed till day and then rowed out into the middle of the river, where we had a fair view of the town; which, as I said before, makes a very pleasant prospect. We lay still about half an hour, being a mile or something better from the town. They did not fire one gun at us, nor we at them. Thus our design on Guayaquil failed: yet Captain Townley and Captain Francois Gronet took it a little while after this. When we had taken a full view of the town we rowed over the river, where we went ashore to a beef estancia or farm and killed a cow, which we dressed and ate. We stayed there till the evening tide of ebb, and then rowed down the river, and the 9th day in the morning arrived at Puna. In our way thither we went aboard the three barks laden with Negroes, that lay at their anchor in the river, and carried the barks away with us. There were 1000 Negroes in the three barks, all lusty young men and women. When we came to Puna we sent a canoe to Punta Arena to see if the ships were come thither. The 12th day she returned again with tidings that they were both there at anchor. Therefore in the afternoon we all went aboard of our ships and carried the cloth-bark with us, and about forty of the stoutest Negro men, leaving their three barks with the rest; and out of these also Captain Davis and Captain Swan chose about 14 or 15 apiece, and turned the rest ashore.
There was never a greater opportunity put into the hands of men to enrich themselves than we had to have gone with these Negroes and settled ourselves at Santa Maria, on the Isthmus of Darien, and employed them in getting gold out of the mines there. Which might have been done with ease: for about six months before this Captain Harris (who was now with us) coming overland from the North Seas with his body of Privateers, had routed the Spaniards away from the town and gold-mines of Santa Maria, so that they had never attempted to settle there again since: add to this that the Indian neighbourhood, who were mortal enemies to the Spaniards and had been flushed by their successes against them, through the assistance of the privateers, for several years, were our fast friends and ready to receive and assist us. We had, as I have said, 1000 Negroes to work for us, we had 200 tun of flour that lay at the Galapagos, there was the river of Santa Maria, where we could careen and fit our ships; and might fortify the mouth so that if all the strength the Spaniards have in Peru had come against us we could have kept them out. If they lay with guard-ships of strength to keep us in, yet we had a great country to live in, and a great nation of Indians that were our friends: besides, which was the principal thing, we had the North Seas to befriend us; from whence we could export ourselves, or effects, or import goods or men to our assistance; for in a short time we should have had assistance from all parts of the West Indies; many thousands of privateers from Jamaica and the French islands especially would have flocked over to us; and long before this time we might have been masters not only of those mines (the richest gold-mines ever yet found in America) but of all the coast as high as Quito: and much more than I say might then probably have been done.
THEY GO TO PLATA AGAIN.
But these may seem to the reader but golden dreams: to leave them therefore; the 13th day we sailed from Punta Arena towards Plata to seek our bark that was sent to the island Lobos in search of Captain Eaton. We were two ships in company and two barks; and the 16th day we arrived at Plata, but found no bark there, nor any letter. The next day we went over to the main to fill water, and in our passage met our bark: she had been a second time at the island Lobos and, not finding us, was coming to Plata again. They had been in some want of provision since they left us, and therefore they had been at Santa Helena, and taken it; where they got as much maize as served them three or four days; and that, with some fish and turtle which they struck, lasted them till they came to the island Lobos de Terra. They got boobies' and penguins' eggs, of which they laid in a store; and went from thence to Lobos de la Mar where they replenished their stock of eggs, and salted up a few young seal, for fear they should want: and, being thus victualled, they returned again towards Plata.
ISLE PLATA.
When our water was filled we went over again to the island Plata. There we parted the cloths that were taken in the cloth-bark into two lots or shares; Captain Davis and his men had one part and Captain Swan and his men had the other part. The bark which the cloth was in Captain Swan kept for a tender. At this time here were at Plata a great many large turtles, which I judge came from the Galapagos, for I had never seen any here before though I had been here several times. This was their coupling-time, which is much sooner in the year here than in the West Indies, properly so called. Our strikers brought aboard every day more than we could eat. Captain Swan had no striker, and therefore had no turtle but what was sent him from Captain Davis; and all his flour too he had from Captain Davis: but since our disappointment at Guayaquil Captain Davis's men murmured against Captain Swan, and did not willingly give him any provision, because he was not so forward to go thither as Captain Davis. However at last these differences were made up and we concluded to go into the Bay of Panama, to a town called La Velia; but, because we had not canoes enough to land our men, we were resolved to search some rivers where the Spaniards have no commerce, there to get Indian canoes.
THEY LEAVE THE ISLE OF PLATA.
The 23rd day of December 1684 we sailed from the island Plata towards the Bay of Panama: the wind at south-south-east a fine brisk gale and fine weather.
CAPE PASSAO.
The next morning we passed by Cape Passao. This cape is in latitude 00 degrees 08 minutes south of the Equator. It runs out into the sea with a high round point which seems to be divided in the midst. It is bald against the sea, but within land and on both sides it is full of short trees. The land in the country is very high and mountainous and it appears to be very woody.
THE COAST BETWEEN THAT AND CAPE SAN FRANCISCO; AND FROM THENCE ON TO PANAMA.
Between Cape Passao and Cape San Francisco the land by the sea is full of small points, making as many little sandy bays between them; and is of an indifferent height covered with trees of divers sorts; so that sailing by this coast you see nothing but a vast grove or wood; which is so much the more pleasant because the trees are of several forms, both in respect to their growth and colour.
Our design was, as I said in my first chapter, to search for canoes in some river where the Spaniards have neither settlement or trade with the native Indians. We had Spanish pilots, and Indians bred under the Spaniards, who were able to carry us into any harbour or river belonging to the Spaniards, but were wholly unacquainted with those rivers which were not frequented by the Spaniards. There are many such unfrequented rivers between Plata and Panama: indeed all the way from the Line to the Gulf of St. Michaels, or even to Panama itself, the coast is not inhabited by any Spaniards, nor are the Indians that inhabit there any way under their subjection: except only near the isle Gallo, where, on the banks of a gold river or two, there are some Spaniards who work there to find gold.
Now our pilots being at a loss on these less-frequented coasts, we supplied that defect out of the Spanish pilot-books, which we took in their ships; these we found by experience to be very good guides. Yet nevertheless the country in many places by the sea being low, and full of openings, creeks and rivers, it is somewhat difficult to find any particular river that a man designs to go to, where he is not well acquainted.
This however could be no discouragement to us; for one river might probably be as well furnished with Indian canoes as another; and, if we found them, it was to us indifferent where, yet we pitched on the river St. Jago, not because there were not other rivers as large and as likely to be inhabited with Indians as it; but because that river was not far from Gallo, an island where our ships could anchor safely and ride securely. We passed by Cape San Francisco, meeting with great and continued rains. The land by the sea to the north of the cape is low and extraordinary woody; the trees are very thick and seem to be of a prodigious height and bigness. From Cape San Francisco the land runs more easterly into the Bay of Panama. I take this cape to be its bounds on the south side, and the isles of Cobaya or Quibo to bound it on the north side. Between this cape and the isle Gallo there are many large and navigable rivers. We passed by them all till we came to the river St. Jago.
THE RIVER OF ST. JAGO.
This river is near 2 degrees north of the Equator. It is large and navigable some leagues up, and seven leagues from the sea it divides itself into two parts, making an island that is four leagues wide against the sea. The widest branch is that on the south-west side of the island. Both branches are very deep, but the mouth of the narrower is so choked with shoals that at low water even canoes can't enter. Above the island it is a league wide, and the stream runs pretty straight and very swift. The tide flows about three leagues up the river, but to what height I know not. Probably the river has its original from some of the rich mountains near the city Quibo, and it runs through a country as rich in soil as perhaps any in the world, especially when it draws within 10 or 12 leagues of the sea. The land there, both on the island and on both sides of the river, is of a black deep mould, producing extraordinary great tall trees of many sorts, such as usually grow in these hot climates. I shall only give an account of the cotton and cabbage-trees, whereof there is great plenty; and they are as large of their kinds as ever I saw.
THE RED AND THE WHITE COTTON-TREE.
There are two sorts of cotton-trees, one is called the red, the other the white cotton-tree. The white cotton-tree grows like an oak, but generally much bigger and taller than our oaks: the body is straight and clear from knots or boughs to the very head: there it spreads forth many great limbs just like an oak. The bark is smooth and of a grey colour: the leaves are as big as a large plum-leaf, jagged at the edge; they are oval, smooth, and of a dark green colour. Some of these trees have their bodies much bigger 18 or 20 foot high than nearer the ground, being big-bellied like ninepins. They bear a very fine sort of cotton, called silk-cotton. When this cotton is ripe the trees appear like our apple-trees in England when full of blossoms. If I do not mistake the cotton falls down in November or December: then the ground is covered white with it. This is not substantial and continuous, like that which grows upon the cotton-shrubs in plantations, but like the down of thistles; so that I did never know any use made of it in the West Indies, because it is not worth the labour of gathering it: but in the East Indies the natives gather and use it for pillows. It has a small black seed among it. The leaves of this tree fall off the beginning of April; while the old leaves are falling off the young ones spring out, and in a week's time the tree casts off her old robes and is clothed in a new pleasant garb. The red cotton-tree is like the other, but hardly so big: it bears no cotton, but its wood is somewhat harder of the two, yet both sorts are soft spongy wood, fit for no use that I know but only for canoes, which, being straight and tall, they are very good for; but they will not last long, especially if not drawn ashore often and tarred; otherwise the worm and the water soon rot them. They are the biggest trees, or perhaps weeds rather, in the West Indies. They are common in the East and West Indies in good fat land.
THE CABBAGE-TREE.
As the cotton is the biggest tree in the woods, so the cabbage-tree is the tallest: the body is not very big, but very high and straight. I have measured one in the Bay of Campeachy 120 feet long as it lay on the ground, and there are some much higher. It has no limbs nor boughs, but at the head there are many branches bigger than a man's arm. These branches are not covered but flat with sharp edges; they are 12 or 14 foot long. About two foot from the trunk the branches shoot forth small long leaves about an inch broad, which grow so regularly on both sides of the branch that the whole branch seems to be but one leaf made up of many small ones. The cabbage-fruit shoots out in the midst of these branches from the top of the tree; it is invested with many young leaves or branches which are ready to spread abroad as the old branches drop and fall down. The cabbage itself, when it is taken out of the leaves which it seems to be folded in, is as big as the small of a man's leg and a foot long; it is as white as milk and as sweet as a nut if eaten raw, and it is very sweet and wholesome if boiled. Besides the cabbage itself there grow out between the cabbage and the large branches small twigs, as of a shrub, about two foot long from their stump. At the end of those twigs (which grow very thick together) there hang berries hard and round and as big as a cherry. These the trees shed every year, and they are very good for hogs: for this reason the Spaniards fine any who shall cut down any of these in their woods. The body of the tree is full of rings round it, half a foot asunder from the bottom to the top. The bark is thin and brittle; the wood is black and very hard, the heart or middle of the tree is white pith. They do not climb to get the cabbage but cut them down; for should they gather it off the tree as it stands, yet its head being gone it soon dies. These trees are much used by planters in Jamaica to board the sides of the houses, for it is but splitting the trunk into four parts with an axe, and there are so many planks. Those trees appear very pleasant, and they beautify the whole wood, spreading their green branches above all other trees.
All this country is subject to very great rains, so that this part of Peru pays for the dry weather which they have about Lima and all that coast. I believe that is one reason why the Spaniards have made such small discoveries in this and other rivers on this coast. Another reason may be because it lies not so directly in their way; for they do not coast it along in going from Panama to Lima, but first go westward as far as to the keys or isles of Cobaya, for a westerly wind, and from thence stand over towards Cape San Francisco, not touching anywhere usually till they come to Manta near Cape San Lorenzo. In their return indeed from Lima to Panama they may keep along the coast hereabouts; but then their ships are always laden; whereas the light ships that go from Panama are most at leisure to make discoveries. A third reason may be the wildness and enmity of all the natives on this coast, who are naturally fortified by their rivers and vast woods, from whence with their arrows they can easily annoy any that shall land there to assault them. At this river particularly there are no Indians live within 6 leagues of the sea, and all the country so far is full of impassable woods; so that to get at the Indians, or the mines and mountains, there is no way but by rowing up the river; and if any who are enemies to the natives attempt this (as the Spaniards are always hated by them) they must all the way be exposed to the arrows of those who would lie purposely in ambush in the woods for them. These wild Indians have small plantations of maize and good plantain-gardens; for plantains are their chiefest food. They have also a few fowls and hogs.
THE INDIANS OF ST. JAGO RIVER, AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD.
It was to this river that we were bound to seek for canoes, therefore the 26th, supposing ourselves to be abreast of it, we went from our ships with 4 canoes. The 27th day in the morning we entered at half flood into the smaller branch of that river, and rowed up six leagues before we met any inhabitants. There we found two small huts thatched with palmetto-leaves. The Indians, seeing us rowing towards their houses, got their wives and little ones, with their household stuff, into their canoes, and paddled away faster than we could row; for we were forced to keep in the middle of the river because of our oars, but they with their paddles kept close under the banks, and so had not the strength of the stream against them, as we had. These huts were close by the river on the east side of it, just against the end of the island. We saw a great many other houses a league from us on the other side of the river; but the main stream into which we were now come seemed to be so swift that we were afraid to put over for fear we should not be able to get back again. We found only a hog, some Fowls and plantains in the huts: we killed the hog and the Fowls, which were dressed presently. Their hogs they got (as I suppose) from the Spaniards by some accident, or from some neighbouring Indians who converse with the Spaniards; for this that we took was of their European kind, which the Spaniards have introduced into America very plentifully, especially into the islands Jamaica, Hispaniola, and Cuba above all, being very largely stored with them; where they feed in the woods in the daytime, and at night come in at the sounding of a conch-shell, and are put up in their crauls or pens, and yet some turn wild, which nevertheless are often decoyed in by the other, which being all marked, whenever they see an unmarked hog in the pen, they know it is a wild one, and shoot him presently. These crauls I have not seen on the Continent where the Spaniards keep them tame at home. Among the wild Indians, or in their woods, are no hogs, but peccary and warree, a sort I have mentioned before.
After we had refreshed ourselves we returned toward the mouth of the river. It was the evening when we came from thence, and we got to the river's mouth the next morning before day: our ships when we left them were ordered to go to Gallo, where they were to stay for us.
THE ISLE OF GALLO.
Gallo is a small uninhabited island lying in between two and three degrees north latitude. It lies in a wide bay about three leagues from the mouth of the river Tomaco; and four leagues and a half from a small Indian village called Tomaco: the island Gallo is of an indifferent height; it is clothed with very good timber-trees, and is therefore often visited with barks from Guayaquil and other places: for most of the timber carried from Guayaquil to Lima is first fetched from Gallo. There is a spring of good water at the north-east end: at that place there is a fine small sandy bay, where there is good landing. The road for ships is against this bay, where there is good secure riding in six or seven fathom water; and here ships may careen. It is but shoal water all about this island; yet there is a channel to come in at, where there is no less than four fathom water: you must go in with the tide of flood and come out with ebb, sounding all the way.
Tomaco is a large river that takes its name from an Indian village so called: it is reported to spring from the rich mountains about Quito. It is thick inhabited with Indians; and there are some Spaniards that live there who traffic with the Indians for gold. It is shoal at the mouth of the river yet barks may enter.
THE RIVER AND VILLAGE OF TOMACO.
This village Tomaco is but small, and is seated not far from the mouth of the river. It is a place to entertain the Spanish merchants that come to Gallo to load timber, or to traffic with the Indians for gold. At this place one Doleman, with seven or eight men more, once of Captain Sharp's crew, were killed in the year 1680. From the branch of the river St. Jago, where we now lay, to Tomaco is about five leagues; the land low and full of creeks so that canoes may pass within land through those creeks, and from thence into Tomaco River.
The 28th day we left the river of St. Jago, crossing some creeks in our way with our canoes; and came to an Indian house where we took the man and all his family. We stayed here till the afternoon, and then rowed towards Tomaco, with the man of this house for our guide. We arrived at Tomaco about 12 o'clock at night. Here we took all the inhabitants of the village and a Spanish knight called Don Diego de Pinas. This knight came in a ship from Lima to lade timber. The ship was riding in a creek about a mile off, and there were only one Spaniard and 8 Indians aboard. We went in a canoe with 7 men and took her; she had no goods but 12 or 13 jars of good wine, which we took out, and the next day let the ship go. Here an Indian canoe came aboard with three men in her. These men could not speak Spanish, neither could they distinguish us from Spaniards; the wild Indians usually thinking all white men to be Spaniards. We gave them 3 Or 4 calabashes of wine, which they freely drank. They were straight-bodied and well-limbed men of a mean height; their hair black, long-visaged, small noses and eyes; and were thin-faced, ill-looked men, of a very dark copper colour. A little before night Captain Swan and all of us returned to Tomaco and left the vessel to the seamen. The 31st day two of our canoes who had been up the river of Tomaco returned back again to the village. They had rowed seven or eight leagues up and found but one Spanish house, which they were told did belong to a lady who lived at Lima; she had servants here that traded with the Indians for gold; but they seeing our men coming ran away: yet our men found there several ounces of gold in calabashes.
1685.
The first day of January 1685 we went from Tomaco towards Gallo. We carried the knight with us and two small canoes which we took there, and while we were rowing over one of our canoes took a packet-boat that was sent from Panama to Lima. The Spaniards threw the packet of letters overboard with a line and a buoy to it, but our men seeing it took it up, and brought the letters and all the prisoners aboard our ships that were then at an anchor at Gallo. Here we stayed till the 6th day, reading the letters, by which we understood that the armada from Old Spain was come to Portobello: and that the president of Panama had sent this packet on purpose to hasten the Plate fleet thither from Lima.
We were very joyful of this news, and therefore sent away the packet-boat with all her letters; and we altered our former resolutions of going to Lavelia. We now concluded to careen our ships as speedily as we could, that we might be ready to intercept this fleet. The properest place that we could think on for doing it was among the King's Islands or Pearl Keys, because they are near Panama and all ships bound to Panama from the coast of Lima pass by them; so that being there we could not possibly miss the fleet. According to these resolutions we sailed the next morning, in order to execute what we designed. We were two ships and three barks in company, namely, Captain Davis, Captain Swan, a fire-ship, and two small barks as tenders; one on Captain Davis's ship, the other on Captain Swan's. We weighed before day and got out all but Captain Swan's tender, which never budged; for the men were all asleep when we went out and, the tide of flood coming on before they waked, we were forced to stay for them till the next day.
The 8th day in the morning we descried a sail to the west of us; the wind was at south and we chased her and before noon took her. She was a ship of about 90 tun laden with flour; she came from Truxillo and was bound to Panama. This ship came very opportunely to us for flour began to grow scarce, and Captain Davis's men grudged at what was given to Captain Swan; who, as I said before, had none but what he had from Captain Davis.
We jogged on after this with a gentle gale towards Gorgona, an island lying about 25 leagues from the island Gallo. The 9th day we anchored at Gorgona, on the west side of the island in 38 fathom clean ground, not two cables' length from the shore. Gorgona is an uninhabited island in latitude about three degrees north: it is a pretty high island, and very remarkable by reason of two saddles, or risings and fallings on the top. It is about 2 leagues long and a league broad; and it is four leagues from the Main: at the west end is another small island. The land against the anchoring-place is low; there is a small sandy bay and good landing. The soil or mould of it is black and deep in the low ground, but on the side of the high land it is a kind of a red clay. This island is very well clothed with large trees of several sorts that are flourishing and green all the year. It's very well watered with small brooks that issue from the high land. Here are a great many little black monkeys, some Indian conies, and a few snakes, which are all the land animals that I know there. It is reported of this island that it rains on every day in the year more or less; but that I can disprove: however, it is a very wet coast, and it rains abundantly here all the year long. There are but few fair days; for there is little difference in the seasons of the year between the wet and dry; only in that season which should be the dry time the rains are less frequent and more moderate than in the wet season, for then it pours as out of a sieve. It is deep water and no anchoring anywhere about this island, only at the west side: the tide rises and falls seven or eight foot up and down. Here are a great many periwinkles and mussels to be had at low water. Then the monkeys come down by the seaside and catch them; digging them out of their shells with their claws.
Here are pearl-oysters in great plenty: they grow to the loose rocks in 4, 5, or 6 fathom water by beards, or little small roots, as a mussel: these oysters are commonly flatter and thinner than other oysters; otherwise much alike in shape. The fish is not sweet nor very wholesome; it is as slimy as a shell-snail; they taste very copperish if eaten raw, and are best boiled. The Indians who gather them for the Spaniards hang the meat of them on strings like jews-ears, and dry them before they eat them. The pearl is found at the head of the oyster lying between the meat and the shell. Some will have 20 or 30 small seed-pearl, some none at all, and some will have one or two pretty large ones. The inside of the shell is more glorious than the pearl itself. I did never see any in the South Seas but here. It is reported there are some at the south end of California. In the West Indies, the Rancho Reys, or Rancheria, spoken of in Chapter 3, is the place where they are found most plentifully. It is said there are some at the island Margarita, near St. Augustin, a town in the Gulf of Florida, etc. In the East Indies the island Ainam, near the south end of China, is said to have plenty of these oysters, more productive of large round pearl than those in other places. They are found also in other parts of the East Indies, and on the Persian coast.
ISLE OF GORGONA, THE PEARL-OYSTERS THERE AND IN OTHER PARTS.
At this island Gorgona we rummaged our prize and found a few boxes of marmalade and three or four jars of brandy, which were equally shared between Captain Davis and Captain Swan and their men. Here we filled all our water and Captain Swan furnished himself with flour: afterward we turned ashore a great many prisoners but kept the chiefest to put them ashore in a better place.
The 13th day we sailed from hence towards the King's Islands. We were now six sail, two men-of-war, two tenders, a fire-ship, and the prize. We had but little wind but what we had was the common trade at south.
THE LAND ON THE MAIN.
The land we sailed by on the Main is very low towards the seaside, but in the country there are very high mountains.
CAPE CORRIENTES.
The 16th day we passed by Cape Corrientes. This cape is in latitude 5 degrees 10 minutes. It is high bluff land with three or four small hillocks on the top. It appears at a distance like an island. Here we found a strong current running to the north, but whether it be always so I know not. The day after we passed by the cape we saw a small white island which we chased, supposing it had been a sail, till coming near we found our error.
POINT GARACHINA.
The 21st day we saw Point Garachina. This point is in latitude 7 degrees 20 minutes north; it is pretty high land, rocky, and destitute of trees; yet within land it is woody. It is fenced with rocks against the sea. Within the point by the sea at low water you may find store of oysters and mussels.
The King's Islands, or Pearl Keys, are about twelve leagues distant from this point.
ISLAND GALLERA.
Between Point Garachina and them there is a small low flat barren island called Gallera, at which Captain Harris was sharing with his men the gold he took in his pillaging Santa Maria, which I spoke of a little before, when on a sudden five Spanish barks fitted out on purpose at Panama came upon him; but he fought them so stoutly with one small bark he had and some few canoes, boarding their admiral particularly, that they were all glad to leave him. By this island we anchored and sent our boats to the King's Islands for a good careening-place.
THE KING'S, OR PEARL, ISLANDS, PACHEQUE ST. PAUL'S ISLAND.
The King's Islands are a great many low woody islands lying north-west by north and south-east by south. They are about 7 leagues from the Main and 14 leagues in length, and from Panama about 12 leagues. Why they are called the King's Islands I know not; they are sometimes, and mostly in maps, called the Pearl Islands. I cannot imagine wherefore they are called so, for I did never see one pearl-oyster about them, nor any pearl-oyster-shells; but on the other oysters I have made many a meal there: the northermost island of all this range is called Pacheca, or Pacheque. This is but a small island distant from Panama 11 or 12 leagues. The southermost of them is called St. Paul's. Besides these two I know no more that are called by any particular name, though there are many that far exceed either of the two in bigness. Some of these islands are planted with plantains and bananas; and there are fields of rice on others of them. The gentlemen of Panama, to whom they belong, keep Negroes there to plant, weed, and husband the plantations. Many of them, especially the largest, are wholly untilled, yet very good fat land full of large trees. These unplanted islands shelter many runaway Negroes, who abscond in the woods all day, and in the night boldly pillage the plantain-walks. Betwixt these islands and the Main is a channel of 7 or 8 leagues wide; there is good depth of water, and good anchoring all the way. The islands border thick on each other; yet they make many small narrow deep channels, fit only for boats to pass between most of them. At the south-east end, about a league from St. Pauls Island, there is a good place for ships to careen, or haul ashore. It is surrounded with the land, and has a good deep channel on the north side to go in at. The tide rises here about ten foot perpendicular.
We brought our ships into this place the 25th day but were forced to tarry for a spring-tide before we could have water enough to clean them; therefore we first cleaned our barks that they might cruise before Panama while we lay here. The 27th day our barks being clean we sent them out with 20 men in each. The 4th day after they returned with a prize laden with maize, or Indian corn, salt-beef, and fowls. She came from Lavelia and was bound to Panama.
LAVELIA.
Lavelia is a town we once designed to attempt. It is pretty large, and stands on the bank of a river on the north side of the Bay of Panama, six or seven leagues from the sea.
NATA. THE CATFISH. OYSTERS.
Nata is another such town, standing in a plain near another branch of the same river. In these towns, and some others on the same coast, they breed hogs, fowls, bulls, and cows, and plant maize purposely for the support of Panama, which is supplied with provision mostly from other towns and the neighbouring islands.
The beef and fowl our men took came to us in a good time, for we had eaten but little flesh since we left the island Plata. The harbour where we careened was encompassed with three islands, and our ships rode in the middle. That on which we hauled our ships ashore was a little island on the north side of the harbour. There was a fine small sandy bay, but all the rest of the island was environed with rocks on which at low water we did use to gather oysters, clams, mussels, and limpets. The clam is a sort of oyster which grows so fast to the rock that there is no separating it from thence, therefore we did open it where it grows, and take out the meat, which is very large, fat, and sweet. Here are a few common oysters such as we have in England, of which sort I have met with none in these seas but here, at Point Garachina, at Puna, and on the Mexican coast, in the latitude of 23 degrees north. I have a manuscript of Mr. Teat, Captain Swan's chief mate, which gives an account of oysters plentifully found in Port St. Julian, on the east side and somewhat to the north of the Straits of Magellan; but there is no mention made of what oysters they are. Here are some iguanas, but we found no other sort of land-animal. Here are also some pigeons and turtle-doves. The rest of the islands that encompass this harbour had of all these sorts of creatures. Our men therefore did every day go over in canoes to them to fish, fowl, or hunt for iguanas; but, having one man surprised once by some Spaniards lying there in ambush, and carried off by them to Panama, we were after that more cautious of straggling.
The 14th day of February 1685 we made an end of cleaning our ship, filled all our water, and stocked ourselves with firewood. The 15th day we went out from among the islands and anchored in the channel between them and the Main, in 25 fathom water, soft oazy ground. The Plate fleet was not yet arrived; therefore we intended to cruise before the city of Panama, which is from this place about 25 leagues. The next day we sailed towards Panama, passing in the channel between the King's Islands and the Main.
THE PLEASANT PROSPECTS IN THE BAY OF PANAMA.
It is very pleasant sailing here, having the Main on one side, which appears in divers forms. It is beautified with many small hills, clothed with woods of divers sort of trees, which are always green and flourishing. There are some few small high islands within a league of the Main, scattering here and there one: these are partly woody, partly bare; and they as well as the Main appear very pleasant. The King's Islands are on the other side of this channel, and make also a lovely prospect as you sail by them. These, as I have already noted, are low and flat, appearing in several shapes, according as they are naturally formed by many small creeks and branches of the sea. The 16th day we anchored at Pacheca in 17 fathom water about a league from the island, and sailed from thence the next day, with the wind at north-north-east directing our course towards Panama.
OLD PANAMA.
When we came abreast of Old Panama we anchored and sent our canoe ashore with our prisoner Don Diego de Pinas, with a letter to the governor to treat about an exchange for our man they had spirited away, as I said; and another Captain Harris left in the river of Santa Maria the year before, coming overland. Don Diego was desirous to go on this errand in the name and with the consent of the rest of our Spanish prisoners; but by some accident he was killed before he got ashore, as we heard afterwards.
Old Panama was formerly a famous place, but it was taken by Sir Henry Morgan about the year 1673, and at that time great part of it was burned to ashes, and it was never re-edified since.
THE NEW CITY.
New Panama is a very fair city, standing close by the sea, about four miles from the ruins of the old town. It gives name to a large bay which is famous for a great many navigable rivers, some whereof are very rich in gold; it is also very pleasantly sprinkled with islands that are not only profitable to their owners, but very delightful to the passengers and seamen that sail by them; some of which I have already described. It is encompassed on the back side with a pleasant country which is full of small hills and valleys, beautified with many groves and spots of trees that appear in the savannahs like so many little islands. This city is all compassed with a high stone wall; the houses are said to be of brick. Their roofs appear higher than the top of the city wall. It is beautified with a great many fair churches and religious houses besides the president's house and other eminent buildings; which altogether make one of the finest objects that I did ever see, in America especially. There are a great many guns on her walls, most of which look toward the land. They had none at all against the sea when I first entered those seas with Captain Sawkins, Captain Coxon, Captain Sharp, and others; for till then they did not fear any enemy by sea: but since that they have planted guns clear round.
THE GREAT CONCOURSE THERE FROM LIMA AND PORTOBELLO, ETC. UPON THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANISH ARMADA IN THE WEST INDIES.
This is a flourishing city by reason it is a thoroughfare for all imported or exported goods and treasure, to and from all parts of Peru and Chile; whereof their store-houses are never empty. The road also is seldom or never without ships. Besides, once in three years, when the Spanish armada comes to Portobello, then the Plate fleet also from Lima comes hither with the King's treasure, and abundance of merchant-ships full of goods and Plate; at that time the city is full of merchants and gentlemen; the seamen are busy in landing the treasure and goods, and the carriers, or caravan masters, employed in carrying it overland on mules (in vast droves every day) to Portobello, and bringing back European goods from thence: though the city be then so full yet during this heat of business there is no hiring of an ordinary slave under a piece-of-eight a day; houses, also chambers, beds and victuals, are then extraordinary dear.
THE COURSE THE ARMADA TAKES; WITH AN INCIDENTAL ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST INDUCEMENTS THAT MADE THE PRIVATEERS UNDERTAKE THE PASSAGE OVER THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN INTO THE SOUTH SEAS, AND OF THE PARTICULAR BEGINNING OF THEIR CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE INDIANS THAT INHABIT THAT ISTHMUS.
Now I am on this subject I think it will not be amiss to give the reader an account of the progress of the armada from Old Spain, which comes thus every three years into the Indies. Its first arrival is at Cartagena, from whence, as I have been told, an express is immediately sent overland to Lima, through the southern continent, and another by sea to Portobello with two packets of letters, one for the viceroy of Lima, the other for the viceroy of Mexico. I know not which way that of Mexico goes after its arrival at Portobello, whether by land or sea: but I believe by sea to La Vera Cruz. That for Lima is sent by land to Panama and from thence by sea to Lima.
Upon mention of these packets I shall digress yet a little further and acquaint my reader that before my first going over into the South Seas with Captain Sharp (and indeed before any privateers, at least since Drake and Oxenham had gone that way which we afterwards went, except La Sound, a French captain, who by Captain Wright's instructions had ventured as far as Cheapo Town with a body of men but was driven back again) I being then on board Captain Coxon, in company with three or four more privateers, about four leagues to the east of Portobello, we took the packets bound thither from Cartagena. We opened a great quantity of the merchants' letters and found the contents of many of them to be very surprising, the merchants of several parts of Old Spain thereby informing their correspondents of Panama and elsewhere of a certain prophecy that went about Spain that year, the tenor of which was THAT THERE WOULD BE ENGLISH PRIVATEERS THAT YEAR IN THE WEST INDIES, WHO WOULD MAKE SUCH GREAT DISCOVERIES AS TO OPEN A DOOR INTO THE SOUTH SEAS; which they supposed was fastest shut: and the letters were accordingly full of cautions to their friends to be very watchful and careful of their coasts.
This door they spoke of we all concluded must be the passage overland through the country of the Indians of Darien, who were a little before this become our friends, and had lately fallen out with the Spaniards, breaking off the intercourse which for some time they had with them: and upon calling also to mind the frequent invitations we had from those Indians a little before this time to pass through their country and fall upon the Spaniards in the South Seas, we from henceforward began to entertain such thoughts in earnest, and soon came to a resolution to make those attempts which we afterwards did with Captain Sharp, Coxon, etc., so that the taking these letters gave the first life to those bold undertakings: and we took the advantage of the fears the Spaniards were in from that prophecy, or probable conjecture, or whatever it were; for we sealed up most of the letters again, and sent them ashore to Portobello.
The occasion of this our late friendship with those Indians was thus: about 15 years before this time, Captain Wright being cruising near that coast and going in among the Samballoes Isles to strike fish and turtle, took there a young Indian lad as he was paddling about in a canoe. He brought him aboard his ship and gave him the name of John Gret, clothing him and intending to breed him among the English. But his Moskito strikers, taking a fancy to the boy, begged him of Captain Wright, and took him with them at their return into their own country, where they taught him their art, and he married a wife among them and learnt their language, as he had done some broken English while he was with Captain Wright, which he improved among the Moskitos, who, corresponding so much with us, do all of them smatter English after a sort; but his own language he had almost forgot. Thus he lived among them for many years; till, about six or eight months before our taking these letters, Captain Wright being again among the Samballoes, took thence another Indian boy about 10 or 12 years old, the son of a man of some account among those Indians; and, wanting a striker, he went away to the Moskito's country, where he took John Gret, who was now very expert at it. John Gret was much pleased to see a lad there of his own country, and it came into his mind to persuade Captain Wright upon this occasion to endeavour a friendship with those Indians; a thing our privateers had long coveted but never durst attempt, having such dreadful apprehensions of their numbers and fierceness: but John Gret offered the captain that he would go ashore and negotiate the matter; who accordingly sent him in his canoe till he was near the shore, which of a sudden was covered with Indians standing ready with their bows and arrows. John Gret, who had only a clout about his middle as the fashion of the Indians is, leapt then out of the boat and swam, the boat retiring a little way back; and the Indians ashore, seeing him in that habit and hearing him call to them in their own tongue (which he had recovered by conversing with the boy lately taken) suffered him quietly to land, and gathered all about to hear how it was with him. He told them particularly that he was one of their countrymen, and how he had been taken many years ago by the English, who had used him very kindly; that they were mistaken in being so much afraid of that nation who were not enemies to them but to the Spaniards: to confirm this he told them how well the English treated another young lad of theirs they had lately taken, such a one's son; for this he had learnt of the youth, and his father was one of the company that was got together on the shore. He persuaded them therefore to make a league with these friendly people, by whose help they might be able to quell the Spaniards; assuring also the father of the boy that, if he would but go with him to the ship which they saw at anchor at an island there (it was Golden Island, the eastermost of the Samballoes, a place where there is good striking for turtle) he should have his son restored to him and they might all expect a very kind reception. Upon these assurances 20 or 30 of them went off presently in two or three canoes laden with plantains, bananas, fowls, etc. And, Captain Wright having treated them on board, went ashore with them, and was entertained by them, and presents were made on each side. Captain Wright gave the boy to his father in a very handsome English dress which he had caused to be made purposely for him; and an agreement was immediately struck up between the English and these Indians who invited the English through their country into the South Seas.
Pursuant to this agreement the English, when they came upon any such design, or for traffic with them, were to give a certain signal which they pitched upon, whereby they might be known. But it happened that Mr. La Sound, the French captain spoken of a little before, being then one of Captain Wright's men, learnt this signal, and, staying ashore at Petit Guavres upon Captain Wright's going thither soon after, who had his commission from thence, he gave the other French there such an account of the agreement before mentioned, and the easiness of entering the South Seas thereupon, that he got at the head of about 120 of them who made that unsuccessful attempt upon Cheapo, as I said; making use of the signal they had learnt for passing the Indians' country, who at that time could not distinguish so well between the several nations of the Europeans as they can since.
From such small beginnings arose those great stirs that have been since made over the South Seas, namely, from the letters we took, and from the friendship contracted with these Indians by means of John Gret. Yet this friendship had like to have been stifled in its infancy; for within a few months after an English trading sloop came on this coast from Jamaica, and John Gret, who by this time had advanced himself as a grandee among these Indians, together with five or six more of that quality, went off to the sloop in their long gowns, as the custom is for such to wear among them. Being received aboard they expected to find everything friendly, and John Gret talked to them in English; but these Englishmen, having no knowledge at all of what had happened, endeavoured to make them slaves (as is commonly done) for upon carrying them to Jamaica they could have sold them for 10 or 12 pound apiece. But John Gret and the rest perceiving this, leapt all overboard, and were by the others killed every one of them in the water. The Indians on shore never came to the knowledge of it; if they had it would have endangered our correspondence. Several times after, upon our conversing with them, they enquired of us what was become of their countrymen: but we told them we knew not, as indeed it was a great while after that we heard this story; so they concluded the Spaniards had met with them and killed or taken them.
But to return to the account of the progress of the armada which we left at Cartagena. After an appointed stay there of about 60 days, as I take it, it goes thence to Portobello, where it lies 30 days and no longer. Therefore the viceroy of Lima, on notice of the armada's arrival at Cartagena, immediately sends away the King's treasure to Panama, where it is landed and lies ready to be sent to Portobello upon the first news of the armada's arrival there. This is the reason partly of their sending expresses so early to Lima, that upon the armada's first coming to Portobello, the treasure and goods may lie ready at Panama to be sent away upon the mules, and it requires some time for the Lima fleet to unlade, because the ships ride not at Panama but at Perica, which are three small islands 2 leagues from thence. The King's treasure is said to amount commonly to about 24,000,000 of pieces-of-eight: besides abundance of merchants' money. All this treasure is carried on mules, and there are large stables at both places to lodge them. Sometimes the merchants to steal the custom pack up money among goods and send it to Venta de Cruzes on the river Chagre; from thence down the river, and afterwards by sea to Portobello; in which passage I have known a whole fleet of periagos and canoes taken. The merchants who are not ready to sail by the thirteenth day after the armada's arrival are in danger to be left behind, for the ships all weigh the 30th day precisely, and go to the harbour's mouth: yet sometimes, on great importunity, the admiral may stay a week longer; for it is impossible that all the merchants should get ready, for want of men. When the armada departs from Portobello it returns again to Cartagena, by which time all the King's revenue which comes out of the country is got ready there. Here also meets them again a great ship called the Pattache, one of the Spanish galleons, which before their first arrival at Cartagena goes from the rest of the armada on purpose to gather the tribute of the coast, touching at the Margaritas and other places in her way thence to Cartagena, as Punta de Guaira Moracaybo, Rio de la Hacha, and Santa Marta; and at all these places takes in treasure for the king. After the set stay at Cartagena the armada goes away to the Havana in the isle of Cuba, to meet there the flota, which is a small number of ships that go to La Vera Cruz, and there takes in the effects of the city and country of Mexico, and what is brought thither in the ship which comes thither every year from the Philippine Islands; and, having joined the rest at the Havana, the whole armada sets sail for Spain through the Gulf of Florida. The ships in the South Seas lie a great deal longer at Panama before they return to Lima. The merchants and gentlemen which come from Lima stay as little time as they can at Portobello, which is at the best but a sickly place, and at this time is very full of men from all parts. But Panama, as it is not overcharged with men so unreasonably as the other, though very full, so it enjoys a good air, lying open to the sea-wind which rises commonly about 10 or 11 o'clock in the morning, and continues till 8 or 9 o'clock at night: then the land-wind comes and blows till 8 or 9 in the morning.
OF THE AIR AND WEATHER AT PANAMA.
There are no woods nor marshes near Panama, but a brave dry champion land, not subject to fogs nor mists. The wet season begins in the latter end of May and continues till November. At that time the sea-breezes are at south-south-west and the land-winds at north. At the dry season the winds are most betwixt the east-north-east and the north. Yet off in the bay they are commonly at south; but of this I shall be more particular in my Chapter of Winds in the Appendix. The rains are not so excessive about Panama itself as on either side of the bay; yet in the months of June, July, and August, they are severe enough. Gentlemen that come from Peru to Panama, especially in these months, cut their hair close to preserve them from fevers; for the place is sickly to them, because they come out of a country which never has any rains or fogs but enjoys a constant serenity; but I am apt to believe this city is healthy enough to any other people. Thus much for Panama.
THE ISLES OF PERICO.
The 20th day we went and anchored within a league of the islands Perico (which are only 3 little barren rocky islands) in expectation of the president of Panama's answer to the letter I said we sent him by Don Diego, treating about exchange of prisoners; this being the day on which he had given us his parole to return with an answer. The 21st day we took another bark laden with hogs, fowls, salt-beef and molasses; she came from Lavelia, and was going to Panama. In the afternoon we sent another letter ashore by a young Mestizo (a mixed brood of Indians and Europeans) directed to the president, and 3 or 4 copies of it to be dispersed abroad among the common people. This letter, which was full of threats, together with the young man's managing the business, wrought so powerfully among the common people that the city was in an uproar. The president immediately sent a gentleman aboard, who demanded the flour-prize that we took off of Gallo and all the prisoners for the ransom of our two men: but our captains told him they would exchange man for man. The gentleman said he had not orders for that, but if we would stay till the next day he would bring the governors' answer. The next day he brought aboard our two men and had about 40 prisoners in exchange.
TABAGO, A PLEASANT ISLAND.
The 24th day we ran over to the island Tabago. Tabago is in the bay and about six leagues south of Panama. It is about 3 mile long and 2 broad, a high mountainous island. On the north side it declines with a gentle descent to the sea. The land by the sea is of a black mould and deep; but towards the top of the mountain it is strong and dry. The north side of this island makes a very pleasant show, it seems to be a garden of fruit enclosed with many high trees; the chiefest fruits are plantains and bananas. They thrive very well from the foot to the middle of it; but those near the top are but small, as wanting moisture. Close by the sea there are many coconut-trees, which make a very pleasant sight.
THE MAMMEE-TREE.
Within the coconut-trees there grow many mammee-trees. The mammee is a large, tall, and straight-bodied tree, clean without knots or limbs for 60 or 70 foot or more. The head spreads abroad into many small limbs which grow pretty thick and close together. The bark is of a dark grey colour, thick and rough, full of large chops. The fruit is bigger than a quince; it is round and covered with a thick rind of a grey colour: when the fruit is ripe the rind is yellow and tough; and it will then peel off like leather; but before it is ripe it is brittle: the juice is then white and clammy; but when ripe not so. The ripe fruit under the rind is yellow as a carrot, and in the middle are two large rough stones, flat, and each of them much bigger than an almond. The fruit smells very well and the taste is answerable to the smell. The south-west end of the island has never been cleared but is full of firewood and trees of divers sorts. There is a very fine small brook of fresh water that springs out of the side of the mountain and, gliding through the grove of fruit-trees, falls into the sea on the north side.
THE VILLAGE TABAGO.
There was a small town standing by the sea with a church at one end, but now the biggest part of it is destroyed by the privateers. There is good anchoring right against the town about a mile from the shore, where you may have 16 or 18 fathom water, soft oazy ground. There is a small island close by the north-west end of this called Tabogilla, with a small channel to pass between. There is another woody island about a mile on the north-east side of Tabago, and a good channel between them: this island has no name that ever I heard.
A SPANISH STRATAGEM OR TWO OF CAPTAIN BOND THEIR ENGINEER.
While we lay at Tabago we had like to have had a scurvy trick played us by a pretended merchant from Panama, who came as by stealth to traffic with us privately; a thing common enough with the Spanish merchants, both in the North and South Seas, notwithstanding the severe prohibition of the governors; who yet sometimes connive at it and will even trade with the privateers themselves.
Our merchant was by agreement to bring out his bark laden with goods in the night, and we to go and anchor at the south of Perico. Out he came, with a fire-ship instead of a bark, and approached very near, hailing us with the watch-word we had agreed upon. We, suspecting the worst, called to them to come to an anchor, and upon their not doing so fired at them; when immediately their men, going out into the canoes, set fire to their ship, which blew up, and burnt close by us so that we were forced to cut our cables in all haste and scamper away as well as we could.
The Spaniard was not altogether so politick in appointing to meet us at Perico for there we had sea-room; whereas, had he come thus upon us at Tabago, the land-wind bearing hard upon us as it did, we must either have been burnt by the fire-ship or, upon loosing our cables, have been driven ashore: but I suppose they chose Perico rather for the scene of their enterprise, partly because they might there best skulk among the islands, and partly because, if their exploit failed, they could thence escape best from our canoes to Panama, but two leagues off.
During this exploit Captain Swan (whose ship was less than ours, and so not so much aimed at by the Spaniards) lay about a mile off, with a canoe at the buoy of his anchor, as fearing some treachery from our pretended merchant; and a little before the bark blew up he saw a small float on the water and, as it appeared, a man on it making towards his ship; but the man dived and disappeared of a sudden, as thinking probably that he was discovered.
This was supposed to be one coming with some combustible matter to have stuck about the rudder. For such a trick Captain Sharp was served at Coquimbo, and his ship had like to have been burnt by it if, by mere accident, it had not been discovered: I was then aboard Captain Sharp's ship. Captain Swan, seeing the blaze by us, cut his cables as we did, his bark did the like; so we kept under sail all the night, being more scared than hurt. The bark that was on fire drove burning towards Tabago; but after the first blast she did not burn clear, only made a smother, for she was not well made, though Captain Bond had the framing and management of it.
This Captain Bond was he of whom I made mention in my 4th chapter. He, after his being at the isles of Cape Verde, stood away for the South Seas at the instigation of one Richard Morton who had been with Captain Sharp in the South Seas. In his way he met with Captain Eaton and they two consorted a day or two: at last Morton went aboard Captain Eaton and persuaded him to lose Captain Bond in the night, which Captain Eaton did, Morton continuing aboard of Captain Eaton, as finding his the better ship. Captain Bond thus losing both his consort Eaton, and Morton his pilot, and his ship being but an ordinary sailer, he despaired of getting into the South Seas; and had played such tricks among the Caribbean Isles, as I have been told, that he did not dare to appear at any of the English islands. Therefore he persuaded his men to go to the Spaniards and they consented to anything that he should propose: so he presently steered away into the West Indies and the first place where we came to an anchor was at Portobello. He presently declared to the governor that there were English ships coming into the South Seas, and that if they questioned it, he offered to be kept a prisoner till time should discover the truth of what he said; but they believed him and sent him away to Panama where he was in great esteem. This several prisoners told us.
THE IGNORANCE OF THE SPANIARDS OF THESE PARTS IN SEA-AFFAIRS.
The Spaniards of Panama could not have fitted out their fire-ship without this Captain Bond's assistance; for it is strange to say how grossly ignorant the Spaniards in the West Indies, but especially in the South Seas, are of sea-affairs. They build indeed good ships, but this is a small matter: for any ship of a good bottom will serve for these seas on the south coast. They rig their ships but untowardly, have no guns but in 3 or 4 of the king's ships, and are meanly furnished with warlike provisions, and much at a loss for the making any fire-ships or other less useful machines. Nay, they have not the sense to have their guns run within the sides upon their discharge, but have platforms without for the men to stand on to charge them; so that when we come near we can fetch them down with small shot out of our boats. A main reason of this is that the native Spaniards are too proud to be seamen, but use the Indians for all those offices: one Spaniard, it may be, going in the ship to command it, and himself of little more knowledge than those poor ignorant creatures: nor can they gain much experience, seldom going far off to sea, but coasting along the shores.
A PARTY OF FRENCH PRIVATEERS ARRIVE FROM OVERLAND.
But to proceed: in the morning when it was light we came again to anchor close by our buoys and strove to get our anchors again; but our buoy-ropes, being rotten, broke. While we were puzzling about our anchors we saw a great many canoes full of men pass between Tabago and the other island. This put us into a new consternation: we lay still some time till we saw that they came directly towards us, then we weighed and stood towards them: and when we came within hail we found that they were English and French privateers come out of the North Seas through the Isthmus of Darien. They were 280 men in 28 canoes; 200 of them French, the rest English. They were commanded by Captain Gronet and Captain Lequie. We presently came to an anchor again and all the canoes came aboard. These men told us that there were 180 English men more, under the command of Captain Townley, in the country of Darien, making canoes (as these men had been) to bring them into these seas. All the Englishmen that came over in this party were immediately entertained by Captain Davis and Captain Swan in their own ships, and the French men were ordered to have our flour-prize to carry them, and Captain Gronet being the eldest commander was to command them there; and thus they were all disposed of to their hearts' content. Captain Gronet, to retaliate this kindness, offered Captain Davis and Captain Swan each of them a new commission from the governor of Petit Guavres.
OF THE COMMISSIONS THAT ARE GIVEN OUT BY THE FRENCH GOVERNOUR OF PETIT GUAVRES.
It has been usual for many years past for the governor of Petit Guavres to send blank commissions to sea by many of his captains with orders to dispose of them to whom they saw convenient. Those of Petit Guavres by this means making themselves the sanctuary and asylum of all people of desperate fortunes; and increasing their own wealth and the strength and reputation of their party thereby. Captain Davis accepted of one, having before only an old commission, which fell to him by inheritance at the decease of Captain Cook; who took it from Captain Tristian, together with his bark, as is before mentioned. But Captain Swan refused it, saying he had an order from the Duke of York neither to give offence to the Spaniards nor to receive any affront from them; and that he had been injured by them at Valdivia, where they had killed some of his men and wounded several more; so that he thought he had a lawful commission of his own to right himself. I never read any of these French commissions while I was in these seas, nor did I then know the import of them; but I have learnt since that the tenor of them is to give a liberty to fish, fowl, and hunt. The occasion of this is that the island Hispaniola, where the garrison of Petit Guavres is, belongs partly to the French and partly to the Spaniards; and in time of peace these commissions are given as a warrant to those of each side to protect them from the adverse party: but in effect the French do not restrain them to Hispaniola, but make them a pretence for a general ravage in any part of America, by sea or land.
OF THE GULF OF ST. MICHAEL, AND THE RIVERS OF CONGOS, SAMBO, AND SANTA MARIA: AND AN ERROR OF THE COMMON MAPS, IN THE PLACING POINT GARACHINA AND CAPE SAN LORENZO, CORRECTED.
Having thus disposed of our associates we intended to sail toward the Gulf of St. Michael to seek Captain Townley; who by this time we thought might be entering into these seas. Accordingly the second day of March 1685 we sailed from hence towards the Gulf of St. Michael. This gulf lies near 30 leagues from Panama towards the south-east. The way thither from Panama is to pass between the King's Islands and the Main. It is a place where many great rivers having finished their courses are swallowed up in the sea. It is bounded on the south with Point Garachina, which lies in north latitude 6 degrees 40 minutes, and on the north side with Cape San Lorenzo. Where, by the way, I must correct a gross error in our common maps; which, giving no name at all to the south cape which yet is the most considerable, and is the true Point Garachina, do give that name to the north cape, which is of small remark only for those whose business is into the gulf; and the name San Lorenzo, which is the true name of this northern point, is by them wholly omitted; the name of the other point being substituted into its place. The chief rivers which run into this Gulf of St. Michael are Santa Maria, Sambo, and Congos. The river Congos (which is the river I would have persuaded our men to have gone up as their nearest way in our journey overland, mentioned Chapter 1) comes directly out of the country, and swallows up many small streams that fall into it from both sides; and at last loses itself on the north side of the gulf, a league within Cape San Lorenzo. It is not very wide, but deep, and navigable some leagues within land. There are sands without it; but a channel for ships. It is not made use of by the Spaniards because of the neighbourhood of Santa Maria River; where they have most business on account of the mines.
The River of Sambo seems to be a great River for there is a great tide at its mouth; but I can say nothing more of it, having never been in it.
This river falls into the sea on the south side of the gulf near Point Garachina. Between the mouths of these two rivers on either side the gulf runs in towards the land somewhat narrower; and makes five or six small islands which are clothed with great trees, green and flourishing all the year, and good channels between the islands. Beyond which, further in still, the shore on each side closes so near with two points of low mangrove land as to make a narrow or strait, scarce half a mile wide. This serves as a mouth or entrance to the inner part of the gulf, which is a deep bay two or three leagues over every way, and about the east end thereof are the mouths of several rivers, the chief of which is that of Santa Maria. There are many outlets or creeks besides this narrow place I have described, but none navigable besides that. For this reason the Spanish guard-ship mentioned in Chapter 1 chose to lie between these two points as the only passage they could imagine we should attempt; since this is the way that the privateers have generally taken as the nearest between the North and South Seas. The river of Santa Maria is the largest of all the rivers of this gulf. It is navigable eight or nine leagues up; for so high the tide flows. Beyond that place the river is divided into many branches which are only fit for canoes. The tide rises and falls in this river about 18 foot.
OF THE TOWN AND GOLD-MINES OF SANTA MARIA; AND THE TOWN OF SCUCHADERO.
About six leagues from the river's mouth, on the south side of it, the Spaniards about 20 years ago, upon their first discovery of the gold-mines here, built the town Santa Maria, of the same name with the river. This town was taken by Captain Coxon, Captain Harris and Captain Sharp, at their entrance into these seas; it being then but newly built. Since that time it is grown considerable; for when Captain Harris, the nephew of the former, took it (as is said in Chapter 6) he found in it all sorts of tradesmen, with a great deal of flour, and wine, and abundance of iron crows and pickaxes. These were instruments for the slaves to work in the gold-mines; for besides what gold and sand they take up together, they often find great lumps wedged between the rocks, as if it naturally grew there. I have seen a lump as big as a hen's egg, brought by Captain Harris from thence (who took 120 pound there) and he told me that there were lumps a great deal bigger: but these they were forced to beat in pieces that they might divide them. These lumps are not so solid, but that they have crevices and pores full of earth and dust. This town is not far from the mines, where the Spaniards keep a great many slaves to work in the dry time of the year: but in the rainy season when the rivers do overflow they cannot work so well. Yet the mines are so nigh the mountains that, as the rivers soon rise, so they are soon down again; and presently after the rain is the best searching for gold in the sands. for the violent rains do wash down the gold into the rivers, where much of it settles to the bottom and remains. Then the native Indians who live hereabouts get most; and of them the Spaniards buy more gold than their slaves get by working. I have been fold that they get the value of five shillings a day, one with another. The Spaniards withdraw most of them with their slaves during the wet season to Panama. At this town of St. Maria Captain Townley was lying with his party, making canoes, when Captain Gronet came into these seas; for it was then abandoned by the Spaniards.
There is another small new town at the mouth of the river called the Scuchadero: it stands on the north side of the open place, at the mouth of the river of Santa Maria, where there is more air than at the mines, or at Santa Maria Town, where they are in a manner stifled with heat for want of air.
All about these rivers, especially near the sea, the land is low, it is deep black earth, and the trees it produces are extraordinary large and high. Thus much concerning the Gulf of St. Michael, whither we were bound.
The second day of March, as is said before, we weighed from Perico, and the same night we anchored again at Pacheca. The third day we sailed from thence steering towards the Gulf. Captain Swan undertook to fetch off Captain Townley and his men: therefore he kept near the Main; but the rest of the ships stood nearer the King's Islands. Captain Swan desired this office because he intended to send letters overland by the Indians to Jamaica, which he did; ordering the Indians to deliver his letters to any English vessel in the other seas. At two o'clock we were again near the place where we cleaned our ships. There we saw two ships coming out who proved to be Captain Townley and his men. They were coming out of the river in the night and took 2 barks bound for Panama: the one was laden with flour, the other with wine, brandy, sugar, and oil. The prisoners that he took declared that the Lima fleet was ready to sail.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY'S ARRIVAL WITH SOME MORE ENGLISH PRIVATEERS OVERLAND.
We went and anchored among the King's Islands, and the next day Captain Swan returned out of the river of Santa Maria, being informed by the Indians that Captain Townley was come over to the King's Islands. At this place Captain Townley put out a great deal of his goods to make room for his men.
JARS OF PISCO-WINE.
He distributed his wine and brandy some to every ship that it might be drank out, because he wanted the jars to carry water in. The Spaniards in these seas carry all their wine, brandy, and oil in jars that hold 7 or 8 gallons. When they lade at Pisco (a place about 40 leagues to the southward of Lima, and famous for wine) they bring nothing else but jars of wine, and they stow one tier at the top of another so artificially that we could hardly do the like without breaking them: yet they often carry in this manner 1500 or 2000 or more in a ship, and seldom break one. The 10th day we took a small bark that came from Guayaquil: she had nothing in her but ballast. The 12th day there came an Indian canoe out of the river of Santa Maria and told us that there were 300 English and Frenchmen more coming overland from the North Seas.
A BARK OF CAPTAIN KNIGHT'S JOINS THEM.
The 15th day we met a bark with five or six Englishmen in her that belonged to Captain Knight, who had been in the South Seas five or six months, and was now on the Mexican coast. There he had espied this bark; but, not being able to come up with her in his ship, he detached these five or six men in a canoe, who took her, but, when they had done, could not recover their own ship again, losing company with her in the night, therefore they came into the Bay of Panama intending to go overland back into the North Seas, but that they luckily met with us: for the Isthmus of Darien was now become a common road for privateers to pass between the North and South Seas at their pleasure. This bark of Captain Knight's had in her 40 or 50 jars of brandy: she was now commanded by Mr. Henry More; but Captain Swan, intending to promote Captain Harris, caused Mr. More to be turned out, alleging that it was very likely these men were run away from their commander. Mr. More willingly resigned her, and went aboard of Captain Swan and became one of his men.
It was now the latter end of the dry season here; and the water at the King's, or Pearl Islands, of which there was plenty when we first came hither, was now dried away. Therefore we were forced to go to Point Garachina, thinking to water our ships there.
POINT GARACHINA AGAIN.
Captain Harris, being now commander of the new bark, was sent into the river of Santa Maria to see for those men that the Indians told us of, whilst the rest of the ships sailed towards Point Garachina; where we arrived the 21st day, and anchored two mile from the point, and found a strong tide running out of the river Sambo. The next day we ran within the point and anchored in four fathom at low water. The tide rises here eight or nine foot: the flood sets north-north-east, the ebb south-south-west. The Indians that inhabit in the river Sambo came to us in canoes and brought plantains and bananas. They could not speak nor understand Spanish; therefore I believe they have no commerce with the Spaniards. We found no fresh water here neither; so we went from hence to Port Pinas, which is seven leagues south by west from hence.
PORTO DE PINAS.
Porto Pinas lies in latitude 7 degrees north. It is so called because there are many pine-trees growing there. The land is pretty high, rising gently as it runs into the country. This country near the sea is all covered with pretty high woods: the land that bounds the harbour is low in the middle, but high and rocky on both sides. At the mouth of the harbour there are two small high islands, or rather barren rocks. The Spaniards in their pilot-books commend this for a good harbour; but it lies all open to the south-west winds, which frequently blow here in the wet season: beside, the harbour within the islands is a place of but small extent, and has a very narrow going in; what depth of water there is in the harbour I know not.
The 25th day we arrived at this Harbour of Pines but did not go in with our ship, finding it but an ordinary place to lie at. We sent in our boats to search it, and they found a stream of good water running into the sea; but there were such great swelling surges came into the harbour that we could not conveniently fill our water there. The 26th day we returned to Point Garachina again. In our way we took a small vessel laden with cocoa: she came from Guayaquil. The 29th day we arrived at Point Garachina: there we found Captain Harris, who had been in the river of Santa Maria; but he did not meet the men that he went for: yet he was informed again by the Indians that they were making canoes in one of the branches of the river of Santa Maria. Here we shared our cocoa lately taken.
Because we could not fill our water here we designed to go to Tabago again, where we were sure to be supplied. Accordingly on the 30th day we set sail, being now nine ships in company; and had a small wind at south-south-east. The first day of April, being in the channel between the King's Islands and the Main, we had much Thunder, lightning, and some rain: this evening we anchored at the island Pacheca, and immediately sent four canoes before us to the island Tabago to take some prisoners for information, and we followed the next day. The 3rd day in the evening we anchored by Perica, and the next morning went to Tabago where we found our four canoes. They arrived there in the night, and took a canoe that came (as is usual) from Panama for plantains. There were in the canoe four Indians and a Mulatto. The Mulatto, because he said he was in the fire-ship that came to burn us in the night, was immediately hanged. These prisoners confirmed that one Captain Bond, an Englishman, did command her.
Here we filled our water and cut firewood; and from hence we sent four canoes over to the Main with one of the Indians lately taken to guide them to a sugar-work: for now we had cocoa we wanted sugar to make chocolate. But the chiefest of their business was to get coppers, for, each ship having now so many men, our pots would not boil victuals fast enough though we kept them boiling all the day. About two or three days after they returned aboard with three coppers.
ISLE OF OTOQUE.
While we lay here Captain Davis's bark went to the island Otoque. This is another inhabited island in the Bay of Panama; not so big as Tabago, yet there are good plantain-walks on it, and some Negroes to look after them. These Negroes rear fowls and hogs for their masters, who live at Panama; as at the King's Islands.
THE PACKET FROM LIMA TAKEN.OTHER ENGLISH AND FRENCH PRIVATEERS ARRIVE.
It was for some fowls or hogs that our men went thither; but by accident they met also with an express that was sent to Panama with an account that the Lima fleet was at sea. Most of the letters were thrown overboard and lost; yet we found some that said positively that the fleet was coming with all the strength that they could make in the kingdom of Peru; yet were ordered not to fight us except they were forced to it: (though afterwards they chose to fight us, having first landed their treasure at Lavelia) and that the pilots of Lima had been in consultation what course to steer to miss us.
For the satisfaction of those who may be curious to know I have here inserted the resolutions taken by the Committee of Pilots, as one of our company translated them out of the Spanish of two of the letters we took. The first letter as follows:
Sir,
Having been with his Excellency, and heard the letter of Captain Michael Sanches de Tena read; wherein he says there should be a meeting of the pilots of Panama in the said city, they say it is not time, putting for objection the Galapagos: to which I answered that it was fear of the enemy, and that they might well go that way, I told this to his Excellency, who was pleased to command me to write this course, which is as follows.
The day for sailing being come, go forth to the west-south-west; from that to the west till you are forty leagues off at sea; then keep at the same distance to the north-west till you come under the Line: from whence the pilot must shape his course for Moro de Porco, and for the coast of Lavelia and Natta: where you may speak with the people, and according to the information they give, you may keep the same course for Otoque, from thence to Tabago, and so to Panama: this is what offers as to the course.
The letter is obscure: but the reader must make what he can of it. The directions in the other letter were to this effect:
The surest course to be observed going forth from Malabrigo is thus: you must sail west by south that you may avoid the sight of the islands of Lobos; and if you should chance to see them, by reason of the breezes, and should fall to leeward of the latitude of Malabrigo, keep on a wind as near as you can and, if necessary, go about and stand in for the shore; then tack and stand off, and be sure keep your latitude; and when you are 40 leagues to the westward of the island Lobos keep that distance till you come under the Line; and then, if the general wind follow you farther, you must sail north-north-east till you come into 3 degrees north. And if in this latitude you should find the breezes, make it your business to keep the coast, and so sail for Panama. If in your course you should come in sight of the land before you are abreast of Cape San Francisco, be sure to stretch off again out of sight of land, that you may not be discovered by the enemy.
The last letter supposes the fleet's setting out from Malabrigo in about 8 degrees South latitude (as the other does its going immediately from Lima, 4 degrees further south) and from hence is that caution given of avoiding Lobos, as near Malabrigo, in their usual way to Panama, and hardly to be kept out of sight, as the winds are thereabouts; yet to be avoided by the Spanish fleet at this time, because, as they had twice before heard of the privateers lying at Lobos de la Mar, they knew not but at that time we might be there in expectation of them.
The 10th day we sailed from Tabago towards the King's Islands again because our pilots told us that the king's ships did always come this way. The 11th day we anchored at the place where we careened. Here we found Captain Harris, who had gone a second time into the river of Santa Maria, and fetched the body of men that last came overland, as the Indians had informed us: but they fell short of the number they told us of. The 29th day we sent 250 men in 15 canoes to the river Cheapo to take the town of Cheapo. The 21st day all our ships but Captain Harris, who stayed to clean his ships, followed after.
CHEPELIO, ONE OF THE SWEETEST ISLANDS IN THE WORLD.
The 22nd day we arrived at the island Chepelio.
Chepelio is the pleasantest island in the Bay of Panama: it is but seven leagues from the city of Panama and a league from the Main. This island is about a mile long and almost so broad; it is low on the north side, and rises by a small ascent towards the south side. The soil is yellow, a kind of clay. The high side is stony; the low land is planted with all sorts of delicate fruits, namely, sapadillos, avocado-pears, mammees, mammee-sapotas, star-apples, etc. The midst of the island is planted with plantain-trees, which are not very large, but the fruit extraordinary sweet.
THE SAPADILLO, AVOCADO-PEAR, MAMMEE-SAPOTA.
The sapadillo-tree is as big as a large pear-tree, the fruit much like a bergamot-pear both in colour, shape and size; but on some trees the fruit is a little longer. When it is green or first gathered, the juice is white and clammy, and it will stick like glue; then the fruit is hard, but after it has been gathered two or three days, it grows soft and juicy, and then the juice is clear as spring-water and very sweet; in the midst of the fruit are two or three black stones or seeds, about the bigness of a pumpkin-seed: this is an excellent fruit.
The avocado-pear-tree is as big as most pear-trees, and is commonly pretty high; the skin or bark black, and pretty smooth; the leaves large, of an oval shape, and the fruit as big as a large lemon. It is of a green colour till it is ripe, and then it is a little yellowish. They are seldom fit to eat till they have been gathered two or three days; then they become soft and the skin or rind will peel off. The substance in the inside is green, or a little yellowish, and as soft as butter. Within the substance there is a stone as big as a horse-plum. This fruit has no taste of itself, and therefore it is usually mixed with sugar and lime-juice and beaten together in a plate; and this is an excellent dish. The ordinary way is to eat it with a little salt and a roasted plantain; and thus a man that's hungry may make a good meal of it. It is very wholesome eaten any way. It is reported that this fruit provokes to lust, and therefore is said to be much esteemed by the Spaniards: and I do believe they are much esteemed by them, for I have met with plenty of them in many places in the North Seas where the Spaniards are settled, as in the Bay of Campeachy, on the coast of Cartagena, and the coast of Caracas; and there are some in Jamaica, which were planted by the Spaniards when they possessed that island.
WILD MAMMEE AND STAR-APPLE.
The mammee-sapota-tree is different from the mammee described at the island Tabago in this chapter. It is not so big or so tall, neither is the fruit so big or so round. The rind of the fruit is thin and brittle; the inside is a deep red, and it has a rough flat long stone. This is accounted the principal fruit of the West Indies. It is very pleasant and wholesome. I have not seen any of these on Jamaica but in many places in the West Indies among the Spaniards. There is another sort of mammee-tree which is called the wild mammee: this bears a fruit which is of no value, but the tree is straight, tall, and very tough, and therefore principally used for making masts.
The star-apple-tree grows much like the quince-tree, but much bigger. It is full of leaves, and the leaf is broad of an oval shape, and of a very dark green colour. The fruit is as big as a large apple, which is commonly so covered with leaves that a man can hardly see it. They say this is a good fruit; I did never taste any but have seen both of the trees and fruit in many places on the Main, on the north side of the continent, and in Jamaica. When the Spaniards possessed that island they planted this and other sorts of fruit, as the sapadillo, avocado-pear, and the like; and of these fruits there are still in Jamaica in those plantations that were first settled by the Spaniards, as at the Angels, at 7-mile Walk, and 16-mile Walk. There I have seen these trees which were planted by the Spaniards, but I did never see any improvement made by the English, who seem in that little curious. The road for ships is on the north side, where there is good anchoring half a mile from the shore. There is a well close by the sea on the north side, and formerly there were three or four houses close by it, but now they are destroyed. This island stands right against the mouth of the river Cheapo.
CHEAPO RIVER AND TOWN.
The river Cheapo springs out of the mountains near the north side of the country and, it being penned up on the south side by other mountains, bends its course to the westward between both till, finding a passage on the south-west, it makes a kind of a half circle; and, being swelled to a considerable bigness, it runs with a slow motion into the sea seven leagues from Panama. This river is very deep, and about a quarter of a mile broad: but the mouth of it is choked up with sands, so that no ships can enter, but barks may. There is a small Spanish town of the same name within six leagues of the sea: it stands on the left hand going from the sea. This is it which I said Captain La Sound attempted. The land about it is champion, with many small hills clothed with woods; but the biggest part of the country is savannah. On the south side of the river it is all woodland for many leagues together. It was to this town that our 250 men were sent. The 24th day they returned out of the river, having taken the town without any opposition: but they found nothing in it. By the way going thither they took a canoe, but most of the men escaped ashore upon one of the King's Islands: she was sent out well appointed with armed men to watch our motion. The 25th day Captain Harris came to us, having cleaned his ship. The 26th day we went again toward Tabago; our fleet now, upon Captain Harris joining us again, consisted of ten sail. We arrived at Tabago the 28th day: there our prisoners were examined concerning the strength of Panama; for now we thought ourselves strong enough for such an enterprise, being near 1000 men. Out of these, on occasion, we could have landed 900: but our prisoners gave us small encouragement to it, for they assured us that all the strength of the country was there, and that many men were come from Portobello, besides its own inhabitants, who of themselves were more in number than we. These reasons, together with the strength of the place (which has a high wall) deterred us from attempting it. While we lay there at Tabago some of our men burnt the town on the island.
SOME TRAVERSINGS IN THE BAY OF PANAMA; AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE STRENGTH OF THE SPANISH FLEET, AND OF THE PRIVATEERS, AND THE ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THEM.
The 4th of May we sailed hence again bound for the King's Islands; and there we continued cruising from one end of these islands to the other: till on the 22nd day, Captain Davis and Captain Gronet went to Pacheca, leaving the rest of the fleet at anchor at St. Paul's Island. From Pacheca we sent two canoes to the island Chepelio, in hopes to get a prisoner there. The 25th day our canoes returned from Chepelio with three prisoners which they took there: they were seamen belonging to Panama, who said that provision was so scarce and dear there that the poor were almost starved, being hindered by us from those common and daily supplies of plantains, which they did formerly enjoy from the islands; especially from those two of Chepelio and Tabago that the president of Panama had strictly ordered, that none should adventure to any of the islands for plantains: but necessity had obliged them to trespass against the president's order. They farther reported that the fleet from Lima was expected every day; for it was generally talked that they were come from Lima: and that the report at Panama was that King Charles II of England was dead, and that the Duke of York was crowned King. The 27th day Captain Swan and Captain Townley also came to Pacheca, where we lay, but Captain Swan's bark was gone in among the King's Islands for plantains. The island Pacheca, as I have before related, is the northermost of the King's Islands. It is a small low island about a league round. On the south side of it there are two or three small islands, neither of them half a mile round. Between Pacheca and these islands is a small channel not above six or seven paces wide. and about a mile long. Through this Captain Townley made a bold run, being pressed hard by the Spaniards in the fight I am going to speak of, though he was ignorant whether there was a sufficient depth of water or not. On the east side of this channel all our fleet lay waiting for the Lima fleet, which we were in hopes would come this way.
The 28th day we had a very wet morning, for the rains were come in, as they do usually in May, or June, sooner or later; so that May is here a very uncertain month. Hitherto, till within a few days, we had good fair weather and the wind at north-north-east, but now the weather was altered and the wind at south-south-west.
However about eleven o'clock it cleared up, and we saw the Spanish fleet about three leagues west-north-west from the island Pacheca, standing close on a wind to the eastward; but they could not fetch the island by a league. We were riding a league south-east from the island between it and the Main; only Captain Gronet was about a mile to the northward of us near the island: he weighed so soon as they came in sight and stood over for the Main; and we lay still, expecting when he would tack and come to us: but he took care to keep himself out of harm's way.
Captain Swan and Townley came aboard of Captain Davis to order how to engage the enemy, who we saw came purposely to fight us, they being in all 14 sail, besides periagos rowing with 12 and 14 oars apiece. Six sail of them were ships of good force: first the admiral 48 guns, 450 men; the vice-admiral 40 guns, 400 men; the rear-admiral 36 guns, 360 men; a ship of 24 guns, 300 men; one of 18 guns, 250 men; and one of eight guns, 200 men; two great fire-ships, six ships only with small arms having 800 men on board them all; besides 2 or 3 hundred men in periagos. This account of their strength we had afterwards from Captain Knight who, being to the windward on the coast of Peru, took prisoners, of whom he had this information, being what they brought from Lima. Besides these men they had also some hundreds of Old Spain men that came from Portobello, and met them at Lavelia, from whence they now came: and their strength of men from Lima was 3000 men, being all the strength they could make in that kingdom; and for greater security they had first landed their treasure at Lavelia.
Our fleet consisted of ten sail: first Captain Davis 36 guns, 156 men, most English; Captain Swan 16 guns, 140 men, all English: these were the only ships of force that we had; the rest having none but small arms. Captain Townley had 110 men, all English. Captain Gronet 308 men, all French. Captain Harris 100 men, most English. Captain Branly 36 men, some English, some French; Davis's tender eight men; Swan's tender eight men; Townley's bark 80 men; and a small bark of 30 tuns made a fire-ship, with a canoe's crew in her. We had in all 960 men. But Captain Gronet came not to us till all was over, yet we were not discouraged at it, but resolved to fight them, for, being to windward of the enemy, we had it at our choice whether we would fight or not. It was three o'clock in the afternoon when we weighed, and being all under sail we bore down right afore the wind on our enemies, who kept close on a wind to come to us; but night came on without anything beside the exchanging of a few shot on each side. When it grew dark the Spanish admiral put out a light as a signal for his fleet to come to an anchor. We saw the light in the admiral's top, which continued about half an hour, and then it was taken down. In a short time after we saw the light again and, being to windward, we kept under sail, supposing the light had been in the admiral's top; but as it proved this was only a stratagem of theirs; for this light was put out the second time at one of their bark's topmast-head, and then she was sent to leeward; which deceived us: for we thought still the light was in the admiral's top, and by that means thought ourselves to windward of them.
In the morning therefore, contrary to our expectation, we found they had got the weather-gage of us, and were coming upon us with full sail; so we ran for it and, after a running fight all day, and having taken a turn almost round the Bay of Panama, we came to an anchor again at the isle of Pacheca, in the very same place from whence we set out in the morning.
Thus ended this day's work, and with it all that we had been projecting for five or six months; when, instead of making ourselves masters of the Spanish fleet and treasure, we were glad to escape them; and owed that too, in a great measure, to their want of courage to pursue their advantage.
The 30th day in the morning when we looked out we saw the Spanish fleet all together three leagues to leeward of us at an anchor. It was but little wind till 10 o'clock, and then sprung up a small breeze at south, and the Spanish fleet went away to Panama. What loss they had I know not; we lost but one man: and, having held a consult, we resolved to go to the keys of Quibo or Cobaya, to seek Captain Harris, who was forced away from us in the fight; that being the place appointed for our rendezvous upon any such accident. As for Gronet, he said his men would not suffer him to join us in the fight: but we were not satisfied with that excuse; so we suffered him to go with us to the isles of Quibo, and there cashiered our cowardly companion. Some were for taking from him the ship which we had given him: but at length he was suffered to keep it with his men, and we sent them away in it to some other place.
THEY SET OUT FROM TABAGO.
According to the resolutions we had taken we set out June the 1st 1685, passing between Point Garachina and the King's Islands. The wind was at south-south-west rainy weather, with tornadoes of thunder and lightning.
ISLE OF CHUCHE.
The 3rd day we passed by the island Chuche, the last remainder of the isles in the Bay of Panama. This is a small, low, round, woody island, uninhabited; lying four leagues south-south-west from Pacheca.
In our passage to Quibo Captain Branly lost his main-mast; therefore he and all his men left his bark, and came aboard Captain Davis's ship. Captain Swan also sprung his main-top-mast, and got up another; but while he was doing it and we were making the best of our way we lost sight of him, and were now on the north side of the bay; for this way all ships must pass from Panama whether bound towards the coast of Mexico or Peru.
THE MOUNTAIN CALLED MORO DE PORCOS.
The 10th day we passed by Moro de Porcos, or the mountain of hogs. Why so called I know not: it is a high round hill on the coast of Lavelia.
THE COAST TO THE WESTWARD OF THE BAY OF PANAMA.
This side of the Bay of Panama runs out westerly to the islands of Quibo: there are on this coast many rivers and creeks but none so large as those on the south side of the bay. It is a coast that is partly mountainous, partly low land, and very thick of woods bordering on the sea; but a few leagues within land it consists mostly of savannahs which are stocked with bulls and cows. The rivers on this side are not wholly destitute of gold though not so rich as the rivers on the other side of the bay. The coast is but thinly inhabited, for except the rivers that lead up to the towns of Nata and Lavelia I know of no other settlement between Panama and Puebla Nova. The Spaniards may travel by land from Panama through all the kingdom of Mexico, as being full of savannahs; but towards the coast of Peru they cannot pass further than the river Cheapo; the land there being so full of thick woods and watered with so many great rivers, besides less rivers and creeks, that the Indians themselves who inhabit there cannot travel far without much trouble.
ISLES OF QUIBO, QUICARO, RANCHERIA.
We met with very wet weather in our voyage to Quibo; and with south-south-west and sometimes south-west winds which retarded our course. It was the 15th day of June when we arrived at Quibo and found there Captain Harris, whom we sought. The island Quibo or Cabaya is in latitude 7 degrees 14 minutes north of the Equator. It is about six or seven leagues long and three or four broad. The land is low except only near the north-east end. It is all over plentifully stored with great tall flourishing trees of many sorts; and there is good water on the east and north-east sides of the island. Here are some deer and plenty of pretty large black monkeys whose flesh is sweet and wholesome: besides a few iguanas, and some snakes. I know no other sort of land-animal on the island. There is a shoal runs out from the south-east point of the island, half a mile into the sea; and a league to the north of this shoal point, on the east side, there is a rock about a mile from the shore, which at the last quarter ebb appears above water. Besides these two places there is no danger on this side, but ships may run within a quarter of a mile of the shore and anchor in 6, 8, 10, or 12 fathom, good clean sand and oaze.
There are many other islands lying some on the south-west side, others on the north and north-east sides of this island; as the island Quicaro, which is a pretty large island south-west of Quibo, and on the north of it is a small island called the Rancheria; on which island are plenty of palma-maria-trees.
THE PALMA-MARIA-TREE.
The palma-maria is a tall straight-bodied tree, with a small head, but very unlike the palm-tree, notwithstanding the name. It is greatly esteemed for making masts, being very tough,
