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Title:      The Common Reader (1935)
            Second Series
Author:     Virginia Woolf
* A Project Gutenberg of Australia eBook *
eBook No.:  0301251.txt
Language:   English
Date first posted:          September 2003
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A Project Gutenberg of Australia eBook

Title:      The Common Reader (1935)
            Second Series
Author:     Virginia Woolf





". . . I rejoice to concur with the common reader; for by the
common sense of readers, uncorrupted by literary prejudices, after
all the refinements of subtilty and the dogmatism of learning, must
be generally decided all claim to poetical honours."--DR. JOHNSON,
Life of Gray,




Most of the following papers have appeared in the Times Literary
Supplement, Life and Letters, The Nation, Vogue, The New York
Herald, The Yale Review, and Figaro.  For permission to reprint two
of them I have to thank the Oxford University Press and Mr.
Jonathan Cape.  Some are now published for the first time.




CONTENTS


THE STRANGE ELIZABETHANS

DONNE AFTER THREE CENTURIES

"THE COUNTESS OF PEMBROKE'S ARCADIA"

"ROBINSON CRUSOE"

DOROTHY OSBORNE'S "LETTERS"

SWIFT'S "JOURNAL TO STELLA"

THE "SENTIMENTAL JOURNEY"

LORD CHESTERFIELD'S LETTERS TO HIS SON

TWO PARSONS--

   I.  JAMES WOODFORDE

  II.  JOHN SKINNER

DR. BURNEY'S EVENING PARTY

JACK MYTTON

DE QUINCEY'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY

FOUR FIGURES--

   I.  COWPER AND LADY AUSTEN

  II.  BEAU BRUMMELL

 III.  MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT

  IV.  DOROTHY WORDSWORTH

WILLIAM HAZLITT

GERALDINE AND JANE

"AURORA LEIGH"

THE NIECE OF AN EARL

GEORGE GISSING

THE NOVELS OF GEORGE MEREDITH

"I AM CHRISTINA ROSSETTI"

THE NOVELS OF THOMAS HARDY

HOW SHOULD ONE READ A BOOK?





THE STRANGE ELIZABETHANS


There are few greater delights than to go back three or four
hundred years and become in fancy at least an Elizabethan.  That
such fancies are only fancies, that this "becoming an Elizabethan",
this reading sixteenth-century writing as currently and certainly
as we read our own is an illusion, is no doubt true.  Very likely
the Elizabethans would find our pronunciation of their language
unintelligible; our fancy picture of what it pleases us to call
Elizabethan life would rouse their ribald merriment.  Still, the
instinct that drives us to them is so strong and the freshness and
vigour that blow through their pages are so sweet that we willingly
run the risk of being laughed at, of being ridiculous.

And if we ask why we go further astray in this particular region of
English literature than in any other, the answer is no doubt that
Elizabethan prose, for all its beauty and bounty, was a very
imperfect medium.  It was almost incapable of fulfilling one of the
offices of prose which is to make people talk, simply and
naturally, about ordinary things.  In an age of utilitarian prose
like our own, we know exactly how people spend the hours between
breakfast and bed, how they behave when they are neither one thing
nor the other, neither angry nor loving, neither happy nor
miserable.  Poetry ignores these slighter shades; the social
student can pick up hardly any facts about daily life from
Shakespeare's plays; and if prose refuses to enlighten us, then one
avenue of approach to the men and women of another age is blocked.
Elizabethan prose, still scarcely separated off from the body of
its poetry, could speak magnificently, of course, about the great
themes--how life is short, and death certain; how spring is lovely,
and winter horrid--perhaps, indeed, the lavish and towering periods
that it raises above these simple platitudes are due to the fact
that it has not cheapened itself upon trifles.  But the price it
pays for this soaring splendour is to be found in its awkwardness
when it comes to earth--when Lady Sidney, for example, finding
herself cold at nights, has to solicit the Lord Chamberlain for a
better bedroom at Court.  Then any housemaid of her own age could
put her case more simply and with greater force.  Thus, if we go to
the Elizabethan prose-writers to solidify the splendid world of
Elizabethan poetry as we should go now to our biographers,
novelists, and journalists to solidify the world of Pope, of
Tennyson, of Conrad, we are perpetually baffled and driven from our
quest.  What, we ask, was the life of an ordinary man or woman in
the time of Shakespeare?  Even the familiar letters of the time
give us little help.  Sir Henry Wotton is pompous and ornate and
keeps us stiffly at arm's length.  Their histories resound with
drums and trumpets.  Their broadsheets reverberate with meditations
upon death and reflections upon the immortality of the soul.  Our
best chance of finding them off their guard and so becoming at ease
with them is to seek one of those unambitious men who haunt the
outskirts of famous gatherings, listening, observing, sometimes
taking a note in a book.  But they are difficult to find.  Gabriel
Harvey perhaps, the friend of Spenser and of Sidney, might have
fulfilled that function.  Unfortunately the values of the time
persuaded him that to write about rhetoric, to write about Thomas
Smith, to write about Queen Elizabeth in Latin, was better worth
doing than to record the table talk of Spenser and Sir Philip
Sidney.  But he possessed to some extent the modern instinct for
preserving trifles, for keeping copies of letters, and for making
notes of ideas that struck him in the margins of books.  If we
rummage among these fragments we shall, at any rate, leave the
highroad and perhaps hear some roar of laughter from a tavern door,
where poets are drinking; or meet humble people going about their
milking and their love-making without a thought that this is the
great Elizabethan age, or that Shakespeare is at this moment
strolling down the Strand and might tell one, if one plucked him by
the sleeve, to whom he wrote the sonnets, and what he meant by
Hamlet.

The first person whom we meet is indeed a milkmaid--Gabriel
Harvey's sister Mercy.  In the winter of 1574 she was milking in
the fields near Saffron Walden accompanied by an old woman, when a
man approached her and offered her cakes and malmsey wine.  When
they had eaten and drunk in a wood and the old woman had wandered
off to pick up sticks, the man proceeded to explain his business.
He came from Lord Surrey, a youth of about Mercy's own age--
seventeen or eighteen that is--and a married man.  He had been
bowling one day and had seen the milkmaid; her hat had blown off
and "she had somewhat changed her colour".  In short, Lord Surrey
had fallen passionately in love with her; and sent her by the same
man gloves, a silk girdle, and an enamel posy ring which he had
torn from his own hat though his Aunt, Lady W----, had given it him
for a very different purpose.  Mercy at first stood her ground.
She was a poor milkmaid, and he was a noble gentleman.  But at last
she agreed to meet him at her house in the village.  Thus, one very
misty, foggy night just before Christmas, Lord Surrey and his
servant came to Saffron Walden.  They peered in at the malthouse,
but saw only her mother and sisters; they peeped in at the parlour,
but only her brothers were there.  Mercy herself was not to be
seen; and "well mired and wearied for their labour", there was
nothing for it but to ride back home again.  Finally, after further
parleys, Mercy agreed to meet Lord Surrey in a neighbour's house
alone at midnight.  She found him in the little parlour "in his
doublet and hose, his points untrust, and his shirt lying round
about him".  He tried to force her on to the bed; but she cried
out, and the good wife, as had been agreed between them, rapped on
the door and said she was sent for.  Thwarted, enraged, Lord Surrey
cursed and swore, "God confound me, God confound me", and by way of
lure emptied his pockets of all the money in them--thirteen
shillings in shillings and testers it came to--and made her finger
it.  Still, however, Mercy made off, untouched, on condition that
she would come again on Christmas eve.  But when Christmas eve
dawned she was up betimes and had put seven miles between her and
Saffron Walden by six in the morning, though it snowed and rained
so that the floods were out, and P., the servant, coming later to
the place of assignation, had to pick his way through the water in
pattens.  So Christmas passed.  And a week later, in the very nick
of time to save her honour, the whole story very strangely was
discovered and brought to an end.  On New Year's Eve her brother
Gabriel, the young fellow of Pembroke Hall, was riding back to
Cambridge when he came up with a simple countryman whom he had met
at his father's house.  They rode on together, and after some
country gossip, the man said that he had a letter for Gabriel in
his pocket.  Indeed, it was addressed "To my loving brother Mr. G.
H.", but when Gabriel opened it there on the road, he found that
the address was a lie.  It was not from his sister Mercy, but to
his sister Mercy.  "Mine Own Sweet Mercy", it began; and it was
signed "Thine more than ever his own Phil".  Gabriel could hardly
control himself--"could scarcely dissemble my sudden fancies and
comprimitt my inward passions"--as he read.  For it was not merely
a love-letter; it was more; it talked about possessing Mercy
according to promise.  There was also a fair English noble wrapped
up in the paper.  So Gabriel, doing his best to control himself
before the countryman, gave him back the letter and the coin and
told him to deliver them both to his sister at Saffron Walden with
this message:  "To look ere she leap.  She may pick out the English
of it herself."  He rode on to Cambridge; he wrote a long letter to
the young lord, informing him with ambiguous courtesy that the game
was up.  The sister of Gabriel Harvey was not to be the mistress of
a married nobleman.  Rather she was to be a maid, "diligent, and
trusty and tractable", in the house of Lady Smith at Audley End.
Thus Mercy's romance breaks off; the clouds descend again; and we
no longer see the milkmaid, the old woman, the treacherous serving
man who came with malmsey and cakes and rings and ribbons to tempt
a poor girl's honour while she milked her cows.

This is probably no uncommon story; there must have been many
milkmaids whose hats blew off as they milked their cows, and many
lords whose hearts leapt at the sight so that they plucked the
jewels from their hats and sent their servants to make treaty for
them.  But it is rare for the girl's own letters to be preserved or
to read her own account of the story as she was made to deliver it
at her brother's inquisition.  Yet when we try to use her words to
light up the Elizabethan field, the Elizabethan house and living-
room, we are met by the usual perplexities.  It is easy enough, in
spite of the rain and the fog and the floods, to make a fancy piece
out of the milkmaid and the meadows and the old woman wandering off
to pick up sticks.  Elizabethan songwriters have taught us too well
the habit of that particular trick.  But if we resist the impulse
to make museum pieces out of our reading, Mercy herself gives us
little help.  She was a milkmaid, scribbling love-letters by the
light of a farthing dip in an attic.  Nevertheless, the sway of the
Elizabethan convention was so strong, the accent of their speech
was so masterful, that she bears herself with a grace and expresses
herself with a resonance that would have done credit to a woman of
birth and literary training.  When Lord Surrey pressed her to yield
she replied:


The thing you wot of, Milord, were a great trespass towards God, a
great offence to the world, a great grief to my friends, a great
shame to myself, and, as I think, a great dishonour to your
lordship.  I have heard my father say, Virginity is ye fairest
flower in a maid's garden, and chastity ye richest dowry a poor
wench can have. . . .  Chastity, they say, is like unto time,
which, being once lost, can no more be recovered.


Words chime and ring in her ears, as if she positively enjoyed the
act of writing.  When she wishes him to know that she is only a
poor country girl and no fine lady like his wife, she exclaims,
"Good Lord, that you should seek after so bare and country stuff
abroad, that have so costly and courtly wares at home!"  She even
breaks into a jog-trot of jingling rhyme, far less sonorous than
her prose, but proof that to write was an art, not merely a means
of conveying facts.  And if she wants to be direct and forcible,
the proverbs she has heard in her father's house come to her pen,
the biblical imagery runs in her ears:  "And then were I, poor
wench, cast up for hawk's meat, to mine utter undoing, and my
friends' exceeding grief".  In short, Mercy the milkmaid writes a
natural and noble style, which is incapable of vulgarity, and
equally incapable of intimacy.  Nothing, one feels, would have been
easier for Mercy than to read her lover a fine discourse upon the
vanity of grandeur, the loveliness of chastity, the vicissitudes of
fortune.  But of emotion as between one particular Mercy and one
particular Philip, there is no trace.  And when it comes to dealing
exactly in a few words with some mean object--when, for example,
the wife of Sir Henry Sidney, the daughter of the Duke of
Northumberland, has to state her claim to a better room to sleep
in, she writes for all the world like an illiterate servant girl
who can neither form her letters nor spell her words nor make one
sentence follow smoothly after another.  She haggles, she niggles,
she wears our patience down with her repetitions and her
prolixities.  Hence it comes about that we know very little about
Mercy Harvey, the milkmaid, who wrote so well, or Mary Sidney,
daughter to the Duke of Northumberland, who wrote so badly.  The
background of Elizabethan life eludes us.



But let us follow Gabriel Harvey to Cambridge, in case we can there
pick up something humble and colloquial that will make these
strange Elizabethans more familiar to us.  Gabriel, having
discharged his duty as a brother, seems to have given himself up to
the life of an intellectual young man with his way to make in the
world.  He worked so hard and he played so little that he made
himself unpopular with his fellows.  For it was obviously difficult
to combine an intense interest in the future of English poetry and
the capacity of the English language with card-playing, bear-
baiting, and such diversions.  Nor could he apparently accept
everything that Aristotle said as gospel truth.  But with congenial
spirits he argued, it is clear, hour by hour, night after night,
about poetry, and metre, and the raising of the despised English
speech and the meagre English literature to a station among the
great tongues and literatures of the world.  We are sometimes made
to think, as we listen, of such arguments as might now be going
forward in the new Universities of America.  The young English
poets speak with a bold yet uneasy arrogance--"England, since it
was England, never bred more honourable minds, more adventurous
hearts, more valorous hands, or more excellent wits, than of late".
Yet, to be English is accounted a kind of crime--"nothing is
reputed so contemptible and so basely and vilely accounted of as
whatsoever is taken for English".  And if, in their hopes for
the future and their sensitiveness to the opinion of older
civilisations, the Elizabethans show much the same susceptibility
that sometimes puzzle us among the younger countries to-day, the
sense that broods over them of what is about to happen, of an
undiscovered land on which they are about to set foot, is much like
the excitement that science stirs in the minds of imaginative
English writers of our own time.  Yet however stimulating it is to
think that we hear the stir and strife of tongues in Cambridge
rooms about the year 1570, it has to be admitted that to read
Harvey's pages methodically is almost beyond the limits of human
patience.  The words seem to run red-hot, molten, hither and
thither, until we cry out in anguish for the boon of some meaning
to set its stamp on them.  He takes the same idea and repeats it
over and over again:


In the sovereign workmanship of Nature herself, what garden of
flowers without weeds? what orchard of trees without worms? what
field of corn without cockle? what pond of fishes without frogs?
what sky of light without darkness? what mirror of knowledge
without ignorance? what man of earth without frailty? what
commodity of the world without discommodity?


It is interminable.  As we go round and round like a horse in a
mill, we perceive that we are thus clogged with sound because we
are reading what we should be hearing.  The amplifications and the
repetitions, the emphasis like that of a fist pounding the edge of
a pulpit, are for the benefit of the slow and sensual ear which
loves to dally over sense and luxuriate in sound--the ear which
brings in, along with the spoken word, the look of the speaker and
his gestures, which gives a dramatic value to what he says and adds
to the crest of an extravagance some modulation which makes the
word wing its way to the precise spot aimed at in the hearer's
heart.  Hence, when we lay Harvey's diatribes against Nash or his
letters to Spenser upon poetry under the light of the eye alone, we
can hardly make headway and lose our sense of any definite
direction.  We grasp any simple fact that floats to the surface as
a drowning man grasps a plank--that the carrier was called Mrs.
Kerke, that Perne kept a cub for his pleasure in his rooms at
Peterhouse; that "Your last letter . . . was delivered me at mine
hostesses by the fireside, being fast hedged in round about on
every side with a company of honest, good fellows, and at that time
reasonable, honest quaffers"; that Greene died begging Mistress
Isam "for a penny pot of Malmsey", had borrowed her husband's shirt
when his own was awashing, and was buried yesterday in the new
churchyard near Bedlam at a cost of six shillings and fourpence.
Light seems to dawn upon the darkness.  But no; just as we think to
lay hands on Shakespeare's coat-tails, to hear the very words
rapped out as Spenser spoke them, up rise the fumes of Harvey's
eloquence and we are floated off again into disputation and
eloquence, windy, wordy, voluminous, and obsolete.  How, we ask, as
we slither over the pages, can we ever hope to come to grips with
these Elizabethans?  And then, turning, skipping and glancing,
something fitfully and doubtfully emerges from the violent pages,
the voluminous arguments--the figure of a man, the outlines of a
face, somebody who is not "an Elizabethan" but an interesting,
complex, and individual human being.

We know him, to begin with, from his dealings with his sister.  We
see him riding to Cambridge, a fellow of his college, when she was
milking with poor old women in the fields.  We observe with
amusement his sense of the conduct that befits the sister of
Gabriel Harvey, the Cambridge scholar.  Education had put a great
gulf between him and his family.  He rode to Cambridge from a house
in a village street where his father made ropes and his mother
worked in the malthouse.  Yet though his lowly birth and the
consciousness that he had his way to make in the world made him
severe with his sister, fawning to the great, uneasy and self-
centred and ostentatious, it never made him ashamed of his family.
The father who could send three sons to Cambridge and was so little
ashamed of his craft that he had himself carved making ropes at his
work and the carving let in above his fireplace, was no ordinary
man.  The brothers who followed Gabriel to Cambridge and were his
best allies there, were brothers to be proud of.  He could be proud
of Mercy even, whose beauty could make a great nobleman pluck the
jewel from his hat.  He was undoubtedly proud of himself.  It was
the pride of a self-made man who must read when other people are
playing cards, who owns no undue allegiance to authority and will
contradict Aristotle himself, that made him unpopular at Cambridge
and almost cost him his degree.  But it was an unfortunate chance
that led him thus early in life to defend his rights and insist
upon his merits.  Moreover, since it was true--since he was abler,
quicker, and more learned than other people, handsome in person
too, as even his enemies could not deny ("a smudge piece of a
handsome fellow it hath been in his days" Nash admitted) he had
reason to think that he deserved success and was denied it only by
the jealousies and conspiracies of his colleagues.  For a time, by
dint of much caballing and much dwelling upon his own deserts, he
triumphed over his enemies in the matter of the degree.  He
delivered lectures.  He was asked to dispute before the court when
Queen Elizabeth came to Audley End.  He even drew her favourable
attention.  "He lookt something like an Italian", she said when he
was brought to her notice.  But the seeds of his downfall were
visible even in his moment of triumph.  He had no self-respect, no
self-control.  He made himself ridiculous and his friends uneasy.
When we read how he dressed himself up and "came ruffling it out
huffty tuffty in his suit of velvet" how uneasy he was, at one
moment cringing, at another "making no bones to take the wall of
Sir Phillip Sidney", now flirting with the ladies, now "putting
bawdy riddles to them", how when the Queen praised him he was
beside himself with joy and talked the English of Saffron Walden
with an Italian accent, we can imagine how his enemies jeered and
his friends blushed.  And so, for all his merits, his decline
began.  He was not taken into Lord Leicester's service; he was not
made Public Orator; he was not given the Mastership of Trinity
Hall.  But there was one society in which he succeeded.  In the
small, smoky rooms where Spenser and other young men discussed
poetry and language and the future of English literature, Harvey
was not laughed at.  Harvey, on the contrary, was taken very
seriously.  To friends like these he seemed as capable of greatness
as any of them.  He too might be one of those destined to make
English literature illustrious.  His passion for poetry was
disinterested.  His leaning was profound.  When he held forth upon
quantity and metre, upon what the Greeks had written and the
Italians, and what the English might write, no doubt he created for
Spenser that atmosphere of hope and ardent curiosity spiced with
sound learning that serves to spur the imagination of a young
writer and to make each fresh poem as it is written seem the common
property of a little band of adventurers set upon the same quest.
It was thus that Spenser saw him:


     Harvey, the happy above happiest men,
     I read: that, sitting like a looker-on
     Of this world's stage, doest note, with critic pen,
     The sharp dislikes of each condition.


Poets need such "lookers-on"; someone who discriminates from a
watch-tower above the battle; who warns; who foresees.  It must
have been pleasant for Spenser to listen as Harvey talked; and then
to cease to listen, to let the vehement, truculent voice run on,
while he slipped from theory to practice and made up a few lines of
his own poetry in his head.  But the looker-on may sit too long and
hold forth too curiously and domineeringly for his own health.  He
may make his theories fit too tight to accommodate the formlessness
of life.  Thus when Harvey ceased to theorise and tried to practise
there issued nothing but a thin dribble of arid and unappetising
verse or a copious flow of unctuous and servile eulogy.  He failed
to be a poet as he failed to be a statesman, as he failed to be a
professor, as he failed to be a Master, as he failed, it might
seem, in everything that he undertook, save that he had won the
friendship of Spenser and Sir Philip Sidney.

But, happily, Harvey left behind him a commonplace book; he had the
habit of making notes in the margins of books as he read.  Looking
from one to the other, from his public self to his private, we see
his face lit from both sides, and the expression changes as it
changes so seldom upon the face of the Elizabethans.  We detect
another Harvey lurking behind the superficial Harvey, shading him
with doubt and effort and despondency.  For, luckily, the
commonplace book was small; the margins even of an Elizabethan
folio narrow; Harvey was forced to be brief, and because he wrote
only for his own eye at the command of some sharp memory or
experience he seems to write as if he were talking to himself.
That is true, he seems to say; or that reminds me, or again:  If
only I had done this--We thus become aware of a conflict between
the Harvey who blundered among men and the Harvey who sat wisely at
home among his books.  The one who acts and suffers brings his case
to the one who reads and thinks for advice and consolation.

Indeed, he had need of both.  From the first his life was full of
conflict and difficulty.  Harvey the rope-maker's son might put a
brave face on it, but still in the society of gentlemen the lowness
of his birth galled him.  Think, then, the sedentary Harvey
counselled him, of all those unknown people who have nevertheless
triumphed.  Think of "Alexander, an Unexpert Youth"; think of
David, "a forward stripling, but vanquished a huge Giant"; think of
Judith and of Pope Joan and their exploits; think, above all, of
that "gallant virago . . . Joan of Arc, a most worthy, valiant
young wench . . . what may not an industrious and politic man do
. . . when a lusty adventurous wench might thus prevail?"  And then
it seems as if the smart young men at Cambridge twitted the rope-
maker's son for his lack of skill in the gentlemanly arts.  "Leave
writing", Gabriel counselled him, "which consumeth unreasonable
much time. . . .  You have already plagued yourself this way".
Make yourself master of the arts of eloquence and persuasion.  Go
into the world.  Learn swordsmanship, riding, and shooting.  All
three may be learnt in a week.  And then the ambitious but uneasy
youth began to find the other sex attractive and asked advice of
his wise and sedentary brother in the conduct of his love affairs.
Manners, the other Harvey was of opinion, are of the utmost
importance in dealing with women; one must be discreet, self-
controlled.  A gentleman, this counsellor continued, is known by
his "Good entertainment of Ladies and gentlewomen.  No salutation,
without much respect and ceremony"--a reflection inspired no doubt
by the memory of some snub received at Audley End.  Health and the
care of the body are of the utmost importance.  "We scholars make
an Ass of our body and wit".  One must "leap out of bed lustily,
every morning in ye whole year".  One must be sparing in one's
diet, and active, and take regular exercise, like brother H., "who
never failed to breathe his hound once a day at least".  There must
be no "buzzing or musing".  A learned man must also be a man of the
world.  Make it your "daily charge" "to exercise, to laugh; to
proceed boldly".  And if your tormentors brawl and rail and scoff
and mock at you, the best answer is "a witty and pleasant Ironie".
In any case, do not complain, "It is gross folly, and a vile Sign
of a wayward and forward disposition, to be eftsoons complaining of
this, or that, to small purpose".  And if as time goes on without
preferment, one cannot pay one's bills, one is thrust into prison,
one has to bear the taunts and insults of landladies, still
remember "Glad poverty is no poverty"; and if, as time passes and
the struggle increases, it seems as if "Life is warfare", if
sometimes the beaten man has to own, "But for hope ye Hart would
brust", still his sage counsellor in the study will not let him
throw up the sponge.  "He beareth his misery best, that hideth it
most" he told himself.

So runs the dialogue that we invent between the two Harveys--Harvey
the active and Harvey the passive, Harvey the foolish and Harvey
the wise.  And it seems on the surface that the two halves, for all
their counselling together, made but a sorry business of the whole.
For the young man who had ridden off to Cambridge full of conceit
and hope and good advice to his sister returned empty-handed to his
native village in the end.  He dwindled out his last long years in
complete obscurity at Saffron Walden.  He occupied himself
superficially by practising his skill as a doctor among the poor of
the neighbourhood.  He lived in the utmost poverty off buttered
roots and sheep's trotters.  But even so he had his consolations,
he cherished his dreams.  As he pottered about his garden in the
old black velvet suit, purloined, Nash says, from a saddle for
which he had not paid, his thoughts were all of power and glory; of
Stukeley and Drake; of "the winners of gold and the wearers of
gold".  Memories he had in abundance--"The remembrance of best
things will soon pass out of memory; if it be not often renewed and
revived", he wrote.  But there was some eager stir in him, some
lust for action and glory and life and adventure that forbade him
to dwell in the past.  "The present tense only to be regarded" is
one of his notes.  Nor did he drug himself with the dust of
scholarship.  Books he loved as a true reader loves them, not as
trophies to be hung up for display, but as living beings that "must
be meditated, practised and incorporated into my body and soul".  A
singularly humane view of learning survived in the breast of the
old and disappointed scholar.  "The only brave way to learn all
things with no study and much pleasure", he remarked.  Dreams of
the winners of gold and the wearers of gold, dreams of action and
power, fantastic though they were in an old beggar who could not
pay his reckoning, who pressed simples and lived off buttered roots
in a cottage, kept life in him when his flesh had withered and his
skin was "riddled and crumpled like a piece of burnt parchment".
He had his triumph in the end.  He survived both his friends and
his enemies--Spenser and Sidney, Nash and Perne.  He lived to a
very great age for an Elizabethan, to eighty-one or eighty-two; and
when we say that Harvey lived we mean that he quarrelled and was
tiresome and ridiculous and struggled and failed and had a face
like ours--a changing, a variable, a human face.




DONNE AFTER THREE CENTURIES


When we think how many millions of words have been written and
printed in England in the past three hundred years, and how the
vast majority have died out without leaving any trace, it is
tempting to wonder what quality the words of Donne possess that we
should still hear them distinctly today.  Far be it from us to
suggest even in this year of celebration and pardonable adulation
(1931) that the poems of Donne are popular reading or that the
typist, if we look over her shoulder in the Tube, is to be
discovered reading Donne as she returns from her office.  But he is
read; he is audible--to that fact new editions and frequent
articles testify, and it is worth perhaps trying to analyse the
meaning that his voice has for us as it strikes upon the ear after
this long flight across the stormy seas that separate us from the
age of Elizabeth.  But the first quality that attracts us is not
his meaning, charged with meaning as his poetry is, but something
much more unmixed and immediate; it is the explosion with which he
bursts into speech.  All preface, all parleying have been consumed;
he leaps into poetry the shortest way.  One phrase consumes all
preparation:


     I long to talke with some old lover's ghost,


or


     He is starke mad, whoever sayes,
     That he hath beene in love an houre.


At once we are arrested.  Stand still, he commands,


     Stand still, and I will read to thee
     A Lecture, Love, in love's philosophy.


And stand still we must.  With the first words a shock passes
through us; perceptions, previously numb and torpid, quiver into
being; the nerves of sight and hearing are quickened; the "bracelet
of bright hair" burns in our eyes.  But, more remarkably, we do not
merely become aware of beautiful remembered lines; we feel
ourselves compelled to a particular attitude of mind.  Elements
that were dispersed in the usual stream of life become, under the
stroke of Donne's passion, one and entire.  The world, a moment
before, cheerful, humdrum, bursting with character and variety, is
consumed.  We are in Donne's world now.  All other views are
sharply cut off.

In this power of suddenly surprising and subjugating the reader,
Donne excels most poets.  It is his characteristic quality; it is
thus that he lays hold upon us, summing up his essence in a word or
two.  But it is an essence that, as it works in us, separates into
strange contraries at odds with one another.  Soon we begin to ask
ourselves of what this essence is composed, what elements have met
together to cut so deep and complex an impression.  Some obvious
clues lie strewn on the surface of the poems.  When we read the
Satyres, for example, we need no external proof to tell us that
these are the work of a boy.  He has all the ruthlessness and
definiteness of youth, its hatred of the follies of middle age and
of convention.  Bores, liars, courtiers--detestable humbugs and
hypocrites as they are, why not sum them up and sweep them off the
face of the earth with a few strokes of the pen?  And so these
foolish figures are drubbed with an ardour that proves how much
hope and faith and delight in life inspire the savagery of youthful
scorn.  But, as we read on, we begin to suspect that the boy with
the complex and curious face of the early portrait--bold yet
subtle, sensual yet nerve drawn--possessed qualities that made him
singular among the young.  It is not simply that the huddle and
pressure of youth which out-thinks its words had urged him on too
fast for grace or clarity.  It may be that there is in this
clipping and curtailing, this abrupt heaping of thought on thought,
some deeper dissatisfaction than that of youth with age, of honesty
with corruption.  He is in rebellion, not merely against his
elders, but against something antipathetic to him in the temper of
his time.  His verse has the deliberate bareness of those who
refuse to avail themselves of the current usage.  It has the
extravagance of those who do not feel the pressure of opinion, so
that sometimes judgment fails them, and they heap up strangeness
for strangeness' sake.  He is one of those nonconformists, like
Browning and Meredith, who cannot resist glorifying their
nonconformity by a dash of wilful and gratuitous eccentricity.  But
to discover what Donne disliked in his own age, let us imagine some
of the more obvious influences that must have told upon him when he
wrote his early poems--let us ask what books he read.  And by
Donne's own testimony we find that his chosen books were the works
of "grave Divines"; of philosophers; of "jolly Statesmen, which
teach how to tie The sinewes of a cities mistique bodie"; and
chroniclers.  Clearly he liked facts and arguments.  If there are
also poets among his books, the epithets he applies to them,
"Giddie fantastique", seem to disparage the art, or at least to
show that Donne knew perfectly well what qualities were
antipathetic to him in poetry.  And yet he was living in the very
spring of English poetry.  Some of Spenser might have been on his
shelves; and Sidney's Arcadia; and the Paradise of Dainty Devices,
and Lyly's Euphues.  He had the chance, and apparently took it--"I
tell him of new playes"--of going to the theatre; of seeing the
plays of Marlowe and Shakespeare acted.  When he went abroad in
London, he must have met all the writers of that time--Spenser and
Sidney and Shakespeare and Jonson; he must have heard at this
tavern or at that talk of new plays, of new fashions in verse,
heated and learned discussion of the possibilities of the English
language and the future of English poetry.  And yet, if we turn to
his biography, we find that he neither consorted with his
contemporaries nor read what they wrote.  He was one of those
original beings who cannot draw profit, but are rather disturbed
and distracted by what is being done round them at the moment.  If
we turn again to Satyres, it is easy to see why this should be so.
Here is a bold and active mind that loves to deal with actual
things, which struggles to express each shock exactly as it
impinges upon his tight-stretched senses.  A bore stops him in the
street.  He sees him exactly, vividly.


     His cloths were strange, though coarse; and black, though bare;
     Sleevelesse his jerkin was, and it had beene
     Velvet, but t'was now (so much ground was seene)
     Become Tufftaffatie;


Then he likes to give the actual words that people say:


     He, like to a high stretcht lute string squeakt, O Sir,
     'Tis sweet to talke of Kings.  At Westminster,
     Said I, The man that keepes the Abbey tombes,
     And for his price doth with who ever comes,
     Of all our Harries, and our Edwards talke,
     From King to King and all their kin can walke:
     Your eares shall heare nought, but Kings; your eyes meet
     Kings only; The way to it, is Kingstreet.


His strength and his weakness are both to be found here.  He
selects one detail and stares at it until he has reduced it to the
few words that express its oddity:


     And like a bunch of ragged carrets stand
     The short swolne fingers of thy gouty hand,


but he cannot see in the round, as a whole.  He cannot stand apart
and survey the large outline so that the description is always of
some momentary intensity, seldom of the broader aspect of things.
Naturally, then, he found it difficult to use the drama with its
conflict of other characters; he must always speak from his own
centre in soliloquy, in satire, in self-analysis.  Spenser, Sidney,
and Marlowe provided no helpful models for a man who looked out
from this angle of vision.  The typical Elizabethan with his love
of eloquence, with his longing for brave new words, tended to
enlarge and generalize.  He loved wide landscapes, heroic virtues,
and figures seen sublimely in outline or in heroic conflict.  Even
the prose-writers have the same habit of aggrandisement.  When
Dekker sets out to tell us how Queen Elizabeth died in the spring,
he cannot describe her death in particular or that spring in
particular; he must dilate upon all deaths and all springs:


. . . the Cuckoo (like a single, sole Fiddler, that reels from
Tavern to Tavern) plied it all the day long: Lambs frisked up and
down in the vallies, kids and Goats leapt to and fro on the
Mountains: Shepherds sat piping, country wenches singing: Lovers
made Sonnets for their Lasses, whilst they made Garlands for their
Lovers: And as the Country was frolic, so was the City merry . . .
no Scritch-Owl frighted the silly Countryman at midnight, nor any
Drum the Citizen at noon-day; but all was more calm than a still
water, all husht, as if the Spheres had been playing in Consort: In
conclusion, heaven lookt like a Pallace, and the great hall of the
earth, like a Paradise.  But O the short-liv'd Felicity of man!  O
world, of what slight and thin stuff is thy happiness!


--in short, Queen Elizabeth died, and it is no use asking Dekker
what the old woman who swept his room for him said, or what
Cheapside looked like that night if one happened to be caught in
the thick of the throng.  He must enlarge; he must generalize; he
must beautify.

Donne's genius was precisely the opposite of this.  He diminished;
he particularized.  Not only did he see each spot and wrinkle which
defaced the fair outline; but he noted with the utmost curiosity
his own reaction to such contrasts and was eager to lay side by
side the two conflicting views and to let them make their own
dissonance.  It is this desire for nakedness in an age that was
florid, this determination to record not the likenesses which go to
compose a rounded and seemly whole, but the inconsistencies that
break up semblances, the power to make us feel the different
emotions of love and hate and laughter at the same time, that
separate Donne from his contemporaries.  And if the usual traffic
of the day--to be buttonholed by a bore, to be snared by a lawyer,
to be snubbed by a courtier--made so sharp an impression on Donne,
the effect of falling in love was bound to be incomparably greater.
Falling in love meant, to Donne, a thousand things; it meant being
tormented and disgusted, disillusioned and enraptured; but it also
meant speaking the truth.  The love poems, the elegies, and the
letters thus reveal a figure of a very different calibre from the
typical figure of Elizabethan love poetry.  That great ideal, built
up by a score of eloquent pens, still burns bright in our eyes.
Her body was of alabaster, her legs of ivory; her hair was golden
wire and her teeth pearls from the Orient.  Music was in her voice
and stateliness in her walk.  She could love and sport and be
faithless and yielding and cruel and true; but her emotions were
simple, as befitted her person.  Donne's poems reveal a lady of a
very different cast.  She was brown but she was also fair; she was
solitary but also sociable; she was rustic yet also fond of city
life; she was sceptical yet devout, emotional but reserved--in
short she was as various and complex as Donne himself.  As for
choosing one type of human perfection and restricting himself to
love her and her only, how could Donne, or any man who allowed his
senses full play and honestly recorded his own moods, so limit his
nature and tell such lies to placate the conventional and the
decorous?  Was not "love's sweetest part, Variety"?  "Of music,
joy, life and eternity Change is the nursery", he sang.  The timid
fashion of the age might limit a lover to one woman.  For his part
he envied and admired the ancients, "who held plurality of loves no
crime":


     But since this title honour hath been us'd,
     Our weak credulity hath been abus'd.


We have fallen from our high estate; the golden laws of nature are
repealed.

So through the glass of Donne's poetry, now darkly clouded, now
brilliantly clear, we see pass in procession the many women whom he
loved and hated--the common Julia whom he despised; the simpleton,
to whom he taught the art of love; she who was married to an
invalid husband, "cag'd in a basket chair"; she who could only be
loved dangerously by strategy; she who dreamt of him and saw him
murdered as he crossed the Alps; she whom he had to dissuade from
the risk of loving him; and lastly, the autumnal, the aristocratic
lady for whom he felt more of reverence than of love--so they pass,
common and rare, simple and sophisticated, young and old, noble and
plebeian, and each casts a different spell and brings out a
different lover, although the man is the same man, and the women,
perhaps, are also phases of womanhood rather than separate and
distinct women.  In later years the Dean of St. Paul's would
willingly have edited some of these poems and suppressed one of
these lovers--the poet presumably of "Going to Bed" and "Love's
Warr".  But the Dean would have been wrong.  It is the union of so
many different desires that gives Donne's love poetry not only its
vitality but also a quality that is seldom found with such strength
in the conventional and orthodox lover--its spirituality.  If we do
not love with the body, can we love with the mind?  If we do not
love variously, freely, admitting the lure first of this quality
and then of that, can we at length choose out the one quality that
is essential and adhere to it and so make peace among the warring
elements and pass into a state of being which transcends the "Hee
and Shee"?  Even while he was at his most fickle and gave fullest
scope to his youthful lusts, Donne could predict the season of
maturity when he would love differently, with pain and difficulty,
one and one only.  Even while he scorned and railed and abused, he
divined another relationship which transcended change and parting
and might, even in the bodies' absence, lead to unity and
communion:


     Rend us in sunder, thou cans't not divide,
     Our bodies so, but that our souls are ty'd,
     And we can love by letters still and gifts,
     And thoughts and dreams;


Again,


     They who one another keepe alive
     N'er parted be.


And again,


     So to one neutrall thing both sexes fit,
     Wee dye and rise the same, and prove
     Mysterious by this love.


Such hints and premonitions of a further and finer state urge him
on and condemn him to perpetual unrest and dissatisfaction with the
present.  He is tantalized by the sense that there is a miracle
beyond any of these transient delights and disgusts.  Lovers can,
if only for a short space, reach a state of unity beyond time,
beyond sex, beyond the body.  And at last, for one moment, they
reach it.  In the "Extasie" they lie together on a bank,


     All day, the same our postures were,
     And wee said nothing, all the day. . . .


     This Extasie doth unperplex
     (We said) and tell us what we love,
     Wee see by this, it was not sexe,
     Wee see, we saw not what did move: . . .


     Wee then, who are this new soule, know,
     Of what we are compos'd, and made,
     For, th' Atomies of which we grow,
     Are soules, whom no change can invade.
     But O alas, so long, so farre
     Our bodies why doe wee forbeare? . . .


But O alas, he breaks off, and the words remind us that however
much we may wish to keep Donne in one posture--for it is in these
Extasies that lines of pure poetry suddenly flow as if liquefied by
a great heat--so to remain in one posture was against his nature.
Perhaps it is against the nature of things also.  Donne snatches
the intensity because he is aware of the change that must alter, of
the discord that must interrupt.

Circumstances, at any rate, put it beyond his power to maintain
that ecstasy for long.  He had married secretly; he was a father;
he was, as we are soon reminded, a very poor yet a very ambitious
man, living in a damp little house at Mitcham with a family of
small children.  The children were frequently ill.  They cried, and
their cries, cutting through the thin walls of the jerry-built
house, disturbed him at his work.  He sought sanctuary naturally
enough elsewhere, and naturally had to pay rent for that relief.
Great ladies--Lady Bedford, Lady Huntingdon, Mrs. Herbert--with
well-spread tables and fair gardens, must be conciliated; rich men
with the gift of rooms in their possession must be placated.  Thus,
after Donne the harsh satirist, and Donne the imperious lover,
comes the servile and obsequious figure of Donne the devout servant
of the great, the extravagant eulogist of little girls.  And our
relationship with him suddenly changes.  In the satires and the
love poems there was a quality--some psychological intensity and
complexity--that brings him closer than his contemporaries, who
often seem to be caught up in a different world from ours and to
exist immune from our perplexities and swept by passions which we
admire but cannot feel.  Easy as it is to exaggerate affinities,
still we may claim to be akin to Donne in our readiness to admit
contrasts, in our desire for openness, in that psychological
intricacy which the novelists have taught us with their slow,
subtle, and analytic prose.  But now, as we follow Donne in his
progress, he leaves us in the lurch.  He becomes more remote,
inaccessible, and obsolete than any of the Elizabethans.  It is as
if the spirit of the age, which he had scorned and flouted,
suddenly asserted itself and made this rebel its slave.  And as we
lose sight of the outspoken young man who hated society, and of the
passionate lover, seeking some mysterious unity with his love and
finding it miraculously, now here, now there, it is natural to
abuse the system of patrons and patronage that thus seduced the
most incorruptible of men.  Yet it may be that we are too hasty.
Every writer has an audience in view, and it may well be doubted if
the Bedfords and the Drurys and the Herberts were worse influences
than the libraries and the newspaper proprietors who fill the
office of patron nowadays.

The comparison, it is true, presents great difficulties.  The noble
ladies who brought so strange an element into Donne's poetry, live
only in the reflection, or in the distortion, that we find in the
poems themselves.  The age of memoirs and letter-writing was still
to come.  If they wrote themselves, and it is said that both Lady
Pembroke and Lady Bedford were poets of merit, they did not dare to
put their names to what they wrote, and it has vanished.  But a
diary here and there survives from which we may see the patroness
more closely and less romantically.  Lady Ann Clifford, for
example, the daughter of a Clifford and a Russell, though active
and practical and little educated--she was not allowed "to learn
any language because her father would not permit it"--felt, we can
gather from the bald statements of her diary, a duty towards
literature and to the makers of it as her mother, the patroness of
the poet Daniel, had done before her.  A great heiress, infected
with all the passion of her age for lands and houses, busied with
all the cares of wealth and property, she still read good English
books as naturally as she ate good beef and mutton.  She read The
Faery Queen and Sidney's Arcadia; she acted in Ben Jonson's Masques
at Court; and it is proof of the respect in which reading was held
that a girl of fashion should be able to read an old corrupt poet
like Chaucer without feeling that she was making herself a target
for ridicule as a bluestocking.  The habit was part of a normal and
well-bred life.  It persisted even when she was mistress of one
estate and claimant to even vaster possession of her own.  She had
Montaigne read aloud to her as she sat stitching at Knole; she sat
absorbed in Chaucer while her husband worked.  Later, when years of
strife and loneliness had saddened her, she returned to her Chaucer
with a deep sigh of content:  ". . . if I had not excellent
Chaucer's book here to comfort me", she wrote, "I were in a
pitiable case having as many troubles as I have here, but, when I
read in that, I scorn and make light of them all, and a little part
of his beauteous spirit infuses itself in me".  The woman who said
that, though she never attempted to set up a salon or to found a
library, felt it incumbent on her to respect the men of low birth
and no fortune who could write The Canterbury Tales or The Faery
Queen.  Donne preached before her at Knole.  It was she who paid
for the first monument to Spenser in Westminster Abbey, and if,
when she raised a tomb to her old tutor, she dwelt largely upon her
own virtues and titles, she still acknowledged that even so great a
lady as herself owed gratitude to the makers of books.  Words from
great writers nailed to the walls of the room in which she sat,
eternally transacting business, surrounded her as she worked, as
they surrounded Montaigne in his tower in Burgundy.

Thus we may infer that Donne's relation to the Countess of Bedford
was very different from any that could exist between a poet and a
countess at the present time.  There was something distant and
ceremonious about it.  To him she was "as a vertuous Prince farre
off".  The greatness of her office inspired reverence apart from
her personality, just as the rewards within her gift inspired
humility.  He was her Laureate, and his songs in her praise were
rewarded by invitations to stay with her at Twickenham and by those
friendly meetings with men in power which were so effective in
furthering the career of an ambitious man--and Donne was highly
ambitious, not indeed for the fame of a poet, but for the power of
a statesman.  Thus when we read that Lady Bedford was "God's
Masterpiece", that she excelled all women in all ages, we realise
that John Donne is not writing to Lucy Bedford; Poetry is saluting
Rank.  And this distance served to inspire reason rather than
passion.  Lady Bedford must have been a very clever woman, well
versed in the finer shades of theology, to derive an instant or an
intoxicating pleasure from the praises of her servant.  Indeed, the
extreme subtlety and erudition of Donne's poems to his patrons
seems to show that one effect of writing for such an audience is to
exaggerate the poet's ingenuity.  What is not poetry but something
tortured and difficult will prove to the patron that the poet is
exerting his skill on her behalf.  Then again, a learned poem can
be handed round among statesmen and men of affairs to prove that
the poet is no mere versifier, but capable of office and
responsibility.  But a change of inspiration that has killed many
poets--witness Tennyson and the Idylls of the King--only stimulated
another side of Donne's many-sided nature and many-faceted brain.
As we read the long poems written ostensibly in praise of Lady
Bedford, or in celebration of Elizabeth Drury (An Anatomie of the
World and the Progresse of the Soul), we are made to reflect how
much remains for a poet to write about when the season of love is
over.  When May and June are passed, most poets cease to write or
sing the songs of their youth out of tune.  But Donne survived the
perils of middle age by virtue of the acuteness and ardour of his
intellect.  When "the satyrique fires which urg'd me to have writt
in skorne of all" were quenched, when "My muse (for I had one),
because I'm cold, Divorced herself", there still remained the power
to turn upon the nature of things and dissect that.  Even in the
passionate days of youth Donne had been a thinking poet.  He had
dissected and analysed his own love.  To turn from that to the
anatomy of the world, from the personal to the impersonal, was the
natural development of a complex nature.  And the new angle to
which his mind now pointed under the influence of middle age and
traffic with the world, released powers that were held in check
when they were directed against some particular courtier or some
particular woman.  Now his imagination, as if freed from
impediment, goes rocketing up in flights of extravagant
exaggeration.  True, the rocket bursts; it scatters in a shower of
minute, separate particles--curious speculations, wire-drawn
comparisons, obsolete erudition; but, winged by the double pressure
of mind and heart, of reason and imagination, it soars far and fast
into a finer air.  Working himself up by his own extravagant praise
of the dead girl, he shoots on:


     We spur, we reine the starres, and in their race
     They're diversly content t' obey our pace.
     But keepes the earth her round proportion still?
     Doth not a Tenarif, or higher Hill
     Rise so high like a Rocke, that one might thinke
     The floating Moone would shipwracke there, and sinke?
     Seas are so deepe, that Whales being strooke to day,
     Perchance tomorrow, scarce at middle way
     Of their wish'd journies end, the bottome, die.
     And men, to sound depths, so much line untie,
     As one might justly thinke, that there would rise
     At end thereof, one of th' Antipodies:


Or again, Elizabeth Drury is dead and her soul has escaped:


     she stayes not in the ayre,
     To looke what Meteors there themselves prepare;
     She carries no desire to know, nor sense,
     Whether th' ayres middle region be intense;
     For th' Element of fire, she doth not know,
     Whether she past by such a place or no;
     She baits not at the Moone, nor cares to trie
     Whether in that new world, men live, and die.
     Venus retards her not, to' enquire, how shee
     Can, (being one starre) Hesper, and Vesper bee;
     Hee that charm'd Argus eyes, sweet Mercury,
     Workes not on her, who now is growne all eye;


So we penetrate into distant regions, and reach rare and remote
speculations a million miles removed from the simple girl whose
death fired the explosion.  But to break off fragments from poems
whose virtue lies in their close-knit sinews and their long-
breathed strength is to diminish them.  They need to be read
currently rather to grasp the energy and power of the whole than to
admire those separate lines which Donne suddenly strikes to
illumine the stages of our long climb.

Thus, finally, we reach the last section of the book, the Holy
Sonnets and Divine Poems.  Again the poetry changes with the change
of circumstances and of years.  The patron has gone with the need
of patronage.  Lady Bedford has been replaced by a Prince still
more virtuous and still more remote.  To Him the prosperous, the
important, the famous Dean of St. Paul's now turns.  But how
different is the divine poetry of this great dignitary from the
divine poetry of the Herberts and the Vaughans!  The memory of his
sins returns to him as he writes.  He has been burnt with "lust and
envy"; he has followed profane loves; he has been scornful and
fickle and passionate and servile and ambitious.  He has attained
his end; but he is weaker and worse than the horse or the bull.
Now too he is lonely.  "Since she whom I lov'd" is dead "My good is
dead."  Now at last his mind is "wholly sett on heavenly things".
And yet how could Donne--that "little world made cunningly of
elements"--be wholly set on any one thing?


     Oh, to vex me, contraryes meet in one:
     Inconstancy unnaturally hath begott
     A constant habit; that when I would not
     I change in vowes, and in devotione.


It was impossible for the poet who had noted so curiously the flow
and change of human life, and its contrasts, who was at once so
inquisitive of knowledge and so sceptical--


     Doubt wisely; in strange way,
     To stand inquiring right, is not to stray;
     To sleep, or run wrong, is


--who had owned allegiance to so many great Princes, the body, the
King, the Church of England, to reach that state of wholeness and
certainty which poets of purer life were able to maintain.  His
devotions themselves were feverish and fitful.  "My devout fitts
come and goe away like a fantastique Ague."  They are full of
contraries and agonies.  Just as his love poetry at its most
sensual will suddenly reveal the desire for a transcendent unity
"beyond the Hee and Shee", and his most reverential letters to
great ladies will suddenly become love poems addressed by an
amorous man to a woman of flesh and blood, so these last divine
poems are poems of climbing and falling, of incongruous clamours
and solemnities, as if the church door opened on the uproar of the
street.  That perhaps is why they still excite interest and
disgust, contempt and admiration.  For the Dean still retained the
incorrigible curiosity of his youth.  The temptation to speak the
truth in defiance of the world even when he had taken all that the
world had to give, still worked in him.  An obstinate interest in
the nature of his own sensations still troubled his age and broke
its repose as it had troubled his youth and made him the most
vigorous of satirists and the most passionate of lovers.  There was
no rest, no end, no solution even at the height of fame and on the
edge of the grave for a nature plaited together of such diverse
strands.  The famous preparations that he made, lying in his
shroud, being carved for his tomb, when he felt death approach are
poles asunder from the falling asleep of the tired and content.  He
must still cut a figure and still stand erect--a warning perhaps, a
portent certainly, but always consciously and conspicuously
himself.  That, finally, is one of the reasons why we still seek
out Donne; why after three hundred years and more we still hear the
sound of his voice speaking across the ages so distinctly.  It may
be true that when from curiosity we come to cut up and "survey each
part", we are like the doctors and "know not why"--we cannot see
how so many different qualities meet together in one man.  But we
have only to read him, to submit to the sound of that passionate
and penetrating voice, and his figure rises again across the waste
of the years more erect, more imperious, more inscrutable than any
of his time.  Even the elements seem to have respected that
identity.  When the fire of London destroyed almost every other
monument in St. Paul's, it left Donne's figure untouched, as if the
flames themselves found that knot too hard to undo, that riddle too
difficult to read, and that figure too entirely itself to turn to
common clay.




"THE COUNTESS OF PEMBROKE'S ARCADIA"


If it is true that there are books written to escape from the
present moment, and its meanness and its sordidity, it is certainly
true that readers are familiar with a corresponding mood.  To draw
the blinds and shut the door, to muffle the noises of the street
and shade the glare and flicker of its lights--that is our desire.
There is then a charm even in the look of the great volumes that
have sunk, like the "Countess of Pembroke's Arcadia", as if by
their own weight down to the very bottom of the shelf.  We like to
feel that the present is not all; that other hands have been before
us, smoothing the leather until the corners are rounded and blunt,
turning the pages until they are yellow and dog's-eared.  We like
to summon before us the ghosts of those old readers who have read
their Arcadia from this very copy--Richard Porter, reading with the
splendours of the Elizabethans in his eyes; Lucy Baxter, reading in
the licentious days of the Restoration; Thos. Hake, still reading,
though now the eighteenth century has dawned with a distinction
that shows itself in the upright elegance of his signature.  Each
has read differently, with the insight and the blindness of his own
generation.  Our reading will be equally partial.  In 1930 we shall
miss a great deal that was obvious to 1655; we shall see some
things that the eighteenth century ignored.  But let us keep up the
long succession of readers; let us in our turn bring the insight
and the blindness of our own generation to bear upon the "Countess
of Pembroke's Arcadia", and so pass it on to our successors.

If we choose the Arcadia because we wish to escape, certainly the
first impression of the book is that Sidney wrote it with very much
the same intention:  ". . . it is done only for you, only to you",
he tells his "dear lady and sister, the Countess of Pembroke".  He
is not looking at what is before him here at Wilton; he is not
thinking of his own troubles or of the tempestuous mood of the
great Queen in London.  He is absenting himself from the present
and its strife.  He is writing merely to amuse his sister, not for
"severer eyes".  "Your dear self can best witness the manner, being
done in loose sheets of Paper, most of it in your presence, the
rest, by sheets sent unto you, as fast as they were done."  So,
sitting at Wilton under the downs with Lady Pembroke, he gazes far
away into a beautiful land which he calls Arcadia.  It is a land of
fair valleys and fertile pastures, where the houses are "lodges of
yellow stone built in the form of a star"; where the inhabitants
are either great princes or humble shepherds; where the only
business is to love and to adventure; where bears and lions
surprise nymphs bathing in fields red with roses; where princesses
are immured in the huts of shepherds; where disguise is perpetually
necessary; where the shepherd is really a prince and the woman a
man; where, in short, anything may be and happen except what
actually is and happens here in England in the year 1580.  It is
easy to see why, as Sidney handed these dream pages to his sister,
he smiled, entreating her indulgence.  "Read it then at your idle
times, and the follies your good judgment will find in it, blame
not, but laugh at."  Even for the Sidneys and the Pembrokes life
was not quite like that.  And yet the life that we invent, the
stories we tell, as we sink back with half-shut eyes and pour forth
our irresponsible dreams, have perhaps some wild beauty; some eager
energy; we often reveal in them the distorted and decorated image
of what we soberly and secretly desire.  Thus the Arcadia, by
wilfully flouting all contact with the fact, gains another reality.
When Sidney hinted that his friends would like the book for its
writer's sake, he meant perhaps that they would find there
something that he could say in no other form, as the shepherds
singing by the river's side will "deliver out, sometimes joys,
sometimes lamentations, sometimes challengings one of the other,
sometimes, under hidden forms, uttering such matters as otherwise
they durst not deal with".  There may be under the disguise of the
Arcadia a real man trying to speak privately about something that
is close to his heart.  But in the first freshness of the early
pages the disguise itself is enough to enchant us.  We find
ourselves with shepherds in spring on those sands which "lie
against the Island of Cithera".  Then, behold, something floats on
the waters.  It is the body of a man, and he grasps to his breast a
small square coffer; and he is young and beautiful--"though he were
naked, his nakedness was to him an apparel"; and his name is
Musidorus; and he has lost his friend.  So, warbling melodiously,
the shepherds revive the youth, and row out in a bark from the
haven in search of Pyrocles; and a stain appears on the sea, with
sparks and smoke issuing from it.  For the ship upon which the two
princes Musidorus and Pyrocles were voyaging has caught fire; it
floats blazing on the water with a great store of rich things round
it, and many drowned bodies.  "In sum, a defeat, where the
conquered kept both field and spoil: a shipwrack without storm or
ill footing: and a waste of fire in the midst of the water."

There in a little space we have some of the elements that are woven
together to compose this vast tapestry.  We have beauty of scene; a
pictorial stillness; and something floating towards us, not
violently but slowly and gently in time to the sweet warbling of
the shepherds' voices.  Now and again this crystallises into a
phrase that lingers and haunts the ear--"and a waste of fire in the
midst of the waters"; "having in their faces a certain waiting
sorrow".  Now the murmur broadens and expands into some more
elaborate passage of description: "each pasture stored with sheep,
feeding with sober security, while the pretty lambs with bleating
oratory crav'd the dam's comfort: here a shepherd's boy piping, as
though he should never be old: there a young shepherdess knitting,
and withal singing, and it seemed that her voice comforted her
hands to work, and her hands kept time to her voice-music"--a
passage that reminds us of a famous description in Dorothy
Osborne's Letters.

Beauty of scene; stateliness of movement; sweetness of sound--these
are the graces that seem to reward the mind that seeks enjoyment
purely for its own sake.  We are drawn on down the winding paths of
this impossible landscape because Sidney leads us without any end
in view but sheer delight in wandering.  The syllabling of the
words even causes him the liveliest delight.  Mere rhythm we feel
as we sweep over the smooth backs of the undulating sentences
intoxicates him.  Words in themselves delight him.  Look, he seems
to cry, as he picks up the glittering handfuls, can it be true that
there are such numbers of beautiful words lying about for the
asking?  Why not use them, lavishly and abundantly?  And so he
luxuriates.  Lambs do not suck--"with bleating oratory [they]
craved the dam's comfort"; girls do not undress--they "take away
the eclipsing of their apparel"; a tree is not reflected in a
river--"it seemed she looked into it and dressed her green locks by
that running river".  It is absurd; and yet there is a world of
difference between writing like this with zest and wonder at the
images that form upon one's pen and the writing of later ages when
the dew was off the language--witness the little tremor that stirs
and agitates a sentence that a more formal age would have made
coldly symmetrical:


And the boy fierce though beautiful; and beautiful, though dying,
not able to keep his falling feet, fell down to the earth, which he
bit for anger, repining at his fortune, and as long as he could,
resisting death, which might seem unwilling too; so long he was in
taking away his young struggling soul.


It is this inequality and elasticity that lend their freshness to
Sidney's vast pages.  Often as we rush through them, half laughing,
half in protest, the desire comes upon us to shut the ear of reason
completely and lie back and listen to this unformed babble of
sound; this chorus of intoxicated voices singing madly like birds
round the house before anyone is up.

But it is easy to lay too much stress upon qualities that delight
us because they are lost.  Sidney doubtless wrote the Arcadia
partly to while away the time, partly to exercise his pen and
experiment with the new instrument of the English language.  But
even so he remained young and a man; even in Arcadia the roads had
ruts, and coaches were upset and ladies dislocated their shoulders;
even the Princes Musidorus and Pyrocles have passions; Pamela and
Philoclea, for all their sea-coloured satins and nets strung with
pearls, are women and can love.  Thus we stumble upon scenes that
cannot be reeled off with a flowing pen; there are moments where
Sidney stopped and thought, like any other novelist, what a real
man or woman in this particular situation would say; where his own
emotions come suddenly to the surface and light up the vague
pastoral landscape with an incongruous glare.  For a moment we get
a surprising combination; crude daylight overpowers the silver
lights of the tapers; shepherds and princesses suddenly stop their
warbling and speak a few rapid words in their eager human voices.


. . . many times have I, leaning to yonder Palm, admired the
blessedness of it, that it could bear love without sense of pain;
many times, when my Master's cattle came hither to chew their cud
in this fresh place, I might see the young Bull testify his love;
but how? with proud looks and joyfulness.  O wretched mankind (said
I then to myself) in whom wit (which should be the governor of his
welfare) become's the traitor to his blessedness: these beasts like
children to nature, inherit her blessings quietly; we like bastards
are laid abroad, even as foundlings, to be trained up by grief and
sorrow.  Their minds grudge not at their bodies comfort, nor their
senses are letted from enjoying their objects; we have the
impediments of honour, and the torments of conscience.


The words ring strangely on the finicking, dandified lips of
Musidorus.  There is Sidney's own anger in them and his pain.  And
then the novelist Sidney suddenly opens his eyes.  He watches
Pamela as she takes the jewel in the figure of a crab-fish to
signify "because it looks one way and goes another" that though he
pretended to love Mopsa his heart was Pamela's.  And she takes it,
he notes,


with a calm carelessness letting each thing slide (just as we do by
their speeches who neither in matter nor person do any way belong
unto us) which kind of cold temper, mixt with that lightning of her
natural majesty, is of all others most terrible unto me. . . .


Had she despised him, had she hated him, it would have been better.


But this cruel quietness, neither retiring to mislike, nor
proceeding to favour; gracious, but gracious still after one
manner; all her courtesies having this engraven in them, that what
is done, is for virtue's sake, not for the parties. . . .  This (I
say) heavenliness of hers . . . is so impossible to reach unto that
I almost begin to submit myself unto the tyranny of despair, not
knowing any way of persuasion. . . .


--surely an acute and subtle observation made by a man who had felt
what he describes.  For a moment the pale and legendary figures,
Gynecia, Philoclea, and Zelmane, become alive; their featureless
faces work with passion; Gynecia, realizing that she loves her
daughter's lover, foams into grandeur, "crying vehemently Zelmane
help me, O Zelmane have pity on me"; and the old King, in whom the
beautiful strange Amazon has awakened a senile amorosity, shows
himself old and foolish, looking "very curiously upon himself,
sometimes fetching a little skip, as if he had said his strength
had not yet forsaken him".

But that moment of illumination, as it dies down and the princes
once more resume their postures and the shepherds apply themselves
to their lutes, throws a curious light upon the book as a whole.
We realize more clearly the boundaries within which Sidney was
working.  For a moment he could note and observe and record as
keenly and exactly as any modern novelist.  And then, after this
one glimpse in our direction, he turns aside, as if he heard other
voices calling him and must obey their commands.  In prose, he
bethinks himself, one must not use the common words of daily
speech.  In a romance one must not make princes and princesses feel
like ordinary men and women.  Humour is the attribute of peasants.
They can behave ridiculously; they can talk naturally; like Dametas
they can come "whistling, and counting upon his fingers, how many
load of hay seventeen fat oxen eat up on a year"; but the language
of great people must always be long-winded and abstract and full of
metaphors.  Further, they must either be heroes of stainless
virtue, or villains untouched by humanity.  Of human oddities and
littleness they must show no trace.  Prose also must be careful to
turn away from what is actually before it.  Sometimes for a moment
in looking at Nature one may fit the word to the sight; note the
heron "wagling" as it rises from the marsh, or observe the water-
spaniel hunting the duck "with a snuffling grace".  But this
realism is only to be applied to Nature and animals and peasants.
Prose, it seems, is made for slow, noble, and generalized emotions;
for the description of wide landscapes; for the conveyance of long,
equable discourses uninterrupted for pages together by any other
speaker.  Verse, on the other hand, had quite a different office.
It is curious to observe how, when Sidney wished to sum up, to
strike hard, to register a single and definite impression, he turns
to verse.  Verse in the Arcadia performs something of the function
of dialogue in the modern novel.  It breaks up the monotony and
strikes a high-light.  In those snatches of song that are scattered
about the interminable adventures of Pyrocles and Musidorus our
interest is once more fanned into flame.  Often the realism and
vigour of the verse comes with a shock after the drowsy langour of
the prose:


     What needed so high spirits such mansions blind?
     Or wrapt in flesh what do they here obtain,
     But glorious name of wretched human kind?
     Balls to the stars, and thralls to fortune's reign;
     Turn'd from themselves, infected with their cage,
     Where death is fear'd, and life is held with pain.
     Like players plac't to fill a filthy stage. . . .


--one wonders what the indolent princes and princesses will make of
that vehement speaking?  Or of this:


     A shop of shame, a Book where blots be rife,
     This body is . . .
     This man, this talking beast, this walking tree.


--thus the poet turns upon his languid company as if he loathed
their self-complacent foppery; and yet must indulge them.  For
though it is clear that the poet Sidney had shrewd eyes--he talks
of "hives of wisely painful bees", and knew like any other country-
bred Englishman "how shepherds spend their days.  At blow-point,
hot-cockles or else at keels",--still he must drone on about
Plangus and Erona, and Queen Andromana and the intrigues of
Amphialus and his mother Cecropia in deference to his audience.
Incongruously enough, violent as they were in their lives, with
their plots and their poisonings, nothing can be too sweet, too
vague, too long-winded for those Elizabethan listeners.  Only the
fact that Zelmane had received a blow from a lion's paw that
morning can shorten the story and suggest to Basilius that it might
be better to reserve the complaint of Klaius till another day.


Which she, perceiving the song had already worn out much time, and
not knowing when Lamon would end, being even now stepping over to a
new matter, though much delighted with what was spoken, willingly
agreed unto.  And so of all sides they went to recommend themselves
to the elder brother of death.


And as the story winds on its way, or rather as the succession of
stories fall on each other like soft snowflakes, one obliterating
the other, we are much tempted to follow their example.  Sleep
weighs down our eyes.  Half dreaming, half yawning, we prepare to
seek the elder brother of death.  What, then, has become of that
first intoxicating sense of freedom?  We who wished to escape have
been caught and enmeshed.  Yet how easy it seemed in the beginning
to tell a story to amuse a sister--how inspiriting to escape from
here and now and wander wildly in a world of lutes and roses!  But
alas, softness has weighed down our steps; brambles have caught at
our clothing.  We have come to long for some plain statement, and
the decoration of the style, at first so enchanting, has dulled and
decayed.  It is not difficult to find the reason.  High-spirited,
flown with words, Sidney seized his pen too carelessly.  He had no
notion when he set out where he was going.  Telling stories, he
thought, was enough--one could follow another interminably.  But
where there is no end in view there is no sense of direction to
draw us on.  Nor, since it is part of his scheme to keep his
characters simply bad and simply good without distinction, can he
gain variety from the complexity of character.  To supply change
and movement he must have recourse to mystification.  These changes
of dress, these disguises of princes as peasants, of men as women,
serve instead of psychological subtlety to relieve the stagnancy of
people collected together with nothing to talk about.  But when the
charm of that childish device falls flat, there is no breath left
to fill his sails.  Who is talking, and to whom, and about what we
no longer feel sure.  So slack indeed becomes Sidney's grasp upon
these ambling phantoms that in the middle he has forgotten what his
relation to them is--is it "I" the author who is speaking or is it
"I" the character?  No reader can be kept in bondage, whatever the
grace and the charm, when the ties between him and the writer are
so irresponsibly doffed and assumed.  So by degrees the book floats
away into the thin air of limbo.  It becomes one of those half-
forgotten and deserted places where the grasses grow over fallen
statues and the rain drips and the marble steps are green with moss
and vast weeds flourish in the flower-beds.  And yet it is a
beautiful garden to wander in now and then; one stumbles over
lovely broken faces, and here and there a flower blooms and the
nightingale sings in the lilac-tree.

Thus when we come to the last page that Sidney wrote before he gave
up the hopeless attempt to finish the Arcadia, we pause for a
moment before we return the folio to its place on the bottom shelf.
In the Arcadia, as in some luminous globe, all the seeds of English
fiction lie latent.  We can trace infinite possibilities: it may
take any one of many different directions.  Will it fix its gaze
upon Greece and princes and princesses, and seek as it might so
nobly, the statuesque, the impersonal?  Will it keep to simple
lines and great masses and the vast landscapes of the epic?  Or
will it look closely and carefully at what is actually before it?
Will it take for its heroes Darnetas and Mopsa, ordinary people of
low birth and rough natural speech, and deal with the normal course
of daily human life?  Or will it brush through those barriers and
penetrate within to the anguish and complexity of some unhappy
woman loving where she may not love; to the senile absurdity of
some old man tortured by an incongruous passion?  Will it make its
dwelling in their psychology and the adventures of the soul?  All
these possibilities are present in the Arcadia--romance and
realism, poetry and psychology.  But as if Sidney knew that he had
broached a task too large for his youth to execute, had bequeathed
a legacy for other ages to inherit, he put down his pen, midway,
and left unfinished in all its beauty and absurdity this attempt to
while away the long days at Wilton, telling a story to his sister.



"ROBINSON CRUSOE"


There are many ways of approaching this classical volume; but which
shall we choose?  Shall we begin by saying that, since Sidney died
at Zutphen leaving the Arcadia unfinished, great changes had come
over English life, and the novel had chosen, or had been forced to
choose, its direction?  A middle class had come into existence,
able to read and anxious to read not only about the loves of
princes and princesses, but about themselves and the details of
their humdrum lives.  Stretched upon a thousand pens, prose had
accommodated itself to the demand; it had fitted itself to express
the facts of life rather than the poetry.  That is certainly one
way of approaching Robinson Crusoe--through the development of the
novel; but another immediately suggests itself--through the life of
the author.  Here too, in the heavenly pastures of biography, we
may spend many more hours than are needed to read the book itself
from cover to cover.  The date of Defoe's birth, to begin with, is
doubtful--was it 1660 or 1661?  Then again, did he spell his name
in one word or in two?  And who were his ancestors?  He is said to
have been a hosier; but what, after all, was a hosier in the
seventeenth century?  He became a pamphleteer, and enjoyed the
confidence of William the Third; one of his pamphlets caused him to
be stood in the pillory and imprisoned at Newgate; he was employed
by Harley and later by Godolphin; he was the first of the hireling
journalists; he wrote innumerable pamphlets and articles; also Moll
Flanders and Robinson Crusoe; he had a wife and six children; was
spare in figure, with a hooked nose, a sharp chin, grey eyes, and a
large mole near his mouth.  Nobody who has any slight acquaintance
with English literature needs to be told how many hours can be
spent and how many lives have been spent in tracing the development
of the novel and in examining the chins of the novelists.  Only now
and then, as we turn from theory to biography and from biography to
theory, a doubt insinuates itself--if we knew the very moment of
Defoe's birth and whom he loved and why, if we had by heart the
history of the origin, rise, growth, decline, and fall of the
English novel from its conception (say) in Egypt to its decease in
the wilds (perhaps) of Paraguay, should we suck an ounce of
additional pleasure from Robinson Crusoe or read it one whit more
intelligently?

For the book itself remains.  However we may wind and wriggle,
loiter and dally in our approach to books, a lonely battle waits us
at the end.  There is a piece of business to be transacted between
writer and reader before any further dealings are possible, and to
be reminded in the middle of this private interview that Defoe sold
stockings, had brown hair, and was stood in the pillory is a
distraction and a worry.  Our first task, and it is often
formidable enough, is to master his perspective.  Until we know how
the novelist orders his world, the ornaments of that world, which
the critics press upon us, the adventures of the writer, to which
biographers draw attention, are superfluous possessions of which we
can make no use.  All alone we must climb upon the novelist's
shoulders and gaze through his eyes until we, too, understand in
what order he ranges the large common objects upon which novelists
are fated to gaze: man and men; behind them Nature; and above them
that power which for convenience and brevity we may call God.  And
at once confusion, misjudgement, and difficulty begin.  Simple as
they appear to us, these objects can be made monstrous and indeed
unrecognizable by the manner in which the novelist relates them to
each other.  It would seem to be true that people who live cheek by
jowl and breathe the same air vary enormously in their sense of
proportion; to one the human being is vast, the tree minute; to the
other, trees are huge and human beings insignificant little objects
in the background.  So, in spite of the text-books, writers may
live at the same time and see nothing the same size.  Here is
Scott, for example, with his mountains looming huge and his men
therefore drawn to scale; Jane Austen picking out the roses on her
teacups to match the wit of her dialogues; while Peacock bends over
heaven and earth one fantastic distorting mirror in which a tea-cup
may be Vesuvius or Vesuvius a tea-cup.  Nevertheless Scott, Jane
Austen, and Peacock lived through the same years; they saw the same
world; they are covered in the text-books by the same stretch of
literary history.  It is in their perspective that they are
different.  If, then, it were granted us to grasp this firmly, for
ourselves, the battle would end in victory; and we could turn,
secure in our intimacy, to enjoy the various delights with which
the critics and biographers so generously supply us.

But here many difficulties arise.  For we have our own vision of
the world; we have made it from our own experience and prejudices,
and it is therefore bound up with our own vanities and loves.  It
is impossible not to feel injured and insulted if tricks are played
and our private harmony is upset.  Thus when Jude the Obscure
appears or a new volume of Proust, the newspapers are flooded with
protests.  Major Gibbs of Cheltenham would put a bullet through his
head tomorrow if life were as Hardy paints it; Miss Wiggs of
Hampstead must protest that though Proust's art is wonderful, the
real world, she thanks God, has nothing in common with the
distortions of a perverted Frenchman.  Both the gentleman and the
lady are trying to control the novelist's perspective so that it
shall resemble and reinforce their own.  But the great writer--the
Hardy or the Proust--goes on his way regardless of the rights of
private property; by the sweat of his brow he brings order from
chaos; he plants his tree there, and his man here; he makes
the figure of his deity remote or present as he wills.  In
masterpieces--books, that is, where the vision is clear and order
has been achieved--he inflicts his own perspective upon us so
severely that as often as not we suffer agonies--our vanity is
injured because our own order is upset; we are afraid because the
old supports are being wrenched from us; and we are bored--for what
pleasure or amusement can be plucked from a brand new idea?  Yet
from anger, fear, and boredom a rare and lasting delight is
sometimes born.

Robinson Crusoe, it may be, is a case in point.  It is a
masterpiece, and it is a masterpiece largely because Defoe has
throughout kept consistently to his own sense of perspective.  For
this reason he thwarts us and flouts us at every turn.  Let us
look at the theme largely and loosely, comparing it with our
preconceptions.  It is, we know, the story of a man who is thrown,
after many perils and adventures, alone upon a desert island.  The
mere suggestion--peril and solitude and a desert island--is enough
to rouse in us the expectation of some far land on the limits of
the world; of the sun rising and the sun setting; of man, isolated
from his kind, brooding alone upon the nature of society and the
strange ways of men.  Before we open the book we have perhaps
vaguely sketched out the kind of pleasure we expect it to give us.
We read; and we are rudely contradicted on every page.  There are
no sunsets and no sunrises; there is no solitude and no soul.
There is, on the contrary, staring us full in the face nothing but
a large earthenware pot.  We are told, that is to say, that it was
the 1st of September 1651; that the hero's name is Robinson Crusoe;
and that his father has the gout.  Obviously, then, we must alter
our attitude.  Reality, fact, substance is going to dominate all
that follows.  We must hastily alter our proportions throughout;
Nature must furl her splendid purples; she is only the giver of
drought and water; man must be reduced to a struggling, life-
preserving animal; and God shrivel into a magistrate whose seat,
substantial and somewhat hard, is only a little way above the
horizon.  Each sortie of ours in pursuit of information upon these
cardinal points of perspective--God, man, Nature--is snubbed back
with ruthless common sense.  Robinson Crusoe thinks of God:
"sometimes I would expostulate with myself, why providence should
thus completely ruin its creatures. . . .  But something always
return'd swift upon me to check these thoughts."  God does not
exist.  He thinks of Nature, the fields "adorn'd with flowers and
grass, and full of very fine woods", but the important thing about
a wood is that it harbours an abundance of parrots who may be tamed
and taught to speak.  Nature does not exist.  He considers the
dead, whom he has killed himself.  It is of the utmost importance
that they should be buried at once, for "they lay open to the sun
and would presently be offensive".  Death does not exist.  Nothing
exists except an earthenware pot.  Finally, that is to say, we are
forced to drop our own preconceptions and to accept what Defoe
himself wishes to give us.

Let us then go back to the beginning and repeat again, "I was born
in the year 1632 in the city of York of a good family".  Nothing
could be plainer, more matter of fact, than that beginning.  We are
drawn on soberly to consider all the blessings of orderly,
industrious middle-class life.  There is no greater good fortune we
are assured than to be born of the British middle class.  The great
are to be pitied and so are the poor; both are exposed to
distempers and uneasiness; the middle station between the mean and
the great is the best; and its virtues--temperance, moderation,
quietness, and health--are the most desirable.  It was a sorry
thing, then, when by some evil fate a middle-class youth was bitten
with the foolish love of adventure.  So he proses on, drawing,
little by little, his own portrait, so that we never forget it--
imprinting upon us indelibly, for he never forgets it either, his
shrewdness, his caution, his love of order and comfort and
respectability; until by whatever means, we find ourselves at sea,
in a storm; and, peering out, everything is seen precisely as it
appears to Robinson Crusoe.  The waves, the seamen, the sky,
the ship--all are seen through those shrewd, middle-class,
unimaginative eyes.  There is no escaping him.  Everything appears
as it would appear to that naturally cautious, apprehensive,
conventional, and solidly matter-of-fact intelligence.  He is
incapable of enthusiasm.  He has a natural slight distaste for
the sublimities of Nature.  He suspects even Providence of
exaggeration.  He is so busy and has such an eye to the main chance
that he notices only a tenth part of what is going on round him.
Everything is capable of a rational explanation, he is sure, if
only he had time to attend to it.  We are much more alarmed by the
"vast great creatures" that swim out in the night and surround his
boat than he is.  He at once takes his gun and fires at them, and
off they swim--whether they are lions or not he really cannot say.
Thus before we know it we are opening our mouths wider and wider.
We are swallowing monsters that we should have jibbed at if they
had been offered us by an imaginative and flamboyant traveller.
But anything that this sturdy middle-class man notices can be taken
for a fact.  He is for ever counting his barrels, and making
sensible provisions for his water supply; nor do we ever find him
tripping even in a matter of detail.  Has he forgotten, we wonder,
that he has a great lump of beeswax on board?  Not at all.  But as
he had already made candles out of it, it is not nearly as great on
page thirty-eight as it was on page twenty-three.  When for a
wonder he leaves some inconsistency hanging loose--why if the wild
cats are so very tame are the goats so very shy?--we are not
seriously perturbed, for we are sure that there was a reason, and a
very good one, had he time to give it us.  But the pressure of life
when one is fending entirely for oneself alone on a desert island
is really no laughing matter.  It is no crying one either.  A man
must have an eye to everything; it is no time for raptures about
Nature when the lightning may explode one's gunpowder--it is
imperative to seek a safer lodging for it.  And so by means of
telling the truth undeviatingly as it appears to him--by being a
great artist and forgoing this and daring that in order to give
effect to his prime quality, a sense of reality--he comes in the
end to make common actions dignified and common objects beautiful.
To dig, to bake, to plant, to build--how serious these simple
occupations are; hatchets, scissors, logs, axes--how beautiful
these simple objects become.  Unimpeded by comment, the story
marches on with magnificent downright simplicity.  Yet how could
comment have made it more impressive?  It is true that he takes the
opposite way from the psychologist's--he describes the effect of
emotion on the body, not on the mind.  But when he says how, in a
moment of anguish, he clinched his hands so that any soft thing
would have been crushed; how "my teeth in my head would strike
together, and set against one another so strong that for the time I
could not part them again", the effect is as deep as pages of
analysis could have made it.  His own instinct in the matter is
right.  "Let the naturalists", he says, "explain these things, and
the reason and manner of them; all I can say to them is, to
describe the fact. . . ."  If you are Defoe, certainly to describe
the fact is enough; for the fact is the right fact.  By means of
this genius for fact Defoe achieves effects that are beyond any but
the great masters of descriptive prose.  He has only to say a word
or two about "the grey of the morning" to paint vividly a windy
dawn.  A sense of desolation and of the deaths of many men is
conveyed by remarking in the most prosaic way in the world, "I
never saw them afterwards, or any sign of them except three of
their hats, one cap, and two shoes that were not fellows".  When at
last he exclaims, "Then to see how like a king I din'd too all
alone, attended by my servants"--his parrot and his dog and his two
cats, we cannot help but feel that all humanity is on a desert
island alone--though Defoe at once informs us, for he has a way of
snubbing off our enthusiasms, that the cats were not the same cats
that had come in the ship.  Both of those were dead; these cats
were new cats, and as a matter of fact cats became very troublesome
before long from their fecundity, whereas dogs, oddly enough, did
not breed at all.

Thus Defoe, by reiterating that nothing but a plain earthenware pot
stands in the foreground, persuades us to see remote islands and
the solitudes of the human soul.  By believing fixedly in the
solidity of the pot and its earthiness, he has subdued every other
element to his design; he has roped the whole universe into
harmony.  And is there any reason, we ask as we shut the book, why
the perspective that a plain earthenware pot exacts should not
satisfy us as completely, once we grasp it, as man himself in all
his sublimity standing against a background of broken mountains and
tumbling oceans with stars flaming in the sky?




DOROTHY OSBORNE'S "LETTERS"


It must sometimes strike the casual reader of English literature
that there is a bare season in it, sometimes like early spring in
our country-side.  The trees stand out; the hills are unmuffled in
green; there is nothing to obscure the mass of the earth or the
lines of the branches.  But we miss the tremor and murmur of June,
when the smallest wood seems full of movement, and one has only to
stand still to hear the whispering and the pattering of nimble,
inquisitive animals going about their affairs in the undergrowth.
So in English literature we have to wait till the sixteenth century
is over and the seventeenth well on its way before the bare
landscape becomes full of stir and quiver and we can fill in the
spaces between the great books with the voices of people talking.

Doubtless great changes in psychology were needed and great changes
in material comfort--arm-chairs and carpets and good roads--before
it was possible for human beings to watch each other curiously or
to communicate their thoughts easily.  And it may be that our early
literature owes something of its magnificence to the fact that
writing was an uncommon art, practised, rather for fame than for
money, by those whose gifts compelled them.  Perhaps the
dissipation of our genius in biography, and journalism, and letter-
and memoir-writing has weakened its strength in any one direction.
However this may be, there is a bareness about an age that has
neither letter-writers nor biographers.  Lives and characters
appear in stark outline.  Donne, says Sir Edmund Gosse, is
inscrutable; and that is largely because, though we know what Donne
thought of Lady Bedford, we have not the slightest inkling what
Lady Bedford thought of Donne.  She had no friend to whom she
described the effect of that strange visitor; nor, had she had a
confidante, could she have explained for what reasons Donne seemed
to her strange.

And the conditions that made it impossible for Boswell or Horace
Walpole to be born in the sixteenth century were obviously likely
to fall with far heavier force upon the other sex.  Besides the
material difficulty--Donne's small house at Mitcham with its thin
walls and crying children typifies the discomfort in which the
Elizabethans lived--the woman was impeded also by her belief that
writing was an act unbefitting her sex.  A great lady here and
there whose rank secured her the toleration and it may be the
adulation of a servile circle, might write and print her writings.
But the act was offensive to a woman of lower rank.  "Sure the
poore woman is a little distracted, she could never bee soe
ridiculous else as to venture writeing book's and in verse too",
Dorothy Osborne exclaimed when the Duchess of Newcastle published
one of her books.  For her own part, she added, "If I could not
sleep this fortnight I should not come to that".  And the comment
is the more illuminating in that it was made by a woman of great
literary gift.  Had she been born in 1827, Dorothy Osborne would
have written novels; had she been born in 1527, she would never
have written at all.  But she was born in 1627, and at that date
though writing books was ridiculous for a woman there was nothing
unseemly in writing a letter.  And so by degrees the silence is
broken; we begin to hear rustlings in the undergrowth; for the
first time in English literature we hear men and women talking
together over the fire.

But the art of letter-writing in its infancy was not the art that
has since filled so many delightful volumes.  Men and women were
ceremoniously Sir and Madam; the language was still too rich and
stiff to turn and twist quickly and freely upon half a sheet of
notepaper.  The art of letter-writing is often the art of essay-
writing in disguise.  But such as it was, it was an art that a
woman could practise without unsexing herself.  It was an art that
could be carried on at odd moments, by a father's sick-bed, among a
thousand interruptions, without exciting comment, anonymously as it
were, and often with the pretence that it served some useful
purpose.  Yet into these innumerable letters, lost now for the most
part, went powers of observation and of wit that were later to take
rather a different shape in Evelina and in Pride and Prejudice.
They were only letters, yet some pride went to their making.
Dorothy, without admitting it, took pains with her own writing and
had views as to the nature of it: ". . . great Schollers are not
the best writer's (of Letters I mean, of books perhaps they are)
. . . all letters mee thinks should be free and easy as one's
discourse".  She was in agreement with an old uncle of hers who
threw his standish at his secretary's head for saying "put pen to
paper" instead of simply "wrote".  Yet there were limits, she
reflected, to free-and-easiness: ". . . many pritty things shuffled
together" do better spoken than in a letter.  And so we come by a
form of literature, if Dorothy Osborne will let us call it so,
which is distinct from any other, and much to be regretted now that
it has gone from us, as it seems, for ever.

For Dorothy Osborne, as she filled her great sheets by her father's
bed or by the chimney-corner, gave a record of life, gravely yet
playfully, formally yet with intimacy, to a public of one, but to a
fastidious public, as the novelist can never give it, or the
historian either.  Since it is her business to keep her lover
informed of what passes in her home, she must sketch the solemn
Sir Justinian Isham--Sir Solomon Justinian, she calls him--the
pompous widower with four daughters and a great gloomy house in
Northamptonshire who wished to marry her.  "Lord what would I give
that I had a Lattin letter of his for you", she exclaimed, in which
he describes her to an Oxford friend and specially commended her
that she was "capable of being company and conversation for him";
she must sketch her valetudinarian Cousin Molle waking one morning
in fear of the dropsy and hurrying to the doctor at Cambridge; she
must draw her own picture wandering in the garden at night and
smelling the "Jessomin", "and yet I was not pleased" because Temple
was not with her.  Any gossip that comes her way is sent on to
amuse her lover.  Lady Sunderland, for instance, has condescended
to marry plain Mr. Smith, who treats her like a princess, which Sir
Justinian thinks a bad precedent for wives.  But Lady Sunderland
tells everyone she married him out of pity, and that, Dorothy
comments, "was the pittyfull'st sayeing that ever I heard".  Soon
we have picked up enough about all her friends to snatch eagerly at
any further addition to the picture which is forming in our mind's
eye.

Indeed, our glimpse of the society of Bedfordshire in the
seventeenth century is the more intriguing for its intermittency.
In they come and out they go--Sir Justinian and Lady Diana, Mr.
Smith and his countess--and we never know when or whether we shall
hear of them again.  But with all this haphazardry, the Letters,
like the letters of all born letter-writers, provide their own
continuity.  They make us feel that we have our seat in the depths
of Dorothy's mind, at the heart of the pageant which unfolds itself
page by page as we read.  For she possesses indisputably the gift
which counts for more in letter-writing than wit or brilliance or
traffic with great people.  By being herself without effort or
emphasis, she envelops all these odds and ends in the flow of her
own personality.  It was a character that was both attractive and a
little obscure.  Phrase by phrase we come closer into touch with
it.  Of the womanly virtues that befitted her age she shows little
trace.  She says nothing of sewing or baking.  She was a little
indolent by temperament.  She browsed casually on vast French
romances.  She roams the commons, loitering to hear the milkmaids
sing; she walks in the garden by the side of a small river, "where
I sitt downe and wish you were with mee".  She was apt to fall
silent in company and dream over the fire till some talk of flying,
perhaps, roused her, and she made her brother laugh by asking what
they were saying about flying, for the thought had struck her, if
she could fly she could be with Temple.  Gravity, melancholy were
in her blood.  She looked, her mother used to say, as if all her
friends were dead.  She is oppressed by a sense of fortune and its
tyranny and the vanity of things and the uselessness of effort.
Her mother and sister were grave women too, the sister famed for
her letters, but fonder of books than of company, the mother
"counted as wise a woman as most in England", but sardonic.  "I
have lived to see that 'tis almost impossible to think People worse
than they are and soe will you"--Dorothy could remember her mother
saying that.  To assuage her spleen, Dorothy herself had to visit
the wells at Epsom and to drink water that steel had stood in.

With such a temperament her humour naturally took the form of irony
rather than of wit.  She loved to mock her lover and to pour a fine
raillery over the pomps and ceremonies of existence.  Pride of
birth she laughed at.  Pompous old men were fine subjects for her
satire.  A dull sermon moved her to laughter.  She saw through
parties; she saw through ceremonies; she saw through worldliness
and display.  But with all this clearsightedness there was
something that she did not see through.  She dreaded with a
shrinking that was scarcely sane the ridicule of the world.  The
meddling of aunts and the tyranny of brothers exasperated her.  "I
would live in a hollow Tree", she said, "to avoyde them."  A
husband kissing his wife in public seemed to her as "ill a sight as
one would wish to see".  Though she cared no more whether people
praised her beauty or her wit than whether "they think my name
Eliz: or Dor:", a word of gossip about her own behaviour would set
her in a quiver.  Thus when it came to proving before the eyes of
the world that she loved a poor man and was prepared to marry him,
she could not do it.  "I confess that I have an humor that will not
suffer mee to Expose myself to People's Scorne", she wrote.  She
could be "sattisfyed within as narrow a compasse as that of any
person liveing of my rank", but ridicule was intolerable to her.
She shrank from any extravagance that could draw the censure of the
world upon her.  It was a weakness for which Temple had sometimes
to reprove her.

For Temple's character emerges more and more clearly as the letters
go on--it is a proof of Dorothy's gift as a correspondent.  A good
letter-writer so takes the colour of the reader at the other end,
that from reading the one we can imagine the other.  As she argues,
as she reasons, we hear Temple almost as clearly as we hear Dorothy
herself.  He was in many ways the opposite of her.  He drew out her
melancholy by rebutting it; he made her defend her dislike of
marriage by opposing it.  Of the two Temple was by far the more
robust and positive.  Yet there was perhaps something--a little
hardness, a little conceit--that justified her brother's dislike of
him.  He called Temple the "proudest imperious insulting ill-
natured man that ever was".  But, in the eyes of Dorothy, Temple
had qualities that none of her other suitors possessed.  He was not
a mere country gentleman, nor a pompous Justice of the Peace, nor a
town gallant, making love to every woman he met, nor a travelled
Monsieur; for had he been any one of these things, Dorothy, with
her quick sense of the ridiculous, would have had none of him.  To
her he had some charm, some sympathy, that the others lacked; she
could write to him whatever came into her head; she was at her best
with him; she loved him; she respected him.  Yet suddenly she
declared that marry him she would not.  She turned violently
against marriage indeed, and cited failure after failure.  If
people knew each other before marriage, she thought, there would be
an end of it.  Passion was the most brutish and tyrannical of all
our senses.  Passion had made Lady Anne Blount the "talk of all the
footmen and Boy's in the street".  Passion had been the undoing of
the lovely Lady Izabella--what use was her beauty now married to
"that beast with all his estate"?  Torn asunder by her brother's
anger, by Temple's jealousy, and by her own dread of ridicule, she
wished for nothing but to be left to find "an early and a quiet
grave".  That Temple overcame her scruples and overrode her
brother's opposition is much to the credit of his character.  Yet
it is an act that we can hardly help deploring.  Married to Temple,
she wrote to him no longer.  The letters almost immediately cease.
The whole world that Dorothy had brought into existence is
extinguished.  It is then that we realise how round and populous
and stirring that world has become.  Under the warmth of her
affection for Temple the stiffness had gone out of her pen.
Writing half asleep by her father's side, snatching the back of an
old letter to write upon, she had come to write easily though
always with the dignity proper to that age, of the Lady Dianas, and
the Ishams, of the aunts and the uncles--how they come, how they
go; what they say; whether she finds them dull, laughable,
charming, or much as usual.  More than that, she has suggested,
writing her mind out to Temple, the deeper relationships, the more
private moods, that gave her life its conflict and its consolation--
her brother's tyranny; her own moodiness and melancholy; the
sweetness of walking in the garden at night; of sitting lost in
thought by the river; of longing for a letter and finding one.  All
this is around us; we are deep in this world, seizing its hints and
suggestions when, in the moment, the scene is blotted out.  She
married, and her husband was a rising diplomat.  She had to follow
his fortunes in Brussels, at The Hague, wherever they called him.
Seven children were born and seven children died "almost all in
their cradle".  Innumerable duties and responsibilities fell to the
lot of the girl who had made fun of pomp and ceremony, who loved
privacy and had wished to live secluded out of the world and "grow
old together in our little cottage".  Now she was mistress of her
husband's house at The Hague with its splendid buffet of plate.
She was his confidante in the many troubles of his difficult
career.  She stayed behind in London to negotiate if possible the
payment of his arrears of salary.  When her yacht was fired on, she
behaved, the King said, with greater courage than the captain
himself.  She was everything that the wife of an ambassador should
be: she was everything, too, that the wife of a man retired from
the public service should be.  And troubles came upon them--a
daughter died; a son, inheriting perhaps his mother's melancholy,
filled his boots with stones and leapt into the Thames.  So the
years passed; very full, very active, very troubled.  But Dorothy
maintained her silence.

At last, however, a strange young man came to Moor Park as
secretary to her husband.  He was difficult, ill-mannered, and
quick to take offence.  But it is through Swift's eyes that we see
Dorothy once more in the last years of her life.  "Mild Dorothea,
peaceful, wise, and great", Swift called her; but the light falls
upon a ghost.  We do not know that silent lady.  We cannot connect
her after all these years with the girl who poured her heart out to
her lover.  "Peaceful, wise, and great"--she was none of those
things when we last met her, and much though we honour the
admirable ambassadress who made her husband's career her own, there
are moments when we would exchange all the benefits of the Triple
Alliance and all the glories of the Treaty of Nimuegen for the
letters that Dorothy did not write.




SWIFT'S "JOURNAL TO STELLA"


In any highly civilised society disguise plays so large a part,
politeness is so essential, that to throw off the ceremonies and
conventions and talk a "little language" for one or two to
understand, is as much a necessity as a breath of air in a hot
room.  The reserved, the powerful, the admired, have the most need
of such a refuge.  Swift himself found it so.  The proudest of men
coming home from the company of great men who praised him, of
lovely women who flattered him, from intrigue and politics, put all
that aside, settled himself comfortably in bed, pursed his severe
lips into baby language and prattled to his "two monkies", his
"dear Sirrahs", his "naughty rogues" on the other side of the Irish
Channel.


Well, let me see you now again.  My wax candle's almost out, but
however I'll begin.  Well then don't be so tedious, Mr. Presto;
what can you say to MD's letter?  Make haste, have done with your
preambles--why, I say, I am glad you are so often abroad.


So long as Swift wrote to Stella in that strain, carelessly,
illegibly, for "methinks when I write plain, I do not know how, but
we are not alone, all the world can see us.  A bad scrawl is so
snug . . .", Stella had no need to be jealous.  It was true that
she was wearing away the flower of her youth in Ireland with
Rebecca Dingley, who wore hinged spectacles, consumed large
quantities of Brazil tobacco, and stumbled over her petticoats as
she walked.  Further, the conditions in which the two ladies lived,
for ever in Swift's company when he was at home, occupying his
house when he was absent, gave rise to gossip; so that though
Stella never saw him except in Mrs. Dingley's presence, she was one
of those ambiguous women who live chiefly in the society of the
other sex.  But surely it was well worth while.  The packets kept
coming from England, each sheet written to the rim in Swift's
crabbed little hand, which she imitated to perfection, full of
nonsense words, and capital letters, and hints which no one but
Stella could understand, and secrets which Stella was to keep, and
little commissions which Stella was to execute.  Tobacco came for
Dingley, and chocolate and silk aprons for Stella.  Whatever people
might say, surely it was well worth while.

Of this Presto, who was so different from that formidable character
"t'other I", the world knew nothing.  The world knew only that
Swift was over in England again, soliciting the new Tory government
on behalf of the Irish Church for those First Fruits which he had
begged the Whigs in vain to restore.  The business was soon
accomplished; nothing indeed could exceed the cordiality and
affection with which Harley and St. John greeted him; and now the
world saw what even in those days of small societies and individual
pre-eminence must have been a sight to startle and amaze--the "mad
parson", who had marched up and down the coffee-houses in silence
and unknown a few years ago, admitted to the inmost councils of
State; the penniless boy who was not allowed to sit down at table
with Sir William Temple dining with the highest Ministers of the
Crown, making dukes do his bidding, and so run after for his good
offices that his servant's chief duty was to know how to keep
people out.  Addison himself forced his way up only by pretending
that he was a gentleman come to pay a bill.  For the time being
Swift was omnipotent.  Nobody could buy his services; everybody
feared his pen.  He went to Court, and "am so proud I make all the
lords come up to me".  The Queen wished to hear him preach; Harley
and St. John added their entreaties; but he refused.  When Mr.
Secretary one night dared show his temper, Swift called upon him
and warned him


never to appear cold to me, for I would not be treated like a
schoolboy. . . .  He took all right; said I had reason . . . would
have had me dine with him at Mrs. Masham's brother, to make up
matters; but I would not.  I don't know, but I would not.


He scribbled all this down to Stella without exultation or vanity.
That he should command and dictate, prove himself the peer of great
men and make rank abase itself before him, called for no comment on
his part or on hers.  Had she not known him years ago at Moor Park
and seen him lose his temper with Sir William Temple, and guessed
his greatness and heard from his own lips what he planned and
hoped?  Did she not know better than anyone how strangely good and
bad were blent in him and all his foibles and eccentricities of
temper?  He scandalised the lords with whom he dined by his
stinginess, picked the coals off his fire, saved halfpence on
coaches; and yet by the help of these very economies he practised,
she knew, the most considerate and secret of charities--he gave
poor Patty Rolt "a pistole to help her a little forward against she
goes to board in the country"; he took twenty guineas to young
Harrison, the sick poet, in his garret.  She alone knew how he
could be coarse in his speech and yet delicate in his behaviour;
how he could be cynical superficially and yet cherish a depth of
feeling which she had never met with in any other human being.
They knew each other in and out; the good and the bad, the deep and
the trivial; so that without effort or concealment he could use
those precious moments late at night or the first thing on waking
to pour out upon her the whole story of his day, with its charities
and meannesses, its affections and ambitions and despairs, as
though he were thinking aloud.

With such proof of his affection, admitted to intimacy with this
Presto whom no one else in the world knew, Stella had no cause to
be jealous.  It was perhaps the opposite that happened.  As she
read the crowded pages, she could see him and hear him and imagine
so exactly the impression that he must be making on all these fine
people that she fell more deeply in love with him than ever.  Not
only was he courted and flattered by the great; everybody seemed to
call upon him when they were in trouble.  There was "young
Harrison"; he worried to find him ill and penniless; carried him
off to Knightsbridge; took him a hundred pounds only to find that
he was dead an hour before.  "Think what grief this is to me! . . .
I could not dine with Lord Treasurer, nor anywhere else; but got a
bit of meat toward evening."  She could imagine the strange scene,
that November morning, when the Duke of Hamilton was killed in Hyde
Park, and Swift went at once to the Duchess and sat with her for
two hours and heard her rage and storm and rail; and took her
affairs, too, on his shoulders as if it were his natural office,
and none could dispute his place in the house of mourning.  "She
has moved my very soul", he said.  When young Lady Ashburnham died
he burst out, "I hate life when I think it exposed to such
accidents; and to see so many thousand wretches burdening the
earth, while such as her die, makes me think God did never intend
life for a blessing".  And then, with that instinct to rend and
tear his own emotions which made him angry in the midst of his
pity, he would round upon the mourners, even the mother and sister
of the dead woman, and part them as they cried together and
complain how "people will pretend to grieve more than they really
do, and that takes off from their true grief".

All this was poured forth freely to Stella; the gloom and the
anger, the kindness and the coarseness and the genial love of
little ordinary human things.  To her he showed himself fatherly
and brotherly; he laughed at her spelling; he scolded her about her
health; he directed her business affairs.  He gossiped and chatted
with her.  They had a fund of memories in common.  They had spent
many happy hours together.  "Do not you remember I used to come
into your chamber and turn Stella out of her chair, and rake up the
fire in a cold morning and cry uth, uth, uth!"  She was often in
his mind; he wondered if she was out walking when he was; when
Prior abused one of his puns he remembered Stella's puns and how
vile they were; he compared his life in London with hers in Ireland
and wondered when they would be together again.  And if this was
the influence of Stella upon Swift in town among all the wits, the
influence of Swift upon Stella marooned in an Irish village alone
with Dingley was far greater.  He had taught her all the little
learning she had when she was a child and he a young man years ago
at Moor Park.  His influence was everywhere--upon her mind, upon
her affections, upon the books she read and the hand she wrote,
upon the friends she made and the suitors she rejected.  Indeed, he
was half responsible for her being.

But the woman he had chosen was no insipid slave.  She had a
character of her own.  She was capable of thinking for herself.
She was aloof, a severe critic for all her grace and sympathy, a
little formidable perhaps with her love of plain speaking and her
fiery temper and her fearlessness in saying what she thought.  But
with all her gifts she was little known.  Her slender means and
feeble health and dubious social standing made her way of life very
modest.  The society which gathered round her came for the simple
pleasure of talking to a woman who listened and understood and said
very little herself, but in the most agreeable of voices and
generally "the best thing that was said in the company".  For the
rest she was not learned.  Her health had prevented her from
serious study, and though she had run over a great variety of
subjects and had a fine severe taste in letters, what she did read
did not stick in her mind.  She had been extravagant as a girl, and
flung her money about until her good sense took control of her, and
now she lived with the utmost frugality.  "Five nothings on five
plates of delf" made her supper.  Attractive, if not beautiful,
with her fine dark eyes and her raven black hair, she dressed very
plainly, and thus contrived to lay by enough to help the poor and
to bestow upon her friends (it was an extravagance that she could
not resist) "the most agreeable presents in the world".  Swift
never knew her equal in that art, "although it be an affair of as
delicate a nature as most in the course of life".  She had in
addition that sincerity which Swift called "honour", and in spite
of the weakness of her body "the personal courage of a hero".
Once when a robber came to her window, she had shot him through the
body with her own hand.  Such, then, was the influence which worked
on Swift as he wrote; such the presence that mingled with the
thought of his fruit trees and the willows and the trout stream at
Laracor when he saw the trees budding in St. James's Park and heard
the politicians wrangle at Westminster.  Unknown to all of them, he
had his retreat; and if the Ministers again played him false, and
once more, after making his friend's fortunes, he went empty-handed
away, then after all he could retire to Ireland and to Stella and
have "no shuddering at all" at the thought.

But Stella was the last woman in the world to press her claims.
None knew better than she that Swift loved power and the company of
men: that though he had his moods of tenderness and his fierce
spasms of disgust at society, still for the most part he infinitely
preferred the dust and bustle of London to all the trout streams
and cherry trees in the world.  Above all, he hated interference.
If anyone laid a finger upon his liberty or hinted the least threat
to his independence, were they men or women, queens or kitchen-
maids, he turned upon them with a ferocity which made a savage of
him on the spot.  Harley once dared to offer him a bank-note; Miss
Waring dared hint that the obstacles to their marriage were now
removed.  Both were chastised, the woman brutally.  But Stella knew
better than to invite such treatment.  Stella had learnt patience;
Stella had learnt discretion.  Even in a matter like this of
staying in London or coming back to Ireland she allowed him every
latitude.  She asked nothing for herself and therefore got more
than she asked.  Swift was half annoyed:


. . . your generosity makes me mad; I know you repine inwardly at
Presto's absence; you think he has broken his word, of coming in
three months, and that this is always his trick: and now Stella
says, she does not see possibly how I can come away in haste, and
that MD is satisfied, etc.  An't you a rogue to overpower me thus?


But it was thus that she kept him.  Again and again he burst into
language of intense affection:


Farewell dear Sirrahs, dearest lives: there is peace and quiet with
MD, and nowhere else. . . .  Farewell again, dearest rogues: I am
never happy, but when I write or think of MD. . . .  You are as
welcome as my blood to every farthing I have in the world: and all
that grieves me is, I am not richer, for MD's sake.


One thing alone dashed the pleasure that such words gave her.  It
was always in the plural that he spoke of her; it was always
"dearest Sirrahs, dearest lives"; MD stood for Stella and Mrs.
Dingley together.  Swift and Stella were never alone.  Grant that
this was for form's sake merely, grant that the presence of Mrs.
Dingley, busy with her keys and her lap-dog and never listening to
a word that was said to her, was a form too.  But why should such
forms be necessary?  Why impose a strain that wasted her health and
half spoilt her pleasure and kept "perfect friends" who were happy
only in each other's company apart?  Why indeed?  There was a
reason; a secret that Stella knew; a secret that Stella did not
impart.  Divided they had to be.  Since, then, no bond bound them,
since she was afraid to lay the least claim upon her friend, all
the more jealously must she have searched into his words and
analysed his conduct to ascertain the temper of his mood and
acquaint herself instantly with the least change in it.  So long as
he told her frankly of his "favourites" and showed himself the
bluff tyrant who required every woman to make advances to him, who
lectured fine ladies and let them tease him, all was well.  There
was nothing in that to rouse her suspicions.  Lady Berkeley might
steal his hat; the Duchess of Hamilton might lay bare her agony;
and Stella, who was kind to her sex, laughed with the one and
grieved with the other.

But were there traces in the Journal of a different sort of
influence--something far more dangerous because more equal and more
intimate?  Suppose that there were some woman of Swift's own
station, a girl, like the girl that Stella herself had been when
Swift first knew her, dissatisfied with the ordinary way of life,
eager, as Stella put it, to know right from wrong, gifted, witty,
and untaught--she indeed, if she existed, might be a rival to be
feared.  But was there such a rival?  If so, it was plain that
there would be no mention of her in the Journal.  Instead, there
would be hesitations, excuses, an occasional uneasiness and
embarrassment when, in the midst of writing freely and fully, Swift
was brought to a stop by something that he could not say.  Indeed,
he had only been a month or two in England when some such silence
roused Stella's suspicions.  Who was it, she asked, that boarded
near him, that he dined with now and then?  "I know no such
person," Swift replied; "I do not dine with boarders.  What the
pox!  You know whom I have dined with every day since I left you,
better than I do.  What do you mean, Sirrah?"  But he knew what she
meant: she meant Mrs. Vanhomrigh, the widow who lived near him; she
meant her daughter Esther.  "The Vans" kept coming again and again
after that in the Journal.  Swift was too proud to conceal the fact
that he saw them, but he sought nine times out of ten to excuse it.
When he was in Suffolk Street the Vanhomrighs were in St. James's
Street and thus saved him a walk.  When he was in Chelsea they were
in London, and it was convenient to keep his best gown and periwig
there.  Sometimes the heat kept him there and sometimes the rain;
now they were playing cards, and young Lady Ashburnham reminded him
so much of Stella that he stayed on to help her.  Sometimes he
stayed out of listlessness; again he stayed because he was very
busy and they were simple people who did not stand on ceremony.  At
the same time Stella had only to hint that these Vanhomrighs were
people of no consequence for him to retort, "Why, they keep as good
female company as I do male. . . .  I saw two lady Bettys there
this afternoon."  In short, to tell the whole truth, to write
whatever came into his head in the old free way, was no longer
easy.

Indeed, the whole situation was full of difficulty.  No man
detested falsehood more than Swift or loved truth more whole-
heartedly.  Yet here he was compelled to hedge, to hide, and to
prevaricate.  Again, it had become essential to him to have some
"sluttery" or private chamber where he could relax and unbend and
be Presto and not "t'other I".  Stella satisfied this need as no
one else could.  But then Stella was in Ireland; Vanessa was on the
spot.  She was younger and fresher; she too had her charms.  She
too could be taught and improved and scolded into maturity as
Stella had been.  Obviously Swift's influence upon her was all to
the good.  And so with Stella in Ireland and Vanessa in London, why
should it not be possible to enjoy what each could give him, confer
benefits on both and do no serious harm to either?  It seemed
possible; at any rate he allowed himself to make the experiment.
Stella, after all, had contrived for many years to make shift with
her portion; Stella had never complained of her lot.

But Vanessa was not Stella.  She was younger, more vehement, less
disciplined, less wise.  She had no Mrs. Dingley to restrain her.
She had no memories of the past to solace her.  She had no journals
coming day by day to comfort her.  She loved Swift and she knew no
reason why she should not say so.  Had he not himself taught her
"to act what was right, and not to mind what the world said"?  Thus
when some obstacle impeded her, when some mysterious secret came
between them, she had the unwisdom to question him.  "Pray what can
be wrong in seeing and advising an unhappy young woman?  I can't
imagine."  "You have taught me to distinguish," she burst out, "and
then you leave me miserable."  Finally in her anguish and her
bewilderment she had the temerity to force herself upon Stella.
She wrote and demanded to be told the truth--what was Stella's
connexion with Swift?  But it was Swift himself who enlightened
her.  And when the full force of those bright blue eyes blazed upon
her, when he flung her letter on the table and glared at her and
said nothing and rode off, her life was ended.  It was no figure of
speech when she said that "his killing, killing words" were worse
than the rack to her; when she cried out that there was "something
in your look so awful that it strikes me dumb".  Within a few weeks
of that interview she was dead; she had vanished, to become one of
those uneasy ghosts who haunted the troubled background of Stella's
life, peopling its solitude with fears.

Stella was left to enjoy her intimacy alone.  She lived on to
practise those sad arts by which she kept her friend at her side
until, worn out with the strain and the concealment, with
Mrs. Dingley and her lap-dogs, with the perpetual fears and
frustrations, she too died.  As they buried her, Swift sat in a
back room away from the lights in the churchyard and wrote an
account of the character of "the truest, most virtuous, and
valuable friend, that I, or perhaps any other person, was ever
blessed with".  Years passed; insanity overcame him; he exploded
in violent outbursts of mad rage.  Then by degrees he fell silent.
Once they caught him murmuring.  "I am what I am", they heard him
say.




THE "SENTIMENTAL JOURNEY"


Tristram Shandy, though it is Sterne's first novel, was written at
a time when many have written their twentieth, that is, when he was
forty-five years old.  But it bears every sign of maturity.  No
young writer could have dared to take such liberties with grammar
and syntax and sense and propriety and the longstanding tradition
of how a novel should be written.  It needed a strong dose of the
assurance of middle age and its indifference to censure to run such
risks of shocking the lettered by the unconventionality of one's
style, and the respectable by the irregularity of one's morals.
But the risk was run and the success was prodigious.  All the
great, all the fastidious, were enchanted.  Sterne became the idol
of the town.  Only in the roar of laughter and applause which
greeted the book, the voice of the simple-minded public at large
was to be heard protesting that it was a scandal coming from a
clergyman and that the Archbishop of York ought to administer, to
say the least of it, a scolding.  The Archbishop, it seems, did
nothing.  But Sterne, however little he let it show on the surface,
laid the criticism to heart.  That heart too had been afflicted
since the publication of Tristram Shandy.  Eliza Draper, the object
of his passion, had sailed to join her husband in Bombay.  In his
next book Sterne was determined to give effect to the change that
had come over him, and to prove, not only the brilliance of his
wit, but the depths of his sensibility.  In his own words, "my
design in it was to teach us to love the world and our fellow
creatures better than we do".  It was with such motives animating
him that he sat down to write that narrative of a little tour in
France which he called A Sentimental Journey.

But if it were possible for Sterne to correct his manners, it was
impossible for him to correct his style.  That had become as much a
part of himself as his large nose or his brilliant eyes.  With the
first words--They order, said I, this matter better in France--we
are in the world of Tristram Shandy.  It is a world in which
anything may happen.  We hardly know what jest, what jibe, what
flash of poetry is not going to glance suddenly through the gap
which this astonishingly agile pen has cut in the thick-set hedge
of English prose.  Is Sterne himself responsible?  Does he know
what he is going to say next for all his resolve to be on his best
behaviour this time?  The jerky, disconnected sentences are as
rapid and it would seem as little under control as the phrases that
fall from the lips of a brilliant talker.  The very punctuation is
that of speech, not writing, and brings the sound and associations
of the speaking voice in with it.  The order of the ideas, their
suddenness and irrelevancy, is more true to life than to
literature.  There is a privacy in this intercourse which allows
things to slip out unreproved that would have been in doubtful
taste had they been spoken in public.  Under the influence of this
extraordinary style the book becomes semi-transparent.  The usual
ceremonies and conventions which keep reader and writer at arm's
length disappear.  We are as close to life as we can be.

That Sterne achieved this illusion only by the use of extreme art
and extraordinary pains is obvious without going to his manuscript
to prove it.  For though the writer is always haunted by the belief
that somehow it must be possible to brush aside the ceremonies and
conventions of writing and to speak to the reader as directly as by
word of mouth, anyone who has tried the experiment has either been
struck dumb by the difficulty, or waylaid into disorder and
diffusity unutterable.  Sterne somehow brought off the astonishing
combination.  No writing seems to flow more exactly into the very
folds and creases of the individual mind, to express its changing
moods, to answer its lightest whim and impulse, and yet the result
is perfectly precise and composed.  The utmost fluidity exists with
the utmost permanence.  It is as if the tide raced over the beach
hither and thither and left every ripple and eddy cut on the sand
in marble.

Nobody, of course, stood more in need of the liberty to be himself
than Sterne.  For while there are writers whose gift is impersonal,
so that a Tolstoy, for example, can create a character and leave us
alone with it, Sterne must always be there in person to help us in
our intercourse.  Little or nothing of A Sentimental Journey would
be left if all that we call Sterne himself were extracted from it.
He has no valuable information to give, no reasoned philosophy to
impart.  He left London, he tells us, "with so much precipitation
that it never enter'd my mind that we were at war with France".  He
has nothing to say of pictures or churches or the misery or well-
being of the countryside.  He was travelling in France indeed, but
the road was often through his own mind, and his chief adventures
were not with brigands and precipices but with the emotions of his
own heart.

This change in the angle of vision was in itself a daring
innovation.  Hitherto, the traveller had observed certain laws of
proportion and perspective.  The Cathedral had always been a vast
building in any book of travels and the man a little figure,
properly diminutive, by its side.  But Sterne was quite capable of
omitting the Cathedral altogether.  A girl with a green satin purse
might be much more important than Notre-Dame.  For there is, he
seems to hint, no universal scale of values.  A girl may be more
interesting than a cathedral; a dead monkey more instructive than a
living philosopher.  It is all a question of one's point of view.
Sterne's eyes were so adjusted that small things often bulked
larger in them than big.  The talk of a barber about the buckle of
his wig told him more about the character of the French than the
grandiloquence of her statesmen.


I think I can see the precise and distinguishing marks of national
characters more in these nonsensical minutiae, than in the most
important matters of state; where great men of all nations talk and
stalk so much alike, that I would not give nine-pence to chuse
amongst them.


So too if one wishes to seize the essence of things as a
sentimental traveller should, one should seek for it, not at broad
noonday in large and open streets, but in an unobserved corner up a
dark entry.  One should cultivate a kind of shorthand which renders
the several turns of looks and limbs into plain words.  It was an
art that Sterne had long trained himself to practise.


For my own part, by long habitude, I do it so mechanically that
when I walk the streets of London, I go translating all the way;
and have more than once stood behind in the circle, where not three
words had been said, and have brought off twenty different
dialogues with me, which I could have fairly wrote down and swore
to.


It is thus that Sterne transfers our interest from the outer to the
inner.  It is no use going to the guide-book; we must consult our
own minds; only they can tell us what is the comparative importance
of a cathedral, of a donkey, and of a girl with a green satin
purse.  In this preference for the windings of his own mind to the
guide-book and its hammered high road, Sterne is singularly of our
own age.  In this interest in silence rather than in speech Sterne
is the forerunner of the moderns.  And for these reasons he is on
far more intimate terms with us today than his great contemporaries
the Richardsons and the Fieldings.

Yet there is a difference.  For all his interest in psychology
Sterne was far more nimble and less profound than the masters of
this somewhat sedentary school have since become.  He is after all
telling a story, pursuing a journey, however arbitrary and zigzag
his methods.  For all our divagations, we do make the distance
between Calais and Modena within the space of a very few pages.
Interested as he was in the way in which he saw things, the things
themselves also interested him acutely.  His choice is capricious
and individual, but no realist could be more brilliantly successful
in rendering the impression of the moment.  A Sentimental Journey
is a succession of portraits--the Monk, the lady, the Chevalier
selling pâtés, the girl in the bookshop, La Fleur in his new
breeches;--it is a succession of scenes.  And though the flight of
this erratic mind is as zigzag as a dragon-fly's, one cannot deny
that this dragon-fly has some method in its flight, and chooses the
flowers not at random but for some exquisite harmony or for some
brilliant discord.  We laugh, cry, sneer, sympathize by turns.  We
change from one emotion to its opposite in the twinkling of an eye.
This light attachment to the accepted reality, this neglect of the
orderly sequence of narrative, allows Sterne almost the licence of
a poet.  He can express ideas which ordinary novelists would have
to ignore in language which, even if the ordinary novelist could
command it, would look intolerably outlandish upon his page.


I walked up gravely to the window in my dusty black coat, and
looking through the glass saw all the world in yellow, blue, and
green, running at the ring of pleasure.--The old with broken
lances, and in helmets which had lost their vizards--the young in
armour bright which shone like gold, beplumed with each gay feather
of the east--all--all tilting at it like fascinated knights in
tournaments of yore for fame and love.


There are many passages of such pure poetry in Sterne.  One can cut
them out and read them apart from the text, and yet--for Sterne was
a master of the art of contrast--they lie harmoniously side by side
on the printed page.  His freshness, his buoyancy, his perpetual
power to surprise and startle are the result of these contrasts.
He leads us to the very brink of some deep precipice of the soul;
we snatch one short glance into its depths; next moment, we are
whisked round to look at the green pastures glowing on the other
side.

If Sterne distresses us, it is for another reason.  And here the
blame rests partly at least upon the public--the public which had
been shocked, which had cried out after the publication of Tristram
Shandy that the writer was a cynic who deserved to be unfrocked.
Sterne, unfortunately, thought it necessary to reply.


The world has imagined [he told Lord Shelburne] because I wrote
Tristram Shandy, that I was myself more Shandean than I really ever
was. . . .  If it (A Sentimental Journey) is not thought a chaste
book, mercy on them that read it, for they must have warm
imaginations, indeed!


Thus in A Sentimental Journey we are never allowed to forget that
Sterne is above all things sensitive, sympathetic, humane; that
above all things he prizes the decencies, the simplicities of the
human heart.  And directly a writer sets out to prove himself this
or that our suspicions are aroused.  For the little extra stress he
lays on the quality he desires us to see in him, coarsens it and
over-paints it, so that instead of humour, we get farce, and
instead of sentiment, sentimentality.  Here, instead of being
convinced of the tenderness of Sterne's heart--which in Tristram
Shandy was never in question--we begin to doubt it.  For we feel
that Sterne is thinking not of the thing itself but of its effect
upon our opinion of him.  The beggars gather round him and he gives
the pauvre honteux more than he had meant to.  But his mind is not
solely and simply on the beggars; his mind is partly on us, to see
that we appreciate his goodness.  Thus his conclusion, "and I
thought he thank'd me more than them all", placed, for more
emphasis, at the end of the chapter, sickens us with its sweetness
like the drop of pure sugar at the bottom of a cup.  Indeed, the
chief fault of A Sentimental Journey comes from Sterne's concern
for our good opinion of his heart.  It has a monotony about it, for
all its brilliance, as if the author had reined in the natural
variety and vivacity of his tastes, lest they should give offence.
The mood is subdued to one that is too uniformly kind, tender, and
compassionate to be quite natural.  One misses the variety, the
vigour, the ribaldry of Tristram Shandy.  His concern for his
sensibility has blunted his natural sharpness, and we are called
upon to gaze rather too long at modesty, simplicity, and virtue
standing rather too still to be looked at.

But it is significant of the change of taste that has come over us
that it is Sterne's sentimentality that offends us and not his
immorality.  In the eyes of the nineteenth century all that Sterne
wrote was clouded by his conduct as husband and lover.  Thackeray
lashed him with his righteous indignation, and exclaimed that
"There is not a page of Sterne's writing but has something that
were better away, a latent corruption--a hint as of an impure
presence".  To us at the present time, the arrogance of the
Victorian novelist seems at least as culpable as the infidelities
of the eighteenth-century parson.  Where the Victorians deplored
his lies and his levities, the courage which turned all the rubs of
life to laughter and the brilliance of the expression are far more
apparent now.

Indeed A Sentimental Journey, for all its levity and wit, is based
upon something fundamentally philosophic.  It is true that it is a
philosophy that was much out of fashion in the Victorian age--the
philosophy of pleasure; the philosophy which holds that it is as
necessary to behave well in small things as in big, which makes the
enjoyment, even of other people, seem more desirable than their
suffering.  The shameless man had the hardihood to confess to
"having been in love with one princess or another almost all my
life", and to add, "and I hope I shall go on so till I die, being
firmly persuaded that if ever I do a mean action, it must be in
some interval betwixt one passion and another".  The wretch had the
audacity to cry through the mouth of one of his characters, "Mais
vive la joie . . . Vive l'amour! et vive la bagatelle!"  Clergyman
though he was, he had the irreverence to reflect, when he watched
the French peasants dancing, that he could distinguish an elevation
of spirit, different from that which is the cause or the effect of
simple jollity.--"In a word, I thought I beheld Religion mixing in
the dance."

It was a daring thing for a clergyman to perceive a relationship
between religion and pleasure.  Yet it may, perhaps, excuse him
that in his own case the religion of happiness had a great deal of
difficulty to overcome.  If you are no longer young, if you are
deeply in debt, if your wife is disagreeable, if, as you racket
about France in a post-chaise, you are dying of consumption all the
time, then the pursuit of happiness is not so easy after all.
Still, pursue it one must.  One must pirouette about the world,
peeping and peering, enjoying a flirtation here, bestowing a few
coppers there, and sitting in whatever little patch of sunshine one
can find.  One must crack a joke, even if the joke is not
altogether a decent one.  Even in daily life one must not forget to
cry "Hail ye, small, sweet courtesies of life, for smooth do ye
make the road of it!"  One must--but enough of must; it is not a
word that Sterne was fond of using.  It is only when one lays the
book aside and recalls its symmetry, its fun, its whole-hearted joy
in all the different aspects of life, and the brilliant ease and
beauty with which they are conveyed to us, that one credits the
writer with a backbone of conviction to support him.  Was not
Thackeray's coward--the man who trifled so immorally with so many
women and wrote love-letters on gilt-edged paper when he should
have been lying on a sick-bed or writing sermons--was he not a
stoic in his own way and a moralist, and a teacher?  Most great
writers are, after all.  And that Sterne was a very great writer we
cannot doubt.




LORD CHESTERFIELD'S LETTERS TO HIS SON


When Lord Mahon edited the letters of Lord Chesterfield he thought
it necessary to warn the intending reader that they are "by no
means fitted for early or indiscriminate perusal".  Only "those
people whose understandings are fixed and whose principles are
matured" can, so his Lordship said, read them with impunity.  But
that was in 1845.  And 1845 looks a little distant now.  It seems
to us now the age of enormous houses without any bathrooms.  Men
smoke in the kitchen after the cook has gone to bed.  Albums lie
upon drawing-room tables.  The curtains are very thick and the
women are very pure.  But the eighteenth century also has undergone
a change.  To us in 1930 it looks less strange, less remote than
those early Victorian years.  Its civilisation seems more rational
and more complete than the civilisation of Lord Mahon and his
contemporaries.  Then at any rate a small group of highly educated
people lived up to their ideals.  If the world was smaller it was
also more compact; it knew its own mind; it had its own standards.
Its poetry is affected by the same security.  When we read the Rape
of the Lock we seem to find ourselves in an age so settled and so
circumscribed that masterpieces were possible.  Then, we say to
ourselves, a poet could address himself whole-heartedly to his task
and keep his mind upon it, so that the little boxes on a lady's
dressing-table are fixed among the solid possessions of our
imaginations.  A game at cards or a summer's boating party upon the
Thames has power to suggest the same beauty and the same sense of
things vanishing that we receive from poems aimed directly at our
deepest emotions.  And just as the poet could spend all his powers
upon a pair of scissors and a lock of hair, so too, secure in his
world and its values, the aristocrat could lay down precise laws
for the education of his son.  In that world also there was a
certainty, a security that we are now without.  What with one
thing and another times have changed.  We can now read Lord
Chesterfield's letters without blushing, or, if we do blush, we
blush in the twentieth century at passages that caused Lord Mahon
no discomfort whatever.

When the letters begin, Philip Stanhope, Lord Chesterfield's
natural son by a Dutch governess, was a little boy of seven.  And
if we are to make any complaint against the father's moral
teaching, it is that the standard is too high for such tender
years.  "Let us return to oratory, or the art of speaking well;
which should never be entirely out of our thoughts", he writes to
the boy of seven.  "A man can make no figure without it in
Parliament, or the Church, or in the law", he continues, as if the
little boy were already considering his career.  It seems, indeed,
that the father's fault, if fault it be, is one common to
distinguished men who have not themselves succeeded as they should
have done and are determined to give their children--and Philip was
an only child--the chances that they have lacked.  Indeed, as the
letters go on one may suppose that Lord Chesterfield wrote as much
to amuse himself by turning over the stores of his experience, his
reading, his knowledge of the world, as to instruct his son.  The
letters show an eagerness, an animation, which prove that to write
to Philip was not a task, but a delight.  Tired, perhaps, with the
duties of office and disillusioned with its disappointments, he
takes up his pen and, in the relief of free communication at last,
forgets that his correspondent is, after all, only a schoolboy who
cannot understand half the things that his father says to him.
But, even so, there is nothing to repel us in Lord Chesterfield's
preliminary sketch of the unknown world.  He is all on the side of
moderation, toleration, ratiocination.  Never abuse whole bodies of
people, he counsels; frequent all churches, laugh at none; inform
yourself about all things.  Devote your mornings to study, your
evenings to good society.  Dress as the best people dress, behave
as they behave, never be eccentric, egotistical, or absent-minded.
Observe the laws of proportion, and live every moment to the full.

So, step by step, he builds up the figure of the perfect man--the
man that Philip may become, he is persuaded, if he will only--and
here Lord Chesterfield lets fall the words which are to colour his
teaching through and through--cultivate the Graces.  These ladies
are, at first, kept discreetly in the background.  It is well that
the boy should be indulged in fine sentiments about women and poets
to begin with.  Lord Chesterfield adjures him to respect them both.
"For my own part, I used to think myself in company as much above
me when I was with Mr. Addison and Mr. Pope, as if I had been with
all the Princes in Europe", he writes.  But as time goes on the
Virtues are more and more taken for granted.  They can be left to
take care of themselves.  But the Graces assume tremendous
proportions.  The Graces dominate the life of man in this world.
Their service cannot for an instant be neglected.  And the service
is certainly exacting.  For consider what it implies, this art of
pleasing.  To begin with, one must know how to come into a room and
then how to go out again.  As human arms and legs are notoriously
perverse, this by itself is a matter needing considerable
dexterity.  Then one must be dressed so that one's clothes seem
perfectly fashionable without being new or striking; one's teeth
must be perfect; one's wig beyond reproach; one's finger-nails cut
in the segment of a circle; one must be able to carve, able to
dance, and, what is almost as great an art, able to sit gracefully
in a chair.  These things are the alphabet of the art of pleasing.
We now come to speech.  It is necessary to speak at least three
languages to perfection.  But before we open our lips we must take
a further precaution--we must be on our guard never to laugh.  Lord
Chesterfield himself never laughed.  He always smiled.  When at
length the young man is pronounced capable of speech he must avoid
all proverbs and vulgar expressions; he must enunciate clearly and
use perfect grammar; he must not argue; he must not tell stories;
he must not talk about himself.  Then, at last, the young man may
begin to practise the finest of the arts of pleasing--the art of
flattery.  For every man and every woman has some prevailing
vanity.  Watch, wait, pry, seek out their weakness, "and you will
then know what to bait your hook with to catch them".  For that is
the secret of success in the world.

It is at this point, such is the idiosyncrasy of our age, that we
begin to feel uneasy.  Lord Chesterfield's views upon success are
far more questionable than his views upon love.  For what is to be
the prize of this endless effort and self-abnegation?  What do we
gain when we have learnt to come into rooms and to go out again; to
pry into people's secrets; to hold our tongues and to flatter, to
forsake the society of low-born people which corrupts and the
society of clever people which perverts?  What is the prize which
is to reward us?  It is simply that we shall rise in the world.
Press for a further definition, and it amounts perhaps to this: one
will be popular with the best people.  But if we are so exacting as
to demand who the best people are we become involved in a labyrinth
from which there is no returning.  Nothing exists in itself.  What
is good society?  It is the society that the best people believe to
be good.  What is wit?  It is what the best people think to be
witty.  All value depends upon somebody else's opinion.  For it is
the essence of this philosophy that things have no independent
existence, but live only in the eyes of other people.  It is a
looking-glass world, this, to which we climb so slowly; and its
prizes are all reflections.  That may account for our baffled
feeling as we shuffle, and shuffle vainly, among these urbane pages
for something hard to lay our hands upon.  Hardness is the last
thing we shall find.  But, granted the deficiency, how much that is
ignored by sterner moralists is here seized upon, and who shall
deny, at least while Lord Chesterfield's enchantment is upon him,
that these imponderable qualities have their value and these
shining Graces have their radiance?  Consider for a moment what the
Graces have done for their devoted servant, the Earl.

Here is a disillusioned politician, who is prematurely aged, who
has lost his office, who is losing his teeth, who, worst fate of
all, is growing deafer day by day.  Yet he never allows a groan to
escape him.  He is never dull; he is never boring; he is never
slovenly.  His mind is as well groomed as his body.  Never for a
second does he "welter in an easy-chair".  Private though these
letters are, and apparently spontaneous, they play with such ease
in and about the single subject which absorbs them that it never
becomes tedious or, what is still more remarkable, never becomes
ridiculous.  It may be that the art of pleasing has some connection
with the art of writing.  To be polite, considerate, controlled, to
sink one's egotism, to conceal rather than to obtrude one's
personality, may profit the writer even as they profit the man of
fashion.

Certainly there is much to be said in favour of the training,
however we define it, which helped Lord Chesterfield to write his
Characters.  The little papers have the precision and formality of
some old-fashioned minuet.  Yet the symmetry is so natural to the
artist that he can break it where he likes; it never becomes
pinched and formal, as it would in the hands of an imitator.  He
can be sly; he can be witty; he can be sententious, but never for
an instant does he lose his sense of time, and when the tune is
over he calls a halt.  "Some succeeded, and others burst" he says
of George the First's mistresses: the King liked them fat.  Again,
"He was fixed in the house of lords, that hospital of incurables."
He smiles: he does not laugh.  Here the eighteenth century, of
course, came to his help.  Lord Chesterfield, though he was polite
to everything, even to the stars and Bishop Berkeley's philosophy,
firmly refused, as became a son of his age, to dally with infinity
or to suppose that things are not quite as solid as they seem.  The
world was good enough and the world was big enough as it was.  This
prosaic temper, while it keeps him within the bounds of impeccable
common sense, limits his outlook.  No single phrase of his
reverberates or penetrates as so many of La Bruyère's do.  But he
would have been the first to deprecate any comparison with that
great writer; besides, to write as La Bruyère wrote, one must
perhaps believe in something, and then how difficult to observe the
Graces!  One might perhaps laugh; one might perhaps cry.  Both are
equally deplorable.

But while we amuse ourselves with this brilliant nobleman and his
views on life we are aware, and the letters owe much of their
fascination to this consciousness, of a dumb yet substantial figure
on the farther side of the page.  Philip Stanhope is always there.
It is true that he says nothing, but we feel his presence in
Dresden, in Berlin, in Paris, opening the letters and poring over
them and looking dolefully at the thick packets which have been
accumulating year after year since he was a child of seven.  He had
grown into a rather serious, rather stout, rather short young man.
He had a taste for foreign politics.  A little serious reading was
rather to his liking.  And by every post the letters came--urbane,
polished, brilliant, imploring and commanding him to learn to
dance, to learn to carve, to consider the management of his legs,
and to seduce a lady of fashion.  He did his best.  He worked very
hard in the school of the Graces, but their service was too
exacting.  He sat down half-way up the steep stairs which lead to
the glittering hall with all the mirrors.  He could not do it.  He
failed in the House of Commons; he subsided into some small post in
Ratisbon; he died untimely.  He left it to his widow to break the
news which he had lacked the heart or the courage to tell his
father--that he had been married all these years to a lady of low
birth, who had borne him children.

The Earl took the blow like a gentleman.  His letter to his
daughter-in-law is a model of urbanity.  He began the education of
his grandsons.  But he seems to have become a little indifferent to
what happened to himself after that.  He did not care greatly if he
lived or died.  But still to the very end he cared for the Graces.
His last words were a tribute of respect to those goddesses.
Someone came into the room when he was dying; he roused himself:
"Give Dayrolles a chair," he said, and said no more.




TWO PARSONS


I

JAMES WOODFORDE


One could wish that the psycho-analysts would go into the question
of diary-keeping.  For often it is the one mysterious fact in a
life otherwise as clear as the sky and as candid as the dawn.
Parson Woodforde is a case in point--his diary is the only mystery
about him.  For forty-three years he sat down almost daily to
record what he did on Monday and what he had for dinner on Tuesday;
but for whom he wrote or why he wrote it is impossible to say.
He does not unburden his soul in his diary; yet it is no mere
record of engagements and expenses.  As for literary fame, there
is no sign that he ever thought of it, and finally, though the
man himself is peaceable above all things, there are little
indiscretions and criticisms which would have got him into trouble
and hurt the feelings of his friends had they read them.  What
purpose, then, did the sixty-eight little books fulfil?  Perhaps it
was the desire for intimacy.  When James Woodforde opened one of
his neat manuscript books he entered into conversation with a
second James Woodforde, who was not quite the same as the reverend
gentleman who visited the poor and preached in the church.  These
two friends said much that all the world might hear; but they had a
few secrets which they shared with each other only.  It was a great
comfort, for example, that Christmas when Nancy, Betsy, and Mr.
Walker seemed to be in conspiracy against him, to exclaim in the
diary, "The treatment I meet with for my Civility this Christmas is
to me abominable".  The second James Woodforde sympathised and
agreed.  Again, when a stranger abused his hospitality it was a
relief to inform the other self who lived in the little book that
he had put him to sleep in the attic story, "and I treated him as
one that would be too free if treated kindly".  It is easy to
understand why, in the quiet life of a country parish, these two
bachelor friends became in time inseparable.  An essential part of
him would have died had he been forbidden to keep his diary.  When
indeed he thought himself in the grip of death he still wrote on
and on.  And as we read--if reading is the word for it--we seem to
be listening to someone who is murmuring over the events of the day
to himself in the quiet space which precedes sleep.  It is not
writing, and, to speak of the truth, it is not reading.  It is
slipping through half a dozen pages and strolling to the window and
looking out.  It is going on thinking about the Woodfordes while we
watch the people in the street below.  It is taking a walk and
making up the life and character of James Woodforde as we go.  It
is not reading any more than it is writing--what to call it we
scarcely know.

James Woodforde, then, was one of those smooth-cheeked, steady-eyed
men, demure to look at, whom we can never imagine except in the
prime of life.  He was of an equable temper, with only such
acerbities and touchinesses as are generally to be found in those
who have had a love affair in their youth and remained, as they
fancy, unwed because of it.  The Parson's love affair, however, was
nothing very tremendous.  Once when he was a young man in Somerset
he liked to walk over to Shepton and to visit a certain "sweet
tempered" Betsy White who lived there.  He had a great mind "to
make a bold stroke" and ask her to marry him.  He went so far,
indeed, as to propose marriage "when opportunity served", and Betsy
was willing.  But he delayed; time passed; four years passed
indeed, and Betsy went to Devonshire, met a Mr. Webster, who had
five hundred pounds a year, and married him.  When James Woodforde
met them in the turnpike road he could say little, "being shy", but
to his diary he remarked--and this no doubt was his private version
of the affair ever after--"she has proved herself to me a mere
jilt".

But he was a young man then, and as time went on we cannot help
suspecting that he was glad to consider the question of marriage
shelved once and for all so that he might settle down with his
niece Nancy at Weston Longueville, and give himself simply and
solely, every day and all day, to the great business of living.
Again, what else to call it we do not know.

For James Woodforde was nothing in particular.  Life had it all her
own way with him.  He had no special gift; he had no oddity or
infirmity.  It is idle to pretend that he was a zealous priest.
God in Heaven was much the same to him as King George upon the
throne--a kindly Monarch, that is to say, whose festivals one kept
by preaching a sermon on Sunday much as one kept the Royal birthday
by firing a blunderbuss and drinking a toast at dinner.  Should
anything untoward happen, like the death of a boy who was
dragged and killed by a horse, he would instantly, but rather
perfunctorily, exclaim, "I hope to God the Poor Boy is happy", and
add, "We all came home singing"; just as when Justice Creed's
peacock spread its tail--"and most noble it is"--he would exclaim,
"How wonderful are Thy Works O God in every Being".  But there was
no fanaticism, no enthusiasm, no lyric impulse about James
Woodforde.  In all these pages, indeed, each so neatly divided
into compartments, and each of those again filled, as the days
themselves were filled, quietly and fully in a hand steady as the
pacing of a well-tempered nag, one can only call to mind a single
poetic phrase about the transit of Venus.  "It appeared as a black
patch upon a fair Lady's face", he says.  The words themselves are
mild enough, but they hang over the undulating expanse of the
Parson's prose with the resplendence of the star itself.  So in the
Fen country a barn or a tree appears twice its natural size against
the surrounding flats.  But what led him to this palpable excess
that summer's night we cannot tell.  It cannot have been that he
was drunk.  He spoke out too roundly against such failings in his
brother Jack to be guilty himself.  Temperamentally he was among
the eaters of meat and not among the drinkers of wine.  When we
think of the Woodfordes, uncle and niece, we think of them as often
as not waiting with some impatience for their dinner.  Gravely they
watch the joint as it is set upon the table; swiftly they get their
knives to work upon the succulent leg or loin; without much
comment, unless a word is passed about the gravy or the stuffing,
they go on eating.  So they munch, day after day, year in, year
out, until between them they must have devoured herds of sheep and
oxen, flocks of poultry, an odd dozen or so of swans and cygnets,
bushels of apples and plums, while the pastries and the jellies
crumble and squash beneath their spoons in mountains, in pyramids,
in pagodas.  Never was there a book so stuffed with food as this
one is.  To read the bill of fare respectfully and punctually set
forth gives one a sense of repletion.  Trout and chicken, mutton
and peas, pork and apple sauce--so the joints succeed each other at
dinner, and there is supper with more joints still to come, all, no
doubt, home grown, and of the juiciest and sweetest; all cooked,
often by the mistress herself, in the plainest English way, save
when the dinner was at Weston Hall and Mrs. Custance surprised them
with a London dainty--a pyramid of jelly, that is to say, with a
"landscape appearing through it".  After dinner sometimes, Mrs.
Custance, for whom James Woodforde had a chivalrous devotion, would
play the "Sticcardo Pastorale", and make "very soft music indeed";
or would get out her work-box and show them how neatly contrived it
was, unless indeed she were giving birth to another child upstairs.
These infants the Parson would baptize and very frequently he would
bury them.  They died almost as frequently as they were born.  The
Parson had a deep respect for the Custances.  They were all that
country gentry should be--a little given to the habit of keeping
mistresses, perhaps, but that peccadillo could be forgiven them in
view of their generosity to the poor, the kindness they showed to
Nancy, and their condescension in asking the Parson to dinner when
they had great people staying with them.  Yet great people were not
much to James's liking.  Deeply though he respected the nobility,
"one must confess", he said, "that being with our equals is much
more agreeable".

Not only did Parson Woodforde know what was agreeable; that rare
gift was by the bounty of Nature supplemented by another equally
rare--he could have what he wanted.  The age was propitious.
Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday--they follow each other and each little
compartment seems filled with content.  The days were not crowded,
but they were enviably varied.  Fellow of New College though he
was, he did things with his own hands, not merely with his own
head.  He lived in every room of the house--in the study he wrote
sermons, in the dining-room he ate copiously; he cooked in the
kitchen, he played cards in the parlour.  And then he took his coat
and stick and went coursing his greyhounds in the fields.  Year in,
year out, the provisioning of the house and its defence against the
cold of winter and the drought of summer fell upon him.  Like a
general he surveyed the seasons and took steps to make his own
little camp safe with coal and wood and beef and beer against the
enemy.  His day thus had to accommodate a jumble of incongruous
occupations.  There is religion to be served, and the pig to be
killed; the sick to be visited and dinner to be eaten; the dead to
be buried and beer to be brewed; Convocation to be attended and the
cow to be bolused.  Life and death, mortality and immortality,
jostle in his pages and make a good mixed marriage of it:
". . . found the old gentleman almost at his last gasp.  Totally
senseless with rattlings in his Throat.  Dinner to-day boiled beef
and Rabbit rosted."  All is as it should be; life is like that.

Surely, surely, then, here is one of the breathing-spaces in human
affairs--here in Norfolk at the end of the eighteenth century at
the Parsonage.  For once man is content with his lot; harmony is
achieved; his house fits him; a tree is a tree; a chair is a chair;
each knows its office and fulfils it.  Looking through the eyes of
Parson Woodforde, the different lives of men seem orderly and
settled.  Far away guns roar; a King falls; but the sound is not
loud enough to scare the rooks here in Norfolk.  The proportions of
things are different.  The Continent is so distant that it looks a
mere blur; America scarcely exists; Australia is unknown.  But a
magnifying glass is laid upon the fields of Norfolk.  Every blade
of grass is visible there.  We see every lane and every field; the
ruts on the roads and the peasants' faces.  Each house stands in
its own breadth of meadow isolated and independent.  No wires link
village to village.  No voices thread the air.  The body also is
more present and more real.  It suffers more acutely.  No
anaesthetic deadens physical pain.  The surgeon's knife hovers real
and sharp above the limb.  Cold strikes unmitigated upon the house.
The milk freezes in the pans; the water is thick with ice in the
basins.  One can scarcely walk from one room to another in the
parsonage in winter.  Poor men and women are frozen to death upon
the roads.  Often no letters come and there are no visitors and no
newspapers.  The Parsonage stands alone in the midst of the frost-
bound fields.  At last, Heaven be praised, life circulates again; a
man comes to the door with a Madagascar monkey; another brings a
box containing a child with two distinct perfect heads; there is a
rumour that a balloon is going to rise at Norwich.  Every little
incident stands out sharp and clear.  The drive to Norwich even is
something of an adventure.  One must trundle every step of the way
behind a horse.  But look how distinct the trees stand in the
hedges; how slowly the cattle move their heads as the carriage
trots by; how gradually the spires of Norwich raise themselves
above the hill.  And then how clear-cut and familiar are the faces
of the few people who are our friends--the Custances, Mr. du
Quesne.  Friendship has time to solidify, to become a lasting, a
valuable possession.

True, Nancy of the younger generation is visited now and then by a
flighty notion that she is missing something, that she wants
something.  One day she complained to her uncle that life was very
dull: she complained "of the dismal situation of my house, nothing
to be seen, and little or no visiting or being visited, &c.", and
made him very uneasy.  We could read Nancy a little lecture upon
the folly of wanting that 'et cetera'.  Look what your 'et cetera'
has brought to pass, we might say; half the countries of Europe are
bankrupt; there is a red line of villas on every green hill-side;
your Norfolk roads are black as tar; there is no end to 'visiting
or being visited'.  But Nancy has an answer to make us, to the
effect that our past is her present.  You, she says, think it a
great privilege to be born in the eighteenth century, because one
called cowslips pagles and rode in a curricle instead of driving in
a car.  But you are utterly wrong, you fanatical lovers of memoirs,
she goes on.  I can assure you, my life was often intolerably dull.
I did not laugh at the things that make you laugh.  It did not
amuse me when my uncle dreamt of a hat or saw bubbles in the beer,
and said that meant a death in the family; I thought so too.  Betsy
Davy mourned young Walker with all her heart in spite of dressing
in sprigged paduasoy.  There is a great deal of humbug talked of
the eighteenth century.  Your delight in old times and old diaries
is half impure.  You make up something that never had any
existence.  Our sober reality is only a dream to you--so Nancy
grieves and complains, living through the eighteenth century day by
day, hour by hour.

Still, if it is a dream, let us indulge it a moment longer.  Let us
believe that some things last, and some places and some people are
not touched by change.  On a fine May morning, with the rooks
rising and the hares scampering and the plover calling among the
long grass, there is much to encourage the illusion.  It is we who
change and perish.  Parson Woodforde lives on.  It is the kings and
queens who lie in prison.  It is the great towns that are ravaged
with anarchy and confusion.  But the river Wensum still flows; Mrs.
Custance is brought to bed of yet another baby; there is the first
swallow of the year.  The spring comes, and summer with its hay and
strawberries; then autumn, when the walnuts are exceptionally fine
though the pears are poor; so we lapse into winter, which is indeed
boisterous, but the house, thank God, withstands the storm; and
then again there is the first swallow, and Parson Woodforde takes
his greyhounds out a-coursing.



II

THE REV. JOHN SKINNER


A whole world separates Woodforde, who was born in 1740 and died in
1803, from Skinner, who was born in 1772 and died in 1839.

For the few years that separated the two parsons are those
momentous years that separate the eighteenth century from the
nineteenth.  Camerton, it is true, lying in the heart of
Somersetshire, was a village of the greatest antiquity;
nevertheless, before five pages of the diary are turned we read of
coal-works, and how there was a great shouting at the coal-works
because a fresh vein of coal had been discovered, and the
proprietors had given money to the workmen to celebrate an event
which promised such prosperity to the village.  Then, though the
country gentlemen seemed set as firmly in their seats as ever, it
happened that the manor house at Camerton, with all the rights and
duties pertaining to it, was in the hands of the Jarretts, whose
fortune was derived from the Jamaica trade.  This novelty, this
incursion of an element quite unknown to Woodforde in his day, had
its disturbing influence no doubt upon the character of Skinner
himself.  Irritable, nervous, apprehensive, he seems to embody,
even before the age itself had come into existence, all the strife
and unrest of our distracted times.  He stands, dressed in the
prosaic and unbecoming stocks and pantaloons of the early
nineteenth century, at the parting of the ways.  Behind him lay
order and discipline and all the virtues of the heroic past, but
directly he left his study he was faced with drunkenness and
immorality; with indiscipline and irreligion; with Methodism and
Roman Catholicism; with the Reform Bill and the Catholic
Emancipation Act, with a mob clamouring for freedom, with the
overthrow of all that was decent and established and right.
Tormented and querulous, at the same time conscientious and able,
he stands at the parting of the ways, unwilling to yield an inch,
unable to concede a point, harsh, peremptory, apprehensive, and
without hope.

Private sorrow had increased the natural acerbity of his temper.
His wife had died young, leaving him with four small children, and
of these the best-loved, Laura, a child who shared his tastes and
would have sweetened his life, for she already kept a diary and had
arranged a cabinet of shells with the utmost neatness, died too.
But these losses, though they served nominally to make him love God
the better, in practice led him to hate men more.  By the time the
diary opens in 1822 he was fixed in his opinion that the mass of
men are unjust and malicious, and that the people of Camerton are
more corrupt even than the mass of men.  But by that date he was
also fixed in his profession.  Fate had taken him from the lawyer's
office, where he would have been in his element, dealing out
justice, filling up forms, keeping strictly to the letter of the
law, and had planted him at Camerton among churchwardens and
farmers, the Gullicks and the Padfields, the old woman who had
dropsy, the idiot boy, and the dwarf.  Nevertheless, however sordid
his tasks and disgusting his parishioners, he had his duty to them;
and with them he would remain.  Whatever insults he suffered, he
would live up to his principles, uphold the right, protect the
poor, and punish the wrongdoer.  By the time the diary opens, this
strenuous and unhappy career is in full swing.

Perhaps the village of Camerton in the year 1822, with its coal-
mines and the disturbance they brought, was no fair sample of
English village life.  Certainly it is difficult, as one follows
the Rector on his daily rounds, to indulge in pleasant dreams about
the quaintness and amenity of old English rural life.  Here, for
instance, he was called to see Mrs. Gooch--a woman of weak mind,
who had been locked up alone in her cottage and fallen into the
fire and was in agony.  "Why do you not help me, I say?  Why do you
not help me?" she cried.  And the Rector, as he heard her screams,
knew that she had come to this through no fault of her own.  Her
efforts to keep a home together had led to drink, and so she had
lost her reason, and what with the squabbles between the Poor Law
officials and the family as to who should support her, what with
her husband's extravagance and drunkenness, she had been left
alone, had fallen into the fire, and so died.  Who was to blame?
Mr. Purnell, the miserly magistrate, who was all for cutting down
the allowance paid to the poor, or Hicks the Overseer, who was
notoriously harsh, or the alehouses, or the Methodists, or what?
At any rate the Rector had done his duty.  However he might be
hated for it, he always stood up for the rights of the down-
trodden; he always told people of their faults, and convicted them
of evil.  Then there was Mrs. Somer, who kept a house of ill-fame
and was bringing up her daughters to the same profession.  Then
there was Farmer Lippeatt, who, turned out of the Red Post at
midnight, dead drunk, missed his way, fell into a quarry, and died
of a broken breastbone.  Wherever one turned there was suffering,
wherever one looked one found cruelty behind that suffering.  Mr.
and Mrs. Hicks, for example, the Overseers, let an infirm pauper
lie for ten days in the Poor House without care, "so that maggots
had bred in his flesh and eaten great holes in his body".  His only
attendant was an old woman, who was so failing that she was unable
to lift him.  Happily the pauper died.  Happily poor Garratt, the
miner, died too.  For to add to the evils of drink and poverty and
the cholera there was constant peril from the mine itself.
Accidents were common and the means of treating them elementary.  A
fall of coal had broken Garratt's back, but he lingered on, though
exposed to the crude methods of country surgeons, from January to
November, when at last death released him.  Both the stern Rector
and the flippant Lady of the Manor, to do them justice, were ready
with their half-crowns, with their soups and their medicines, and
visited sick-beds without fail.  But even allowing for the natural
asperity of Mr. Skinner's temper, it would need a very rosy pen and
a very kindly eye to make a smiling picture of life in the village
of Camerton a century ago.  Half-crowns and soup went a very little
way to remedy matters; sermons and denunciations made them perhaps
even worse.

The Rector found refuge from Camerton neither in dissipation like
some of his neighbours, nor in sport like others.  Occasionally
he drove over to dine with a brother cleric, but he noted
acrimoniously that the entertainment was "better suited to
Grosvenor Square than a clergyman's home--French dishes and French
wines in profusion", and records with a note of exclamation that it
was eleven o'clock before he drove home.  When his children were
young he sometimes walked with them in the fields, or amused
himself by making them a boat, or rubbed up his Latin in an epitaph
for the tomb of some pet dog or tame pigeon.  And sometimes he
leant back peacefully and listened to Mrs. Fenwick as she sang the
songs of Moore to her husband's accompaniment on the flute.  But
even such harmless pleasures were poisoned with suspicion.  A
farmer stared insolently as he passed; someone threw a stone from a
window; Mrs. Jarrett clearly concealed some evil purpose behind her
cordiality.  No, the only refuge from Camerton lay in Camalodunum.
The more he thought of it the more certain he became that he had
the singular good fortune to live on the identical spot where lived
the father of Caractacus, where Ostorius established his colony,
where Arthur had fought the traitor Modred, where Alfred very
nearly came in his misfortunes.  Camerton was undoubtedly the
Camalodunum of Tacitus.  Shut up in his study alone with his
documents, copying, comparing, proving indefatigably, he was safe,
at rest, even happy.  He was also, he became convinced, on the
track of an important etymological discovery, by which it could be
proved that there was a secret significance "in every letter that
entered into the composition of Celtic names".  No archbishop was
as content in his palace as Skinner the antiquary was content in
his cell.  To these pursuits he owed, too, those rare and
delightful visits to Stourhead, the seat of Sir Richard Hoare, when
at last he mixed with men of his own calibre, and met the gentlemen
who were engaged in examining the antiquities of Wiltshire.
However hard it froze, however high the snow lay heaped on the
roads, Skinner rode over to Stourhead; and sat in the library, with
a violent cold, but in perfect content, making extracts from
Seneca, and extracts from Diodorum Siculus, and extracts from
Ptolemy's Geography, or scornfully disposed of some rash and ill-
informed fellow-antiquary who had the temerity to assert that
Camalodunum was really situated at Colchester.  On he went with his
extracts, with his theories, with his proofs, in spite of the
malicious present of a rusty nail wrapped in paper from his
parishioners, in spite of the laughing warning of his host:  "Oh,
Skinner, you will bring everything at last to Camalodunum; be
content with what you have already discovered; if you fancy too
much you will weaken the authority of real facts".  Skinner replied
with a sixth letter thirty-four pages long; for Sir Richard did not
know how necessary Camalodunum had become to an embittered man who
had daily to encounter Hicks the Overseer and Purnell the
magistrate, the brothels, the ale-houses, the Methodists, the
dropsies and bad legs of Camerton.  Even the floods were mitigated
if one could reflect that thus Camalodunum must have looked in the
time of the Britons.

So he filled three iron chests with ninety-eight volumes of
manuscript.  But by degrees the manuscripts ceased to be entirely
concerned with Camalodunum; they began to be largely concerned with
John Skinner.  It was true that it was important to establish the
truth about Camalodunum, but it was also important to establish the
truth about John Skinner.  In fifty years after his death, when the
diaries were published, people would know not only that John
Skinner was a great antiquary, but that he was a much wronged, much
suffering man.  His diary became his confidante, as it was to
become his champion.  For example, was he not the most affectionate
of fathers, he asked the diary?  He had spent endless time and
trouble on his sons; he had sent them to Winchester and Cambridge,
and yet now when the farmers were so insolent about paying him his
tithes, and gave him a broken-backed lamb for his share, or fobbed
him off with less than his due of cocks, his son Joseph refused to
help him.  His son said that the people of Camerton laughed at him;
that he treated his children like servants; that he suspected evil
where none was meant.  And then he opened a letter by chance and
found a bill for a broken gig; and then his sons lounged about
smoking cigars when they might have helped him to mount his
drawings.  In short, he could not stand their presence in his
house.  He dismissed them in a fury to Bath.  When they had gone he
could not help admitting that perhaps he had been at fault.  It was
his querulous temper again--but then he had so much to make him
querulous.  Mrs. Jarrett's peacock screamed under his window all
night.  They jangled the church bells on purpose to annoy him.
Still, he would try; he would let them come back.  So Joseph and
Owen came back.  And then the old irritation overcame him again.
He "could not help saying" something about being idle, or drinking
too much cider, upon which there was a terrible scene and Joseph
broke one of the parlour chairs.  Owen took Joseph's part.  So did
Anna.  None of his children cared for him.  Owen went further.
Owen said "I was a madman and ought to have a commission of lunacy
to investigate my conduct".  And, further, Owen cut him to the
quick by pouring scorn on his verses, on his diaries and
archaeological theories.  He said "No one would read the nonsense I
had written.  When I mentioned having gained a prize at Trinity
College . . . his reply was that none but the most stupid fellows
ever thought of writing for the college prize".  Again there was a
terrible scene; again they were dismissed to Bath, followed by
their father's curses.  And then Joseph fell ill with the family
consumption.  At once his father was all tenderness and remorse.
He sent for doctors, he offered to take him for a sea trip to
Ireland, he took him indeed to Weston and went sailing with him on
the sea.  Once more the family came together.  And once more the
querulous, exacting father could not help, for all his concern,
exasperating the children whom, in his own crabbed way, he yet
genuinely loved.  The question of religion cropped up.  Owen said
his father was no better than a Deist or a Socinian.  And Joseph,
lying ill upstairs, said he was too tired for argument; he did not
want his father to bring drawings to show him; he did not want his
father to read prayers to him, "he would rather have some other
person to converse with than me".  So in the crisis of their lives,
when a father should have been closest to them, even his children
turned away from him.  There was nothing left to live for.  Yet
what had he done to make everyone hate him?  Why did the farmers
call him mad?  Why did Joseph say that no one would read what he
wrote?  Why did the villagers tie tin cans to the tail of his dog?
Why did the peacocks shriek and the bells ring?  Why was there no
mercy shown to him and no respect and no love?  With agonising
repetition the diary asks these questions; but there was no answer.
At last, one morning in December 1839, the Rector took his gun,
walked into the beech wood near his home, and shot himself dead.




DR. BURNEY'S EVENING PARTY


I


The party was given either in 1777 or in 1778; on which day or
month of the year is not known, but the night was cold.  Fanny
Burney, from whom we get much of our information, was accordingly
either twenty-five or twenty-six, as we choose.  But in order to
enjoy the party to the full it is necessary to go back some years
and to scrape acquaintance with the guests.

Fanny, from the earliest days, had always been fond of writing.
There was a cabin at the end of her stepmother's garden at King's
Lynn, where she used to sit and write of an afternoon till the
oaths of the seamen sailing up and down the river drove her in.
But it was only in the afternoon and in remote places that her
half-suppressed, uneasy passion for writing had its way.  Writing
was held to be slightly ridiculous in a girl; rather unseemly in a
woman.  Besides, one never knew, if a girl kept a diary, whether
she might not say something indiscreet--so Miss Dolly Young warned
her; and Miss Dolly Young, though exceedingly plain, was esteemed a
woman of the highest character in King's Lynn.  Fanny's stepmother
also disapproved of writing.  Yet so keen was the joy--"I cannot
express the pleasure I have in writing down my thoughts at the very
moment, and my opinion of people when I first see them"--that
scribble she must.  Loose sheets of paper fell from her pocket and
were picked up and read by her father to her agony and shame; once
she was forced to make a bonfire of all her papers in the back
garden.  At last some kind of compromise seems to have been arrived
at.  The morning was sacred to serious tasks like sewing; it was
only in the afternoon that she allowed herself to scribble--
letters, diaries, stories, verses in the look-out place which
overhung the river, till the oaths of the sailors drove her in.

There was something strange in that, perhaps, for the eighteenth
century was the age of oaths.  Fanny's early diary is larded with
them.  "God help me", "Split me", "Stap my vitals", together with
damneds and devilishes, dropped daily and hourly from the lips of
her adored father and her venerated Daddy Crisp.  Perhaps Fanny's
attitude to language was altogether a little abnormal.  She was
immensely susceptible to the power of words, but not nervously or
acutely as Jane Austen was.  She adored fluency and the sound of
language pouring warmly and copiously over the printed page.
Directly she read Rasselas, enlarged and swollen sentences formed
on the tip of her childish pen in the manner of Dr. Johnson.  Quite
early in life she would go out of her way to avoid the plain name
of Tomkins.  Thus, whatever she heard from her cabin at the end of
the garden was sure to affect her more than most girls, and it is
also clear that while her ears were sensitive to sound, her soul
was sensitive to meaning.  There was something a little prudish in
her nature.  Just as she avoided the name of Tomkins, so she
avoided the roughnesses, the asperities, the plainnesses of daily
life.  The chief fault that mars the extreme vivacity and vividness
of the early diary is that the profusion of words tends to soften
the edges of the sentences, and the sweetness of the sentiment to
smooth out the outlines of the thought.  Thus, when she heard the
sailors swearing, though Maria Allen, her half-sister, would, one
believes, have liked to stay and toss a kiss over the water--her
future history allows us to take the liberty of thinking so--Fanny
went indoors.

Fanny went indoors, but not to solitary meditation.  The house,
whether it was in Lynn or in London--and by far the greater part of
the year was spent in Poland Street--hummed with activity.  There
was the sound of the harpsichord; the sound of singing; there was
the sound--for such concentration seems to pervade a whole house
with its murmur--of Dr. Burney writing furiously, surrounded by
notebooks, in his study; and there were great bursts of chatter and
laughter when, returning from their various occupations, the Burney
children met together.  Nobody enjoyed family life more than Fanny
did.  For there her shyness only served to fasten the nickname of
Old Lady upon her; there she had a familiar audience for her
humour; there she need not bother about her clothes; there--perhaps
the fact that their mother had died when they were all young was
partly the cause of it--was that intimacy which expresses itself
in jokes and legends and a private language ("The wig is wet",
they would say, winking at each other); there were endless
confabulations, and confidences between sisters and brothers and
brothers and sisters.  Nor could there be any doubt that the
Burneys--Susan and James and Charles and Fanny and Hetty and
Charlotte--were a gifted race.  Charles was a scholar; James was a
humorist; Fanny was a writer; Susan was musical--each had some
special gift or characteristic to add to the common stock.  And
besides their natural gifts they were happy in the fact that their
father was a very popular man; a man, too, so admirably situated by
his talents, which were social, and his birth, which was gentle,
that they could mix without difficulty either with lords or with
bookbinders, and had, in fact, as free a run of life as could be
wished.

As for Dr. Burney himself, there are some points about which, at
this distance of time, one may feel dubious.  It is difficult to be
sure what, had one met him now, one would have felt for him.  One
thing is certain--one would have met him everywhere.  Hostesses
would be competing to catch him.  Notes would wait for him.
Telephone bells would interrupt him.  For he was the most sought-
after, the most occupied of men.  He was always dashing in and
dashing out.  Sometimes he dined off a box of sandwiches in his
carriage.  Sometimes he went out at seven in the morning, and was
not back from his round of music lessons till eleven at night.  The
"habitual softness of his manners", his great social charm,
endeared him to everybody.  His haphazard untidy ways--everything,
notes, money, manuscripts, was tossed into a drawer, and he was
robbed of all his savings once, but his friends were delighted to
make it up for him; his odd adventures--did he not fall asleep
after a bad crossing at Dover, and so return to France and so have
to cross the Channel again?--gave him a claim upon people's
kindness and sympathy.  It is, perhaps, his diffuseness that makes
him a trifle nebulous.  He seems to be for ever writing and then
rewriting, and requiring his daughters to write for him, endless
books and articles, while over him, unchecked, unfiled, unread
perhaps, pour down notes, letters, invitations to dinner which he
cannot destroy and means some day to annotate and collect, until he
seems to melt away at last in a cloud of words.  When he died at
the age of eighty-eight, there was nothing to be done by the most
devoted of daughters but to burn the whole accumulation entire.
Even Fanny's love of language was suffocated.  But if we fumble a
little as to our feeling for Dr. Burney, Fanny certainly did not.
She adored her father.  She never minded how many times she had to
lay aside her own writing in order to copy out his.  And he
returned her affection.  Though his ambition for her success at
Court was foolish, perhaps, and almost cost her her life, she had
only to cry when a distasteful suitor was pressed on her, "Oh, Sir,
I wish for nothing!  Only let me live with you!" for the emotional
doctor to reply, "My Life!  Thou shall live with me for ever if
thou wilt.  Thou canst not think I meant to get rid of thee?"
And not only were his eyes full of tears, but, what was more
remarkable, he never mentioned Mr. Barlow again.  Indeed, the
Burneys were a happy family; a mixed composite, oddly assorted
family; for there were the Aliens, too, and little half-brothers
and half-sisters were being born and growing up.

So time passed, and the passage of the years made it impossible for
the family to continue in Poland Street any longer.  First they
moved to Queen Square, and then, in 1774, to the house where Newton
had lived, in St. Martin's Street, Leicester Fields; where his
Observatory still stood, and his room with the painted panels was
still to be seen.  Here in a mean street, but in the centre of the
town, the Burneys set up their establishment.  Here Fanny went on
scribbling, stealing to the Observatory as she had stolen to the
cabin at Lynn, for she exclaimed, "I cannot any longer resist what
I find to be irresistible, the pleasure of popping down my thoughts
from time to time upon paper".  Here came so many famous people
either to be closeted with the doctor, or, like Garrick, to sit
with him while his fine head of natural hair was brushed, or to
join the lively family dinner, or, more formally, to gather
together in a musical party, where all the Burney children played
and their father "dashed away" on the harpsichord, and perhaps some
foreign musician of distinction performed a solo--so many people
came for one reason or another to the house in St. Martin's Street
that it is only the eccentrics, the grotesques, that catch the eye.
One remembers, for instance, the Ajujari, the astonishing soprano,
because she had been "mauled as an infant by a pig, in consequence
of which she is reported to have a silver side".  One remembers
Bruce, the traveller, because he had a


most extraordinary complaint.  When he attempted to speak, his
whole stomach suddenly seemed to heave like an organ bellows.  He
did not wish to make any secret about it, but spoke of it as having
originated in Abyssinia.  However, one evening, when he appeared
rather agitated, it lasted much longer than usual, and was so
violent that it alarmed the company.


One seems to remember, for she paints herself while she paints the
others, Fanny herself slipping eagerly and lightly in and out of
all this company, with her rather prominent gnat-like eyes, and her
shy, awkward manners.  But the gnat-like eyes, the awkward manners,
concealed the quickest observation, the most retentive memory.  As
soon as the company had gone, she stole to the Observatory and
wrote down every word, every scene, in letters twelve pages long,
for her beloved Daddy Crisp at Chessington.  That old hermit--he
had retired to a house in a field in dudgeon with society--though
professing to be better pleased with a bottle of wine in his cellar
and a horse in his stable, and a game of backgammon at night, than
with all the fine company in the world, was always agog for news.
He scolded his Fannikin if she did not tell him all about her fine
goings-on.  And he scolded her again if she did not write at full
tilt exactly as the words came into her head.

Mr. Crisp wanted to know in particular "about Mr. Greville and his
notions".  For, indeed, Mr. Greville was a perpetual source of
curiosity.  It is a thousand pities that time with her poppy dust
has covered Mr. Greville so that only his most prominent features,
his birth, his person, and his nose emerge.  Fulke Greville was the
descendant--he must, one fancies, have emphasised the fact from the
way in which it is repeated--of the friend of Sir Philip Sidney.  A
coronet, indeed, "hung almost suspended over his head".  In person
he was tall and well proportioned.  "His face, features, and
complexion were striking for masculine beauty."  "His air and
carriage were noble with conscious dignity"; his bearing was
"lofty, yet graceful".  But all these gifts and qualities, to which
one must add that he rode and fenced and danced and played tennis
to admiration, were marred by prodigious faults.  He was
supercilious in the extreme; he was selfish; he was fickle.  He was
a man of violent temper.  His introduction to Dr. Burney in the
first place was due to his doubt whether a musician could be fit
company for a gentleman.  When he found that young Burney not only
played the harpsichord to perfection, but curved his finger and
rounded his hand as he played; that he answered plain "Yes, Sir,"
or "No, Sir," being more interested in the music than in his
patron; that it was only indeed when Greville himself thrummed
pertinaciously from memory that he could stand it no longer, and
broke into vivacious conversation--it was only when he found that
young Burney was both gifted and well bred that, being himself a
very clever man, he no longer stood upon his dignity.  Burney
became his friend and his equal.  Burney, indeed, almost became his
victim.  For if there was one thing that the descendant of the
friend of Sir Philip Sidney detested it was what he called
"fogrum".  By that expressive word he seems to have meant the
middle-class virtues of discretion and respectability, as opposed
to the aristocratic virtues of what he called "ton".  Life must be
lived dashingly, daringly, with perpetual display, even if the
display was extremely expensive, and, as seemed possible to those
who trailed dismally round his grounds praising the improvements,
as boring to the man who made it as to the unfortunate guests whose
admiration he insisted upon extorting.  But Greville could not
endure fogrum in himself or in his friends.  He threw the obscure
young musician into the fast life of White's and Newmarket, and
watched with amusement to see if he sank or swam.  Burney, most
adroit of men, swam as if born to the water, and the descendant of
the friend of Sir Philip Sidney was pleased.  From being his
protégé, Burney became his confidant.  Indeed, the splendid
gentleman, for all his high carriage, was in need of one.  For
Greville, could one wipe away the poppy dust that covers him, was
one of those tortured and unhappy souls who find themselves torn
asunder by opposite desires.  On the one hand he was consumed with
the wish to be in the first flight of fashion and to do "the
thing", however costly or dreary "the thing" might be.  On the
other, he was secretly persuaded that "the proper bent of his mind
and understanding was for metaphysics".  Burney, perhaps, was a
link between the world of ton and the world of fogrum.  He was a
man of breeding who could dice and bet with the bloods; he was also
a musician who could talk of intellectual things and ask clever
people to his house.

Thus Greville treated the Burneys as his equals, and came to their
house, though his visits were often interrupted by the violent
quarrels which he managed to pick even with the amiable Dr. Burney
himself.  Indeed, as time went on there was nobody with whom
Greville did not quarrel.  He had lost heavily at the gambling-
tables.  His prestige in society was sunk.  His habits were driving
his family from him.  Even his wife, by nature gentle and
conciliatory, though excessive thinness made her seem fitted to sit
for a portrait "of a penetrating, puissant and sarcastic fairy
queen", was wearied by his infidelities.  Inspired by them she had
suddenly produced that famous Ode to Indifference, "which had
passed into every collection of fugitive pieces in the English
language" and (it is Madam D'Arblay who speaks) "twined around her
brow a garland of wide-spreading and unfading fragrance".  Her
fame, it may be, was another thorn in her husband's side; for he,
too, was an author.  He himself had produced a volume of Maxims and
Characters; and having "waited for fame with dignity rather than
anxiety, because with expectation unclogged with doubt", was
beginning perhaps to become a little impatient when fame delayed.
Meanwhile he was fond of the society of clever people, and it was
largely at his desire that the famous party in St. Martin's Street
met together that very cold night.


II


In those days, when London was so small, it was easier than now for
people to stand on an eminence which they scarcely struggled to
keep, but enjoyed by unanimous consent.  Everybody knew and
remembered when they saw her that Mrs. Greville had written an Ode
to Indifference; everybody knew that Mr. Bruce had travelled in
Abyssinia; so, too, everybody knew that there was a house at
Streatham presided over by a lady called Mrs. Thrale.  Without
troubling to write an Ode, without hazarding her life among
savages, without possessing either high rank or vast wealth, Mrs.
Thrale was a celebrity.  By the exercise of powers difficult to
define--for to feel them one must have sat at table and noticed a
thousand audacities and deftnesses and skilful combinations which
die with the moment--Mrs. Thrale had the reputation of a great
hostess.  Her fame spread far beyond her house.  People who had
never seen her discussed her.  People wanted to know what she was
like; whether she was really so witty and so well read; whether it
was a pose; whether she had a heart; whether she loved her husband
the brewer, who seemed a dull dog; why she had married him; whether
Dr. Johnson was in love with her--what, in short, was the truth of
her story, the secret of her power.  For power she had--that was
indisputable.

Even then, perhaps, it would have been difficult to say in what it
consisted.  For she possessed the one quality which can never be
named; she enjoyed the one gift which never ceases to excite
discussion.  Somehow or other she was a personality.  The young
Burneys, for instance, had never seen Mrs. Thrale or been to
Streatham, but the stir which she set going round her had reached
them in St. Martin's Street.  When their father came back from
giving his first music lesson to Miss Thrale at Streatham they
flocked about him to hear his account of her mother.  Was she as
brilliant as people made out?  Was she kind?  Was she cruel?  Had
he liked her?  Dr. Burney was in high good temper--in itself a
proof of his hostess's power--and he replied, not, we may be
sure, as Fanny rendered it, that she was a "star of the first
constellation of female wits: surpassing, rather than equalising
the reputation which her extraordinary endowments, and the splendid
fortune which made them conspicuous, had blazoned abroad"--that was
written when Fanny's style was old and tarnished, and its leaves
were fluttering and falling profusely to the ground; the doctor, we
may suppose, answered briskly that he had enjoyed himself hugely;
that the lady was a very clever lady; that she had interrupted the
lesson all the time; that she had a very sharp tongue--there was no
doubt of that; but he would go to the stake for it that she was a
good-hearted woman at bottom.  Then they must have pressed to know
what she looked like.  She looked younger than her age--which was
about forty.  She was rather plump, very small, fair with very blue
eyes, and had a scar or cut on her lip.  She painted her cheeks,
which was unnecessary, because her complexion was rosy by nature.
The whole impression she made was one of bustle and gaiety and good
temper.  She was, he said, a woman "full of sport", whom nobody
could have taken for a creature that the doctor could not bear, a
learned lady.  Less obviously, she was very observant, as her
anecdotes were to prove; capable of passion, though that was not
yet visible at Streatham; and, while curiously careless and good-
tempered about her dues as a wit or a blue-stocking, had an amusing
pride in being descended from a long line of Welsh gentry (whereas
the Thrales were obscure), and drew satisfaction now and then from
the reflection that in her veins ran the blood, as the College of
Heralds acknowledged, of Adam of Salzburg.

Many women might have possessed these qualities without being
remembered for them.  Mrs. Thrale possessed besides one that has
given her immortality: the power of being the friend of Dr.
Johnson.  Without that addition, her life might have fizzled and
flamed to extinction, leaving nothing behind it.  But the
combination of Dr. Johnson and Mrs. Thrale created something as
solid, as lasting, as remarkable in its way as a work of art.  And
this was an achievement that called for much rarer powers on the
part of Mrs. Thrale than the qualities of a good hostess.  When the
Thrales first met Johnson he was in a state of profound gloom,
crying out such lost and terrible words that Mr. Thrale put his
hand before his mouth to silence him.  Physically, too, he was
afflicted with asthma and dropsy; his manners were rough; his
habits were gross; his clothes were dirty; his wig was singed; his
linen was soiled; and he was the rudest of men.  Yet Mrs. Thrale
carried this monster off with her to Brighton and then domesticated
him in her house at Streatham, where he was given a room to
himself, and where he spent habitually some days in the middle of
every week.  This might have been, it is true, but the enthusiasm
of a curiosity hunter, ready to put up with a host of disagreeables
for the sake of having at her house the original Dr. Johnson, whom
anybody in England would gladly pay to see.  But it is clear that
her connoisseurship was of a finer type.  She understood--her
anecdotes prove it--that Dr. Johnson was somehow a rare, an
important, an impressive human being whose friendship might be a
burden but was certainly an honour.  And it was not by any means so
easy to know this then as it is now.  What one knew then was that
Dr. Johnson was coming to dinner.  And when Dr. Johnson came to
dinner one had to ask one's self who was coming too?  For if it was
a Cambridge man there might be an outburst.  If it was a Whig there
would certainly be a scene.  If it was a Scotsman anything might
happen.  Such were his whims and prejudices.  Next one would have
to bethink one, what food had been ordered for dinner?  For the
food never went uncriticised; and even when one had provided him
with young peas from the garden, one must not praise them.  Were
not the young peas charming, Mrs. Thrale asked once? and he turned
upon her, after gobbling down masses of pork and veal pie with
lumps of sugar in it, and snapped, "Perhaps they would be so--to a
pig".  Then what would the talk be about--that was another cause
for anxiety.  If it got upon painting or music he was apt to
dismiss it with scorn, for both arts were indifferent to him.  Then
if a traveller told a tale he was sure to pooh-pooh it, because he
believed nothing that he had not seen himself.  Then if anyone were
to express sympathy in his presence it might well draw down upon
one a rebuke for insincerity.


When, one day, I lamented the loss of a cousin killed in America:
"Prithee, my dear," said he, "have done with canting: how would the
world be the worse for it, I may ask, if all your relations were at
once spitted like larks, and roasted for Presto's supper?"


In short, the meal would be strewn with difficulties; the whole
affair might run upon the rocks at any moment.

Had Mrs. Thrale been a shallow curiosity hunter she would have
shown him for a season or so and then let him drop.  But Mrs.
Thrale realised even at the moment that one must submit to be
snubbed and bullied and irritated and offended by Dr. Johnson
because--well, what was the force that sent an impudent and
arrogant young man like Boswell slinking back to his chair like a
beaten boy when Johnson bade him?  Why did she herself sit up till
four in the morning pouring out tea for him?  There was a force in
him that awed even a competent woman of the world, that subdued
even a thick-skinned, conceited boy.  He had a right to scold Mrs.
Thrale for inhumanity, when she knew that he spent only seventy
pounds a year on himself and with the rest of his income supported
a houseful of decrepit and ungrateful lodgers.  If he gobbled at
table and tore the peaches from the wall, he went back punctually
to London to see that his wretched inmates had their three good
meals over the week-end.  Moreover, he was a warehouse of
knowledge.  If the dancing-master talked about dancing, Johnson
could out-talk him.  He could keep one amused by the hour with his
tales of the underworld, of the topers and scallywags who haunted
his lodgings and claimed his bounty.  He said things casually that
one never forgot.  But what was perhaps more engaging than all this
learning and virtue, was his love of pleasure, his detestation of
the mere bookworm, his passion for life and society.  And then, as
a woman would, Mrs. Thrale loved him for his courage--that he had
separated two fierce dogs that were tearing each other to pieces in
Mr. Beauclerc's sitting-room; that he had thrown a man, chair and
all, into the pit of a theatre; that, blind and twitching as he
was, he rode to hounds on Brighthelmstone Downs, and followed the
hunt as if he had been a gay dog instead of a huge and melancholy
old man.  Moreover, there was a natural affinity between them.  She
drew him out: she made him say what without her he would never have
said; indeed, he had confessed to her some painful secret of his
youth which she never revealed to anybody.  Above all, they shared
the same passion.  Of talk they could neither of them ever have
enough.

Thus Mrs. Thrale could always be counted on to produce Dr. Johnson;
and it was, of course, Dr. Johnson whom Mr. Greville most
particularly wished to meet.  As it happened, Dr. Burney had
renewed his acquaintance with Dr. Johnson after many years, when he
went to Streatham to give his first music lesson, and Dr. Johnson
had been there, "wearing his mildest aspect".  For he remembered
Dr. Burney with kindness.  He remembered a letter that Dr. Burney
had written to him in praise of the dictionary; he remembered, too,
that Dr. Burney having called upon him, years ago, and found him
out, had dared to cut some bristles from the hearth broom to send
to an admirer.  When he met Dr. Burney again at Streatham, he had
instantly taken a liking to him; soon he was brought by Mrs. Thrale
to see Dr. Burney's books; it was quite easy, therefore, for Dr.
Burney to arrange that on a certain night in the early spring of
1777 or 1778, Mr. Greville's great wish to meet Dr. Johnson and
Mrs. Thrale should be gratified.  A day was fixed and the
engagement was made.

Whatever the day was it must have been marked in the host's
calendar with a note of interrogation.  Anything might happen.  Any
extreme of splendour or disaster might spring from the meeting of
so many marked and distinguished characters.  Dr. Johnson was
formidable.  Mr. Greville was domineering.  Mrs. Greville was a
celebrity in one way; Mrs. Thrale was a celebrity in another.  Then
it was an occasion.  Everybody felt it to be so.  Wits would be on
the strain; expectation on tiptoe.  Dr. Burney foresaw these
difficulties and took steps to avert them, but there was, one
vaguely feels, something a little obtuse about Dr. Burney.  The
eager, kind, busy man, with his head full of music and his desk
stuffed with notes, lacked discrimination.  The precise outline of
people's characters was covered with a rambling pink haze.  To his
innocent mind music was the universal specific.  Everybody must
share his own enthusiasm for music.  If there was going to be any
difficulty, music could solve it.  He therefore asked Signor Piozzi
to be of the party.

The night arrived and the fire was lit.  The chairs were placed and
the company arrived.  As Dr. Burney had foreseen, the awkwardness
was great.  Things indeed seemed to go wrong from the start.  Dr.
Johnson had come in his worsted wig, very clean and prepared
evidently for enjoyment.  But after one look at him, Mr. Greville
seemed to decide that there was something formidable about the old
man; it would be better not to compete; it would be better to play
the fine gentleman, and leave it to literature to make the first
advances.  Murmuring, apparently, something about having the
toothache, Mr. Greville "assumed his most supercilious air of
distant superiority and planted himself, immovable as a noble
statue, upon the hearth".  He said nothing.  Then Mrs. Greville,
though longing to distinguish herself, judged it proper for Dr.
Johnson to begin, so that she said nothing.  Mrs. Thrale, who might
have been expected to break up the solemnity, felt, it seemed, that
the party was not her party and, waiting for the principals to
engage, resolved to say nothing either.  Mrs. Crewe, the Grevilles'
daughter, lovely and vivacious as she was, had come to be
entertained and instructed and therefore very naturally she, too,
said nothing.  Nobody said anything.  Complete silence reigned.
Here was the very moment for which Dr. Burney in his wisdom had
prepared.  He nodded to Signor Piozzi; and Signor Piozzi stepped to
the instrument and began to sing.  Accompanying himself on the
pianoforte, he sang an aria parlante.  He sang beautifully, he sang
his best.  But far from breaking the awkwardness and loosing the
tongues, the music increased the constraint.  Nobody spoke.
Everybody waited for Dr. Johnson to begin.  There, indeed, they
showed their fatal ignorance, for if there was one thing that Dr.
Johnson never did, it was to begin.  Somebody had always to start a
topic before he consented to pursue it or to demolish it.  Now he
waited in silence to be challenged.  But he waited in vain.  Nobody
spoke.  Nobody dared speak.  The roulades of Signor Piozzi
continued uninterrupted.  As he saw his chance of a pleasant
evening's talk drowned in the rattle of a piano, Dr. Johnson sank
into silent abstraction and sat with his back to the piano gazing
at the fire.  The aria parlante continued uninterrupted.  At last
the strain became unendurable.  At last Mrs. Thrale could stand it
no longer.  It was the attitude of Mr. Greville, apparently, that
roused her resentment.  There he stood on the hearth in front of
the fire "staring around him at the whole company in curious
silence sardonically".  What right had he, even if he were the
descendant of the friend of Sir Philip Sidney, to despise the
company and absorb the fire?  Her own pride of ancestry suddenly
asserted itself.  Did not the blood of Adam of Salzburg run in her
veins?  Was it not as blue as that of the Grevilles and far more
sparkling?  Giving rein to the spirit of recklessness which
sometimes bubbled in her, she rose, and stole on tiptoe to the
pianoforte.  Signor Piozzi was still singing and accompanying
himself dramatically as he sang.  She began a ludicrous mimicry of
his gestures: she shrugged her shoulders, she cast up her eyes, she
reclined her head on one side just as he did.  At this singular
display the company began to titter--indeed, it was a scene that
was to be described "from coterie to coterie throughout London,
with comments and sarcasms of endless variety".  People who saw
Mrs. Thrale at her mockery that night never forgot that this was
the beginning of that criminal affair, the first scene of that
"most extraordinary drama" which lost Mrs. Thrale the respect of
friends and children, which drove her in ignominy from England, and
scarcely allowed her to show herself in London again--this was the
beginning of her most reprehensible, her most unnatural passion for
one who was not only a musician but a foreigner.  But all this
still lay on the laps of the gods.  Nobody yet knew of what
iniquity the vivacious lady was capable.  She was still the
respected wife of a wealthy brewer.  Happily, Dr. Johnson was
staring at the fire, and knew nothing of the scene at the piano.
But Dr. Burney put a stop to the laughter instantly.  He was
shocked that a guest, even if a foreigner and a musician, should be
ridiculed behind his back, and stealing to Mrs. Thrale he whispered
kindly but with authority in her ear that if she had no taste for
music herself she should consider the feelings of those who had.
Mrs. Thrale took the rebuke with admirable sweetness, nodded her
acquiescence and returned to her chair.  But she had done her part.
After that nothing more could be expected from her.  Let them now
do what they chose--she washed her hands of it, and seated herself
"like a pretty little Miss", as she said afterwards, to endure what
yet remained to be endured "of one of the most humdrum evenings
that she had ever passed".

If no one had dared to tackle Dr. Johnson in the beginning, it was
scarcely likely that they would dare now.  He had apparently
decided that the evening was a failure so far as talk was
concerned.  If he had not come dressed in his best clothes he might
have had a book in his pocket which he could have pulled out and
read.  As it was, nothing but the resources of his own mind were
left him; but these were huge; and these he explored as he sat with
his back to the piano looking the very image of gravity, dignity,
and composure.

At last the aria parlante came to an end.  Signor Piozzi indeed,
finding nobody to talk to, fell asleep in his solitude.  Even Dr.
Burney by this time must have been aware that music is not an
infallible specific; but there was nothing for it now.  Since
people would not talk, the music must continue.  He called upon his
daughters to sing a duet.  And then, when that was over, there was
nothing for it but that they must sing another.  Signor Piozzi
still slept, or still feigned sleep.  Dr. Johnson explored still
further the magnificent resources of his own mind.  Mr. Greville
still stood superciliously upon the hearth-rug.  And the night was
cold.

But it was a grave mistake to suppose that because Dr. Johnson was
apparently lost in thought, and certainly almost blind, he was not
aware of anything, particularly of anything reprehensible, that was
taking place in the room.  His "starts of vision" were always
astonishing and almost always painful.  So it was on the present
occasion.  He suddenly woke up.  He suddenly roused himself.  He
suddenly uttered the words for which the company had been waiting
all the evening.

"If it were not for depriving the ladies of the fire", he said,
looking fixedly at Mr. Greville, "I should like to stand upon the
hearth myself!"  The effect of the outburst was prodigious.  The
Burney children said afterwards that it was as good as a comedy.
The descendant of the friend of Sir Philip Sidney quailed before
the Doctor's glance.  All the blood of all the Brookes rallied
itself to overcome the insult.  The son of a bookseller should be
taught his place.  Greville did his best to smile--a faint,
scoffing smile.  He did his best to stand where he had stood the
whole evening.  He stood smiling, he stood trying to smile, for two
or perhaps for three minutes more.  But when he looked round the
room and saw all eyes cast down, all faces twitching with
amusement, all sympathies plainly on the side of the bookseller's
son, he could stand there no longer.  Fulke Greville slunk away,
sloping even his proud shoulders, to a chair.  But as he went, he
rang the bell "with force".  He demanded his carriage.

"The party then broke up; and no one from amongst it ever asked, or
wished for its repetition."




JACK MYTTON


Are you curious to know what sort of person your neighbour is in a
deck-chair on Brighton pier?  Watch, then, which column of The
Times--she has brought it, rolled like a French roll, and it lies
on the top of her bag--she reads first.  Politics, presumably, or
an article upon a temple in Jerusalem?  Not a bit of it--she reads
the sporting news.  Yet one could have sworn, to look at her--
boots, stockings, and all--that she was a public servant of some
sort; with an Act of Parliament, a blue-book or two, and a frugal
lunch of biscuits and bananas in her bag.  If for a moment she
basks on Brighton pier while Madame Rosalba, poised high on a
platform above the sea, dives for coins or soup-plates it is only
to refresh herself before renewing her attack upon the iniquities
of our social system.  Yet she begins by reading the sporting news.

Perhaps there is nothing so strange in it after all.  The great
English sports are pursued almost as fiercely by sedentary men who
cannot sit a donkey, and by quiet women who cannot drown a mouse,
as by the booted and spurred.  They hunt in imagination.  They
follow the fortunes of the Berkeley, the Cattistock, the Quorn, and
the Belvoir upon phantom hunters.  They roll upon their lips the
odd-sounding, beautifully crabbed English place-names--Humblebee,
Doddles Hill, Caroline Bog, Winniats Brake.  They imagine as they
read (hanging to a strap in the Underground or propping the paper
against a suburban teapot) now a "slow, twisting hunt", now a
"brilliant gallop".  The rolling meadows are in their eyes; they
hear the thunder and the whimper of horses and hounds; the shapely
slopes of Leicestershire unfold before them, and in imagination
they ride home again, when evening falls, soothed and satisfied,
and watch the lights coming out in farmhouse windows.  Indeed the
English sporting writers, Beckford, St. John, Surtees, Nimrod, make
no mean reading.  In their slapdash, gentlemanly way they have
ridden their pens as boldly as they have ridden their horses.  They
have had their effect upon the language.  This riding and tumbling,
this being blown upon and rained upon and splashed from head to
heels with mud, have worked themselves into the very texture of
English prose and given it that leap and dash, that stripping of
images from flying hedge and tossing tree which distinguish it not
indeed above the French but so emphatically from it.  How much
English poetry depends upon English hunting this is not the place
to enquire.  That Shakespeare was a bold if erratic horseman
scarcely needs proving.  Therefore that an Englishwoman should
choose to read the sporting news rather than the political gossip
need cause us no surprise; nor need we condemn her if, when she has
folded up her paper, she takes from her bag not a blue-book but a
red book and proceeds, while Madame Rosalba dives and the band
blares and the green waters of the English Channel sparkle and sway
between the chinks of the pier, to read the Life of Jack Mytton.

Jack Mytton was by no means an estimable character.  Of an old
Shropshire family (the name was Mutton once; so Brontë was Prunty),
he had inherited a fine property and a large income.  The little
boy who was born in the year 1796 should have carried on the
tradition of politics and sport which his ancestors had pursued
respectably for five centuries before him.  But families have their
seasons, like the year.  After months of damp and drizzle, growth
and prosperity, there come the wild equinoctial gales, a roaring in
the trees all day, fruit destroyed and blossom wasted.  Lightning
strikes the house and its roof-tree goes up in fire.  Indeed,
Nature and society between them had imposed upon the Mytton of 1796
a burden which might have crushed a finer spirit--a body hewn from
the solid rock, a fortune of almost indestructible immensity.
Nature and society dared him, almost, to defy them.  He accepted
the challenge.  He went shooting in the thinnest silk stockings, he
let the rain pelt on his bare skin, he swam rivers, charged gates,
crouched naked on the snow, but still his body remained obdurate
and upright.  He had his breeches made without pockets; wads of
bank-notes were picked up in the woods, but still his fortune
survived.  He begot children and tossed them in the air and pelted
them with oranges; he married wives whom he tormented and
imprisoned until one died and the other snatched her chance and ran
away.  While he shaved, a glass of port stood by his side, and as
the day wore on he worked through five or six bottles of wine and
sopped them up with pound upon pound of filberts.  There was an
extremity about his behaviour which raises it from the particular
to the general.  The shaggy body of primeval man, with all his
appetites and aptitudes, seemed to have risen from his grave under
the barrows, where the great stones were piled on top of him, where
once he sacrificed rams and did homage to the rising sun, to
carouse with tippling fox-hunters of the time of George the Fourth.
His limbs themselves seemed carved from more primitive materials
than modern men's.  He had neither beauty of countenance nor grace
of manner, yet he bore himself, for all his violence of body and
mind, with an air of natural breeding which one can imagine in a
savage stepping on his native turf.  When he talked, says Nimrod,
which he did sparely, he said, in a very few words, things which
made everybody laugh; but, unequally gifted as he was, acute in
some senses, dull in others, he had a deafness which made him
unwieldy in general society.

What, then, could a primeval man do, who was born in England in the
reign of George the Fourth?  He could take bets and make them.  Was
it a watery winter's night?  He would drive his gig across country
under the moon.  Was it freezing?  He would make his stable-boys
hunt rats upon skates.  Did some moderately cautious guest admit
that he had never been upset in a gig?  Mytton at once ran the
wheel up the bank and flung them both into the road.  Put any
obstacle in his way and he leapt it, swam it, smashed it, somehow
surmounted it, at the cost of a broken bone or a broken carriage.
To yield to danger or to own to pain were both unthinkable.  And so
the Shropshire peasantry were amazed (as we see them in Alken's and
Rawlins's pictures) by the apparition of a gentleman setting his
tandem at a gate, riding a bear round his drawing-room, beating a
bulldog with naked fists, lying between the hoofs of a nervous
horse, riding with broken ribs unmurmuring when every jar was
agony.  They were amazed; they were scandalised; his eccentricities
and infidelities and generosities were the talk of every inn and
farmhouse for miles; yet somehow no bailiff in the four counties
would arrest him.  They looked up at him as one looks at something
removed from ordinary duties and joys--a monument, a menace--with
contempt and pity and some awe.

But Jack Mytton himself--what was he feeling meanwhile?  The
thrill of perfect satisfaction, the delight of joys snatched
unhesitatingly without compunction?  The barbarian surely should
have been satisfied.  But the by no means introspective mind of
Nimrod was puzzled.  "Did the late Mr. Mytton really enjoy life
amidst all this profusion of expenditure?"  No; Nimrod was of
opinion that he did not.  He had everything that the human heart
could desire, but he lacked "the art of enjoyment".  He was bored.
He was unhappy.  "There was that about him which resembled the
restlessness of the hyena."  He hurried from thing to thing,
determined to taste and enjoy, but somehow blunted and bruised his
pleasures as he touched them.  Two hours before his own exquisite
dinner he devoured fat bacon and strong ale at a farmhouse, and
then blamed his cook.  Still, without an appetite, he would eat;
still he would drink, only instead of port it must be brandy to
lash his flagging palate into sensation.  A "sort of destroying
spirit egged him on".  He was magnificent, wasteful, extravagant in
every detail.  ". . . it was his largeness of heart that ruined Mr.
Mytton", said Nimrod, "added to the lofty pride which disdained the
littleness of prudence."

By the time he was thirty, at any rate, Jack Mytton had done two
things that to most men would have been impossible: he had almost
ruined his health; he had almost spent his money.  He had to leave
the ancestral home of the Myttons.  But it was no primeval man,
glowing with health, bristling with energy, but a "round-
shouldered, tottering old-young man bloated by drink" who joined
the company of shady adventurers whose necessities obliged them to
live at Calais.  Even in that society his burden was upon him;
still he must shine; still he must excel.  No one should call him
Johnny Mytton with impunity.  Four horses must draw Mr. Mytton the
three hundred yards to his rooms or he preferred to walk.  And then
the hiccough attacked him.  Seizing his bedroom candle, he set a
light to his shirt and staggered, burning and blazing, to show his
friends how Jack Mytton cured the hiccough.  What more could human
beings ask of him?  To what further frenzies would the gods dare
their victim?  Now that he had burnt himself alive, it seemed as if
he had discharged his obligation to society and could lay the
primeval man to rest.  He might perhaps allow that other spirit,
the civilised gentleman who was so incongruously coupled with the
barbarian, to come to the surface.  He had once learnt Greek.  Now
as he lay burnt and bloated in bed he quoted Sophocles--"the
beautiful passage . . . wherein Oedipus recommends his children to
the care of Creon".  He remembered the Greek anthology.  When they
moved him to the seaside he began to pick up shells, and could
hardly sit out dinner in his eagerness to be at the work of
brushing them "with a nail brush dipped in vinegar".  "He to whom
the whole world had appeared insufficient to afford pleasure . . .
was now completely happy."  But alas, shells and Sophocles, peace
and happiness, were whelmed in the general dissolution which could
not be delayed.  The King's Bench prison seized him, and there,
corrupt in body, ruined in fortune, worn out in mind, he died at
the age of thirty-eight.  And his wife cried that she could not
"help loving him with all his faults", and four hourses drew him to
the grave, and three thousand poor people sobbed for the loss of
one who had somehow acted out for the benefit of the crowd an
odious, monstrous part, laid on him by the gods, for the
edification of mankind and their pleasure too, but for his own
unutterable misery.

For the truth is we like these exhibitions of human nature.  We
like to see exalted above us some fox-hunter, like Jack Mytton,
burning himself alive to cure the hiccough, some diver like Madame
Rosalba, who, mounting higher and higher, wraps herself about in
sacking, and then, with a look of indifference and satiety as if
she had renounced and suffered and dedicated herself to some insane
act of defiance for no pleasure of her own, dives into the Channel
and brings up a twopenny-halfpenny soup-plate between her teeth.
The lady on the pier feels gratified.  It is because of this, she
says, that I love my kind.




DE QUINCEY'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY


It must often strike the reader that very little criticism worthy
of being called so has been written in English of prose--our great
critics have given the best of their minds to poetry.  And the
reason perhaps why prose so seldom calls out the higher faculties
of the critic, but invites him to argue a case or to discuss the
personality of the writer--to take a theme from the book and make
his criticism an air played in variation on it--is to be sought in
the prose-writer's attitude to his own work.  Even if he writes as
an artist, without a practical end in view, still he treats prose
as a humble beast of burden which must accommodate all sorts of
odds and ends; as an impure substance in which dust and twigs and
flies find lodgment.  But more often than not the prose-writer has
a practical aim in view, a theory to argue, or a cause to plead,
and with it adopts the moralist's view that the remote, the
difficult, and the complex are to be abjured.  His duty is to the
present and the living.  He is proud to call himself a journalist.
He must use the simplest words and express himself as clearly as
possible in order to reach the greatest number in the plainest way.
Therefore he cannot complain of the critics if his writing, like
the irritation in the oyster, serves only to breed other art; nor
be surprised if his pages, once they have delivered their message,
are thrown on the rubbish heap like other objects that have served
their turn.

But sometimes we meet even in prose with writing that seems
inspired by other aims.  It does not wish to argue or to convert or
even to tell a story.  We can draw all our pleasure from the words
themselves; we have not to enhance it by reading between the lines
or by making a voyage of discovery into the psychology of the
writer.  De Quincey, of course, is one of these rare beings.  When
we bring his work to mind we recall it by some passage of stillness
and completeness, like the following:


"Life is Finished!" was the secret misgiving of my heart; for the
heart of infancy is as apprehensive as that of maturest wisdom in
relation to any capital wound inflicted on the happiness.  "Life is
Finished!  Finished it is!" was the hidden meaning that, half-
unconsciously to myself, lurked within my sighs; and, as bells
heard from a distance on a summer evening seem charged at times
with an articulate form of words, some monitory message, that rolls
round unceasingly, even so for me some noiseless and subterraneous
voice seemed to chant continually a secret word, made audible only
to my own heart--that "now is the blossoming of life withered for
ever".


Such passages occur naturally, for they consist of visions and
dreams, not of actions or of dramatic scenes, in his autobiographic
sketches.  And yet we are not made to think of him, De Quincey, as
we read.  If we try to analyse our sensations we shall find that we
are worked upon as if by music--the senses are stirred rather than
the brain.  The rise and fall of the sentence immediately soothes
us to a mood and removes us to a distance in which the near fades
and detail is extinguished.  Our minds, thus widened and lulled to
a width of apprehension, stand open to receive one by one in slow
and stately procession the ideas which De Quincey wishes us to
receive; the golden fullness of life; the pomps of the heaven
above; the glory of the flowers below, as he stands "between an
open window and a dead body on a summer's day".  The theme is
supported and amplified and varied.  The idea of hurry and
trepidation, of reaching towards something that for ever flies,
intensifies the impression of stillness and eternity.  Bells heard
on summer evenings, palm-trees waving, sad winds that blow for
ever, keep us by successive waves of emotion in the same mood.  The
emotion is never stated; it is suggested and brought slowly by
repeated images before us until it stays, in all its complexity,
complete.

The effect is one that is very rarely attempted in prose and is
rarely appropriate to it because of this very quality of finality.
It does not lead anywhere.  We do not add to our sense of high
summer and death and immortality any consciousness of who is
hearing, seeing, and feeling.  De Quincey wished to shut out from
us everything save the picture "of a solitary infant, and its
solitary combat with grief--a mighty darkness, and a sorrow without
a voice", to make us fathom and explore the depths of that single
emotion.  It is a state which is general and not particular.
Therefore De Quincey was at odds with the aims of the prose-writer
and his morality.  His reader was to be put in possession of a
meaning of that complex kind which is largely a sensation.  He had
to become fully aware not merely of the fact that a child was
standing by a bed, but of stillness, sunlight, flowers, the passage
of time and the presence of death.  None of this could be conveyed
by simple words in their logical order; clarity and simplicity
would merely travesty and deform such a meaning.  De Quincey, of
course, was fully aware of the gulf that lay between him as a
writer who wished to convey such ideas and his contemporaries.  He
turned from the neat, precise speech of his time to Milton and
Jeremy Taylor and Sir Thomas Browne; from them he learnt the roll
of the long sentence that sweeps its coils in and out, that piles
its summit higher and higher.  Then followed a discipline exacted,
most drastically, by the fineness of his own ear--the weighing of
cadences, the consideration of pauses; the effect of repetitions
and consonances and assonances--all this was part of the duty of a
writer who wishes to put a complex meaning fully and completely
before his reader.

When, therefore, we come to consider critically one of the passages
that has made so deep an impression we find that it has been
produced much as a poet like Tennyson would produce it.  There is
the same care in the use of sound; the same variety of measure; the
length of the sentence is varied and its weight shifted.  But all
these measures are diluted to a lower degree of strength and their
force is spread over a much greater space, so that the transition
from the lowest compass to the highest is by a gradation of shallow
steps and we reach the utmost heights without violence.  Hence the
difficulty of stressing the particular quality of any single line
as in a poem and the futility of taking one passage apart from the
context, since its effect is compound of suggestions that have been
received sometimes several pages earlier.  Moreover, De Quincey,
unlike some of his masters, was not at his best in sudden majesty
of phrase; his power lay in suggesting large and generalised
visions; landscapes in which nothing is seen in detail; faces
without features; the stillness of midnight or summer; the tumult
and trepidation of flying multitudes; anguish that for ever falls
and rises and casts its arms upwards in despair.

But De Quincey was not merely the master of separate passages of
beautiful prose; if that had been so his achievement would have
been far less than it is.  He was also a writer of narrative, an
autobiographer, and one, if we consider that he wrote in the year
1833, with very peculiar views of the art of autobiography.  In the
first place he was convinced of the enormous value of candour.


If he were really able to pierce the haze which so often envelops,
even to himself, his own secret springs of action and reserve,
there cannot be a life moving at all under intellectual impulses
that would not, through that single force of absolute frankness,
fall within the reach of a deep, solemn, and sometimes even of a
thrilling interest.


He understood by autobiography the history not only of the external
life but of the deeper and more hidden emotions.  And he realised
the difficulty of making such a confession: ". . . vast numbers of
people, though liberated from all reasonable motives of self-
restraint, CANNOT be confidential--have it not in their power to
lay aside reserve".  Aerial chains, invisible spells, bind and
freeze the free spirit of communication.  "It is because a man
cannot see and measure these mystical forces which palsy him that
he cannot deal with them effectually."  With such perceptions and
intentions it is strange that De Quincey failed to be among the
great autobiographers of our literature.  Certainly he was not
tongue-tied or spellbound.  Perhaps one of the reasons that led him
to fail in his task of self-delineation was not the lack of
expressive power, but the superfluity.  He was profusely and
indiscriminately loquacious.  Discursiveness--the disease that
attacked so many of the nineteenth-century English writers--had him
in her coils.  But while it is easy to see why the works of Ruskin
or Carlyle are huge and formless--every kind of heterogeneous
object had to be found room for somehow, somewhere--De Quincey had
not their excuse.  The burden of the prophet was not laid upon him.
He was, moreover, the most careful of artists.  Nobody tunes the
sound and modulates the cadence of a sentence more carefully and
more exquisitely.  But strangely enough, the sensibility which was
on the alert to warn him instantly if a sound clashed or a rhythm
flagged failed him completely when it came to the architecture of
the whole.  Then he could tolerate a disproportion and profusion
that make his book as dropsical and shapeless as each sentence is
symmetrical and smooth.  He is indeed, to use the expressive word
coined by his brother to describe De Quincey's tendency as a small
boy "to plead some distinction or verbal demur", the prince of
Pettifogulisers.  Not only did he find "in everybody's words an
unintentional opening left for double interpretations"; he could
not tell the simplest story without qualifying and illustrating and
introducing additional information until the point that was to be
cleared up has long since become extinct in the dim mists of the
distance.

Together with this fatal verbosity and weakness of architectural
power, De Quincey suffered too as an autobiographer from a tendency
to meditative abstraction.  "It was my disease", he said, "to
meditate too much and to observe too little."  A curious formality
diffuses his vision to a general vagueness, lapsing into a
colourless monotony.  He shed over everything the lustre and the
amenity of his own dreaming, pondering absent-mindedness.  He
approached even the two disgusting idiots with their red eyes with
the elaboration of a great gentleman who has by mistake wandered
into a slum.  So too he slipped mellifluously across all the
fissures of the social scale--talking on equal terms with the young
aristocrats at Eton or with the working-class family as they chose
a joint of meat for their Sunday dinner.  De Quincey indeed prided
himself upon the ease with which he passed from one sphere to
another: ". . . from my very earliest youth", he observed, "it has
been my pride to converse familiarly, more Socratico, with all
human beings, man, woman, and child, that chance might fling in my
way".  But as we read his descriptions of these men, women, and
children we are led to think that he talked to them so easily
because to him they differed so little.  The same manner served
equally for them all.  His relations even with those with whom he
was most intimate, whether it was Lord Altamont, his schoolboy
friend, or Ann the prostitute, were equally ceremonial and
gracious.  His portraits have the flowing contours, the statuesque
poses, the undifferentiated features of Scott's heroes and
heroines.  Nor is his own face exempted from the general ambiguity.
When it came to telling the truth about himself he shrank from the
task with all the horror of a well-bred English gentleman.  The
candour which fascinates us in the confessions of Rousseau--the
determination to reveal the ridiculous, the mean, the sordid in
himself--was abhorrent to him.  "Nothing indeed is more revolting
to English feelings", he wrote, "than the spectacle of a human
being obtruding on our notice his moral ulcers and scars."

Clearly, therefore, De Quincey as an autobiographer labours under
great defects.  He is diffuse and redundant; he is aloof and dreamy
and in bondage to the old pruderies and conventions.  At the same
time he was capable of being transfixed by the mysterious solemnity
of certain emotions; of realising how one moment may transcend in
value fifty years.  He was able to devote to their analysis a skill
which the professed analysts of the human heart--the Scotts, the
Jane Austens, the Byrons--did not then possess.  We find him
writing passages which, in their self-consciousness, are scarcely
to be matched in the fiction of the nineteenth century:


And, recollecting it, I am struck with the truth, that far more of
our deepest thoughts and feelings pass to us through perplexed
combinations of CONCRETE objects, pass to us as INVOLUTES (if I may
coin that word) in compound experiences incapable of being
disentangled, than ever reach us DIRECTLY and in their own abstract
shapes. . . .  Man is doubtless ONE by some subtle NEXUS, some
system of links, that we cannot perceive, extending from the new-
born infant to the superannuated dotard: but, as regards many
affections and passions incident to his nature at different stages,
he is NOT one, but an intermitting creature, ending and beginning
anew; the unity of man, in this respect, is co-extensive only with
the particular stage to which the passion belongs.  Some passions,
as that of sexual love, are celestial by one-half of their origin,
animal and earthly by the other half.  These will not survive their
own appropriate stage.  But love which is ALTOGETHER holy, like
that between two children, is privileged to revisit by glimpses the
silence and the darkness of declining years. . . .


When we read such passages of analysis, when such states of mind
seem in retrospect to be an important element in life and so to
deserve scrutiny and record, the art of autobiography as the
eighteenth century knew it is changing its character.  The art of
biography also is being transformed.  Nobody after that could
maintain that the whole truth of life can be told without "piercing
the haze"; without revealing "his own secret springs of action and
reserve".  Yet external events also have their importance.  To tell
the whole story of a life the autobiographer must devise some means
by which the two levels of existence can be recorded--the rapid
passage of events and actions; the slow opening up of single and
solemn moments of concentrated emotion.  It is the fascination of
De Quincey's pages that the two levels are beautifully, if
unequally, combined.  For page after page we are in company with a
cultivated gentleman who describes with charm and eloquence what he
has seen and known--the stage coaches, the Irish rebellion, the
appearance and conversation of George the Third.  Then suddenly the
smooth narrative parts asunder, arch opens beyond arch, the vision
of something for ever flying, for ever escaping, is revealed, and
time stands still.




FOUR FIGURES


I

COWPER AND LADY AUSTEN


It happened, of course, many years ago, but there must have been
something remarkable about the meeting, since people still like to
bring it before their eyes.  An elderly gentleman was looking out
of his window in a village street in the summer of 1781 when he saw
two ladies go into a draper's shop opposite.  The look of one of
them interested him very much, and he seems to have said so, for
soon a meeting was arranged.

A quiet and solitary life that must have been, in which a gentleman
stood in the morning looking out of the window, in which the sight
of an attractive face was an event.  Yet perhaps it was an event
partly because it revived some half-forgotten but still pungent
memories.  For Cowper had not always looked at the world from the
windows of a house in a village street.  Time was when the sight of
ladies of fashion had been familiar enough.  In his younger days he
had been very foolish.  He had flirted and giggled; he had gone
smartly dressed to Vauxhall and Marylebone Gardens.  He had taken
his work at the Law Courts with a levity that alarmed his friends--
for he had nothing whatever to live upon.  He had fallen in
love with his cousin Theodora Cowper.  Indeed, he had been a
thoughtless, wild young man.  But suddenly in the heyday of his
youth, in the midst of his gaiety, something terrible had happened.
There lurked beneath that levity and perhaps inspired it a
morbidity that sprang from some defect of person, a dread which
made action, which made marriage, which made any public exhibition
of himself insupportable.  If goaded to it, and he was now
committed to a public career in the House of Lords, he must fly,
even into the jaws of death.  Rather than take up his appointment
he would drown himself.  But a man sat on the quay when he came to
the water's edge; some invisible hand mysteriously forced the
laudanum from his lips when he tried to drink it; the knife which
he pressed to his heart broke; and the garter with which he tried
to hang himself from the bed-post let him fall.  Cowper was
condemned to live.

When, therefore, that July morning he looked out of the window at
the ladies shopping, he had come through gulfs of despair, but he
had reached at last not only the haven of a quiet country town,
but a settled state of mind, a settled way of life.  He was
domesticated with Mrs. Unwin, a widow six years his elder.  By
letting him talk, and listening to his terrors and understanding
them, she had brought him very wisely, like a mother, to something
like peace of mind.  They had lived side by side for many years in
methodical monotony.  They began the day by reading the Scriptures
together; they then went to church; they parted to read or walk;
they met after dinner to converse on religious topics or to sing
hymns together; then again they walked if it were fine, or read and
talked if it were wet, and at last the day ended with more hymns
and more prayers.  Such for many years had been the routine of
Cowper's life with Mary Unwin.  When his fingers found their way to
a pen they traced the lines of a hymn, or if they wrote a letter it
was to urge some misguided mortal, his brother John, for instance,
at Cambridge, to seek salvation before it was too late.  Yet this
urgency was akin perhaps to the old levity; it, too, was an attempt
to ward off some terror, to propitiate some deep unrest that lurked
at the bottom of his soul.  Suddenly the peace was broken.  One
night in February 1773 the enemy rose; it smote once and for ever.
An awful voice called out to Cowper in a dream.  It proclaimed that
he was damned, that he was outcast, and he fell prostrate before
it.  After that he could not pray.  When the others said grace at
table, he took up his knife and fork as a sign that he had no right
to join their prayers.  Nobody, not even Mrs. Unwin, understood the
terrific import of the dream.  Nobody realised why he was unique;
why he was singled out from all mankind and stood alone in his
damnation.  But that loneliness had a strange effect--since he was
no longer capable of help or direction he was free.  The Rev. John
Newton could no longer guide his pen or inspire his muse.  Since
doom had been pronounced and damnation was inevitable, he might
sport with hares, cultivate cucumbers, listen to village gossip,
weave nets, make tables; all that could be hoped was to while away
the dreadful years without the ability to enlighten others or to be
helped himself.  Never had Cowper written more enchantingly, more
gaily, to his friends than now that he knew himself condemned.  It
was only at moments, when he wrote to Newton or to Unwin, that the
terror raised its horrid head above the surface and that he cried
aloud:  "My days are spent in vanity. . . .  Nature revives again;
but a soul once slain lives no more."  For the most part, as he
idled his time away in pleasant pastimes, as he looked with
amusement at what passed in the street below, one might think him
the happiest of men.  There was Geary Ball going to the "Royal Oak"
to drink his dram--that happened as regularly as Cowper brushed his
teeth; but behold--two ladies were going into the draper's shop
opposite.  That was an event.

One of the ladies he knew already--she was Mrs. Jones, the wife of
a neighbouring clergyman.  But the other was a stranger.  She was
arch and sprightly, with dark hair and round dark eyes.  Though a
widow--she had been the wife of a Sir Robert Austen--she was far
from old and not at all solemn.  When she talked, for she and
Cowper were soon drinking tea together, "she laughs and makes
laugh, and keeps up a conversation without seeming to labour at
it".  She was a lively, well-bred woman who had lived much in
France, and, having seen much of the world, "accounts it a great
simpleton as it is".  Such were Cowper's first impressions of Ann
Austen.  Ann's first impressions of the queer couple who lived in
the large house in the village street were even more enthusiastic.
But that was natural--Ann was an enthusiast by nature.  Moreover,
though she had seen a great deal of the world and had a town house
in Queen Anne Street, she had no friends or relations in that world
much to her liking.  Clifton Reynes, where her sister lived, was a
rude, rough English village where the inhabitants broke into
the house if a lady were left unprotected.  Lady Austen was
dissatisfied; she wanted society, but she also wanted to be settled
and to be serious.  Neither Clifton Reynes nor Queen Anne Street
gave her altogether what she wanted.  And then in the most
opportune way--quite by chance--she met a refined, well-bred couple
who were ready to appreciate what she had to give and ready to
invite her to share the quiet pleasures of the countryside which
were so dear to them.  She could heighten those pleasures
deliciously.  She made the days seem full of movement and laughter.
She organised picnics--they went to the Spinnie and ate their
dinner in the root-house and drank their tea on the top of a
wheelbarrow.  And when autumn came and the evenings drew in, Ann
Austen enlivened them too; she it was who stirred William to write
a poem about a sofa, and told him, just as he was sinking into one
of his fits of melancholy, the story of John Gilpin, so that he
leapt out of bed, shaking with laughter.  But beneath her
sprightliness they were glad to find that she was seriously
inclined.  She longed for peace and quietude, "for with all that
gaiety", Cowper wrote, "she is a great thinker".

And with all that melancholy, to paraphrase his words, Cowper was a
man of the world.  As he said himself, he was not by nature a
recluse.  He was no lean and solitary hermit.  His limbs were
sturdy; his cheeks were ruddy; he was growing plump.  In his
younger days he, too, had known the world, and provided, of course,
that you have seen through it, there is something to be said for
having known it.  Cowper, at any rate, was a little proud of his
gentle birth.  Even at Olney he kept certain standards of
gentility.  He must have an elegant box for his snuff and silver
buckles for his shoes; if he wanted a hat it must be "not a round
slouch, which I abhor, but a smart, well-cocked, fashionable
affair".  His letters preserve this serenity, this good sense, this
sidelong, arch humour embalmed in page after page of beautiful
clear prose.  As the post went only three times a week he had
plenty of time to smooth out every little crease in daily life to
perfection.  He had time to tell how a farmer was thrown from his
cart and one of the pet hares had escaped; Mr. Grenville had
called; they had been caught in a shower and Mrs. Throckmorton had
asked them to come into the house--some little thing of the kind
happened every week very aptly for his purpose.  Or if nothing
happened and it was true that the days went by at Olney "shod with
felt", then he was able to let his mind play with rumours that
reached him from the outer world.  There was talk of flying.  He
would write a few pages on the subject of flying and its impiety;
he would express his opinion of the wickedness, for Englishwomen at
any rate, of painting the cheeks.  He would discourse upon Homer
and Virgil and perhaps attempt a few translations himself.  And
when the days were dark and even he could no longer trudge through
the mud, he would open one of his favourite travellers and dream
that he was voyaging with Cook or with Anson, for he travelled
widely in imagination, though in body he moved no further than from
Buckingham to Sussex and from Sussex back to Buckingham again.

His letters preserve what must have made the charm of his company.
It is easy to see that his wit, his stories, his sedate,
considerate ways, must have made his morning visits--and he had got
into the habit of visiting Lady Austen at eleven every morning--
delightful.  But there was more in his society than that--there was
some charm some peculiar fascination, that made it indispensable.
His cousin Theodora had loved him--she still loved him anonymously;
Mrs. Unwin loved him; and now Ann Austen was beginning to feel
something stronger than friendship rise within her.  That strain of
intense and perhaps inhuman passion which rested with tremulous
ecstasy like that of a hawk-moth over a flower, upon some tree,
some hill-side--did that not tensify the quiet of the country
morning, and give to intercourse with him some keener interest than
belonged to the society of other men?  "The very stones in the
garden walls are my intimate acquaintance", he wrote.  "Everything
I see in the fields is to me an object, and I can look at the same
rivulet, or at a handsome tree, every day of my life with new
pleasure."  It is this intensity of vision that gives his poetry,
with all its moralising and didacticism, its unforgettable
qualities.  It is this that makes passages in The Task like clear
windows let into the prosaic fabric of the rest.  It was this that
gave the edge and zest to his talk.  Some finer vision suddenly
seized and possessed him.  It must have given to the long winter
evenings, to the early morning visits, an indescribable combination
of pathos and charm.  Only, as Theodora could have warned Ann
Austen, his passion was not for men and women; it was an abstract
ardour; he was a man singularly without thought of sex.

Already early in their friendship Ann Austen had been warned.  She
adored her friends, and she expressed her adoration with the
enthusiasm that was natural to her.  At once Cowper wrote to her
kindly but firmly admonishing her of the folly of her ways.  "When
we embellish a creature with colours taken from our fancy," he
wrote, "we make it an idol . . . and shall derive nothing from it
but a painful conviction of our error."  Ann read the letter, flew
into a rage, and left the country in a huff.  But the breach was
soon healed; she worked him ruffles; he acknowledged them with a
present of his book.  Soon she had embraced Mary Unwin and was back
again on more intimate terms than ever.  In another month indeed,
with such rapidity did her plans take effect, she had sold the
lease of her town house, taken part of the vicarage next door to
Cowper, and declared that she had now no home but Olney and no
friends but Cowper and Mary Unwin.  The door between the gardens
was opened; the two families dined together on alternate nights;
William called Ann sister; and Ann called William brother.  What
arrangement could have been more idyllic?  "Lady Austen and we pass
our days alternately at each other's chateau.  In the morning I
walk with one or other of the ladies, and in the afternoon wind
thread", wrote Cowper, playfully comparing himself to Hercules and
Samson.  And then the evening came, the winter evening which he
loved best, and he dreamt in the firelight and watched the shadows
dance uncouthly and the sooty films play upon the bars until the
lamp was brought, and in that level light he had out his netting,
or wound silk, and then, perhaps, Ann sang to the harpsichord and
Mary and William played battledore and shuttlecock together.
Secure, innocent, peaceful, where then was that "thistly sorrow"
that grows inevitably, so Cowper said, beside human happiness?
Where would discord come, if come it must?  The danger lay perhaps
with the women.  It might be that Mary would notice one evening
that Ann wore a lock of William's hair set in diamonds.  She might
find a poem to Ann in which he expressed more than a brotherly
affection.  She would grow jealous.  For Mary Unwin was no country
simpleton, she was a well-read woman with "the manners of a
Duchess"; she had nursed and consoled William for years before Ann
came to flutter the "still life" which they both loved best.  Thus
the two ladies would compete; discord would enter at that point.
Cowper would be forced to choose between them.

But we are forgetting another presence at that innocent evening's
entertainment.  Ann might sing; Mary might play; the fire might
burn brightly and the frost and the wind outside make the fireside
calm all the sweeter.  But there was a shadow among them.  In that
tranquil room a gulf opened.  Cowper trod on the verge of an abyss.
Whispers mingled with the singing, voices hissed in his ear words
of doom and damnation.  He was haled by a terrible voice to
perdition.  And then Ann Austen expected him to make love to her!
Then Ann Austen wanted him to marry her!  The thought was odious;
it was indecent; it was intolerable.  He wrote her another letter,
a letter to which there could be no reply.  In her bitterness Ann
burnt it.  She left Olney and no word ever passed between them
again.  The friendship was over.

And Cowper did not mind very much.  Everybody was extremely kind to
him.  The Throckmortons gave him the key of their garden.  An
anonymous friend--he never guessed her name--gave him fifty pounds
a year.  A cedar desk with silver handles was sent him by another
friend who wished also to remain unknown.  The kind people at Olney
supplied him with almost too many tame hares.  But if you are
damned, if you are solitary, if you are cut off from God and man,
what does human kindness avail?  "It is all vanity. . . .  Nature
revives again; but a soul once slain lives no more."  He sank from
gloom to gloom, and died in misery.  As for Lady Austen, she
married a Frenchman.  She was happy--so people said.



II

BEAU BRUMMELL


When Cowper, in the seclusion of Olney, was roused to anger by the
thought of the Duchess of Devonshire and predicted a time when
"instead of a girdle there will be a rent, and instead of beauty,
baldness", he was acknowledging the power of the lady whom he
thought so despicable.  Why, otherwise, should she haunt the damp
solitudes of Olney?  Why should the rustle of her silken skirts
disturb those gloomy meditations?  Undoubtedly the Duchess was a
good haunter.  Long after those words were written, when she was
dead and buried beneath a tinsel coronet, her ghost mounted the
stairs of a very different dwelling-place.  An old man was sitting
in his arm-chair at Caen.  The door opened, and the servant
announced, "The Duchess of Devonshire".  Beau Brummell at once
rose, went to the door and made a bow that would have graced the
Court of St. James's.  Only, unfortunately, there was nobody there.
The cold air blew up the staircase of an Inn.  The Duchess was long
dead, and Beau Brummell, in his old age and imbecility, was
dreaming that he was back in London again giving a party.  Cowper's
curse had come true for both of them.  The Duchess lay in her
shroud, and Brummell, whose clothes had been the envy of kings, had
now only one pair of much-mended trousers, which he hid as best he
could under a tattered cloak.  As for his hair, that had been
shaved by order of the doctor.

But though Cowper's sour predictions had thus come to pass, both
the Duchess and the dandy might claim that they had had their day.
They had been great figures in their time.  Of the two, perhaps
Brummell might boast the more miraculous career.  He had no
advantage of birth, and but little of fortune.  His grandfather had
let rooms in St. James's Street.  He had only a moderate capital of
thirty thousand pounds to begin with, and his beauty, of figure
rather than of face, was marred by a broken nose.  Yet without a
single noble, important, or valuable action to his credit he cuts a
figure; he stands for a symbol; his ghost walks among us still.
The reason for this eminence is now a little difficult to
determine.  Skill of hand and nicety of judgment were his, of
course, otherwise he would not have brought the art of tying neck-
cloths to perfection.  The story is, perhaps, too well known--how
he drew his head far back and sunk his chin slowly down so that the
cloth wrinkled in perfect symmetry, or if one wrinkle were too deep
or too shallow, the cloth was thrown into a basket and the attempt
renewed, while the Prince of Wales sat, hour after hour, watching.
Yet skill of hand and nicety of judgment were not enough.  Brummell
owed his ascendency to some curious combination of wit, of taste,
of insolence, of independence--for he was never a toady--which it
were too heavy-handed to call a philosophy of life, but served the
purpose.  At any rate, ever since he was the most popular boy at
Eton, coolly jesting when they were for throwing a bargee into the
river, "My good fellows, don't send him into the river; the man is
evidently in a high state of perspiration, and it almost amounts to
a certainty that he will catch cold", he floated buoyantly and
gaily and without apparent effort to the top of whatever society he
found himself among.  Even when he was a captain in the Tenth
Hussars and so scandalously inattentive to duty that he only knew
his troop by "the very large blue nose" of one of the men, he was
liked and tolerated.  When he resigned his commission, for the
regiment was to be sent to Manchester--and "I really could not go--
think, your Royal Highness, Manchester!"--he had only to set up
house in Chesterfield Street to become the head of the most jealous
and exclusive society of his time.  For example, he was at Almack's
one night talking to Lord ----.  The Duchess of ---- was there,
escorting her young daughter, Lady Louisa.  The Duchess caught
sight of Mr. Brummell, and at once warned her daughter that if that
gentleman near the door came and spoke to them she was to be
careful to impress him favourably, "for", and she sank her voice to
a whisper, "he is the celebrated Mr. Brummell".  Lady Louisa might
well have wondered why a Mr. Brummell was celebrated, and why a
Duke's daughter need take care to impress a Mr. Brummell.  And
then, directly he began to move towards them, the reason of her
mother's warning became apparent.  The grace of his carriage was so
astonishing; his bows were so exquisite.  Everybody looked
overdressed or badly dressed--some, indeed, looked positively
dirty--beside him.  His clothes seemed to melt into each other with
the perfection of their cut and the quiet harmony of their colour.
Without a single point of emphasis everything was distinguished--
from his bow to the way he opened his snuff-box, with his left hand
invariably.  He was the personification of freshness and
cleanliness and order.  One could well believe that he had his
chair brought into his dressing-room and was deposited at Almack's
without letting a puff of wind disturb his curls or a spot of mud
stain his shoes.  When he actually spoke to her, Lady Louisa would
be at first enchanted--no one was more agreeable, more amusing, had
a manner that was more flattering and enticing--and then she would
be puzzled.  It was quite possible that before the evening was out
he would ask her to marry him, and yet his manner of doing it was
such that the most ingenuous debutante could not believe that he
meant it seriously.  His odd grey eyes seemed to contradict his
lips; they had a look in them which made the sincerity of his
compliments very doubtful.  And then he said very cutting things
about other people.  They were not exactly witty; they were
certainly not profound; but they were so skilful, so adroit--they
had a twist in them which made them slip into the mind and stay
there when more important phrases were forgotten.  He had downed
the Regent himself with his dexterous "Who's your fat friend?" and
his method was the same with humbler people who snubbed him or
bored him.  "Why, what could I do, my good fellow, but cut the
connection?  I discovered that Lady Mary actually ate cabbage!"--so
he explained to a friend his failure to marry a lady.  And, again,
when some dull citizen pestered him about his tour to the North,
"Which of the lakes do I admire?" he asked his valet.  "Windermere,
sir."  "Ah, yes--Windermere, so it is--Windermere."  That was his
style, flickering, sneering, hovering on the verge of insolence,
skimming the edge of nonsense, but always keeping within some
curious mean, so that one knew the false Brummell story from the
true by its exaggeration.  Brummell could never have said, "Wales,
ring the bell", any more than he could have worn a brightly
coloured waistcoat or a glaring necktie.  That "certain exquisite
propriety" which Lord Byron remarked in his dress stamped his whole
being, and made him appear cool, refined, and debonair among the
gentlemen who talked only of sport, which Brummell detested, and
smelt of the stable, which Brummell never visited.  Lady Louisa
might well be on tenter-hooks to impress Mr. Brummell favourably.
Mr. Brummell's good opinion was of the utmost importance in the
world of Lady Louisa.

And unless that world fell into ruins his rule seemed assured.
Handsome, heartless, and cynical, the Beau seemed invulnerable.
His taste was impeccable, his health admirable, and his figure as
fine as ever.  His rule had lasted many years and survived many
vicissitudes.  The French Revolution had passed over his head
without disordering a single hair.  Empires had risen and fallen
while he experimented with the crease of a neck-cloth and
criticised the cut of a coat.  Now the battle of Waterloo had been
fought and peace had come.  The battle left him untouched; it was
the peace that undid him.  For some time past he had been winning
and losing at the gaming-tables.  Harriette Wilson had heard that
he was ruined, and then, not without disappointment, that he was
safe again.  Now, with the armies disbanded, there was let loose
upon London a horde of rough, ill-mannered men who had been
fighting all those years and were determined to enjoy themselves.
They flooded the gaming-houses.  They played very high.  Brummell
was forced into competition.  He lost and won and vowed never to
play again, and then he did play again.  At last his remaining ten
thousand pounds was gone.  He borrowed until he could borrow no
more.  And finally, to crown the loss of so many thousands, he lost
the sixpenny-bit with a hole in it which had always brought him
good luck.  He gave it by mistake to a hackney coachman: that
rascal Rothschild got hold of it, he said, and that was the end of
his luck.  Such was his own account of the affair--other people put
a less innocent interpretation on the matter.  At any rate there
came a day, 16th May 1816, to be precise--it was a day upon which
everything was precise--when he dined alone off a cold fowl and a
bottle of claret at Watier's, attended the opera, and then took
coach for Dover.  He drove rapidly all through the night and
reached Calais the day after.  He never set foot in England again.

And now a curious process of disintegration set in.  The
peculiar and highly artificial society of London had acted as a
preservative; it had kept him in being; it had concentrated him
into one single gem.  Now that the pressure was removed, the odds
and ends, so trifling separately, so brilliant in combination,
which had made up the being of the Beau, fell asunder and revealed
what lay beneath.  At first his lustre seemed undiminished.  His
old friends crossed the water to see him and made a point of
standing him a dinner and leaving a little present behind them at
his bankers.  He held his usual levee at his lodgings; he spent the
usual hours washing and dressing; he rubbed his teeth with a red
root, tweezed out hairs with a silver tweezer, tied his cravat to
admiration, and issued at four precisely as perfectly equipped as
if the Rue Royale had been St. James's Street and the Prince
himself had hung upon his arm.  But the Rue Royale was not St.
James's Street; the old French Countess who spat on the floor was
not the Duchess of Devonshire; the good bourgeois who pressed him
to dine off goose at four was not Lord Alvanley; and though he soon
won for himself the title of Roi de Calais, and was known to
workmen as "George, ring the bell", the praise was gross, the
society coarse, and the amusements of Calais very slender.  The
Beau had to fall back upon the resources of his own mind.  These
might have been considerable.  According to Lady Hester Stanhope,
he might have been, had he chosen, a very clever man; and when she
told him so, the Beau admitted that he had wasted his talents
because a dandy's way of life was the only one "which could place
him in a prominent light, and enable him to separate himself from
the ordinary herd of men, whom he held in considerable contempt".
That way of life allowed of verse-making--his verses, called "The
Butterfly's Funeral", were much admired; and of singing, and of
some dexterity with the pencil.  But now, when the summer days were
so long and so empty, he found that such accomplishments hardly
served to while away the time.  He tried to occupy himself with
writing his memoirs; he bought a screen and spent hours pasting it
with pictures of great men and beautiful ladies whose virtues and
frailties were symbolised by hyenas, by wasps, by profusions of
cupids, fitted together with extraordinary skill; he collected Buhl
furniture; he wrote letters in a curiously elegant and elaborate
style to ladies.  But these occupations palled.  The resources of
his mind had been whittled away in the course of years; now they
failed him.  And then the crumbling process went a little farther,
and another organ was laid bare--the heart.  He who had played at
love all these years and kept so adroitly beyond the range of
passion, now made violent advances to girls who were young enough
to be his daughters.  He wrote such passionate letters to
Mademoiselle Ellen of Caen that she did not know whether to laugh
or to be angry.  She was angry, and the Beau, who had tryannised
over the daughters of Dukes, prostrated himself before her in
despair.  But it was too late--the heart after all these years was
not a very engaging object even to a simple country girl, and he
seems at last to have lavished his affections upon animals.  He
mourned his terrier Vick for three weeks; he had a friendship with
a mouse; he became the champion of all the neglected cats and
starving dogs in Caen.  Indeed, he said to a lady that if a man and
a dog were drowning in the same pond he would prefer to save the
dog--if, that is, there were nobody looking.  But he was still
persuaded that everybody was looking; and his immense regard for
appearances gave him a certain stoical endurance.  Thus, when
paralysis struck him at dinner he left the table without a sign;
sunk deep in debt as he was, he still picked his way over the
cobbles on the points of his toes to preserve his shoes, and when
the terrible day came and he was thrown into prison he won the
admiration of murderers and thieves by appearing among them as cool
and courteous as if about to pay a morning call.  But if he were to
continue to act his part, it was essential that he should be
supported--he must have a sufficiency of boot polish, gallons of
eau-de-Cologne, and three changes of linen every day.  His
expenditure upon these items was enormous.  Generous as his old
friends were, and persistently as he supplicated them, there came a
time when they could be squeezed no longer.  It was decreed that he
was to content himself with one change of linen daily, and his
allowance was to admit of necessaries only.  But how could a
Brummell exist upon necessaries only?  The demand was absurd.  Soon
afterwards he showed his sense of the gravity of the situation by
mounting a black silk neck-cloth.  Black silk neck-cloths had
always been his aversion.  It was a signal of despair, a sign that
the end was in sight.  After that everything that had supported him
and kept him in being dissolved.  His self-respect vanished.  He
would dine with anyone who would pay the bill.  His memory weakened
and he told the same story over and over again till even the
burghers of Caen were bored.  Then his manners degenerated.  His
extreme cleanliness lapsed into carelessness, and then into
positive filth.  People objected to his presence in the dining-room
of the hotel.  Then his mind went--he thought that the Duchess of
Devonshire was coming up the stairs when it was only the wind.  At
last but one passion remained intact among the crumbled debris of
so many--an immense greed.  To buy Rheims biscuits he sacrificed
the greatest treasure that remained to him--he sold his snuff-box.
And then nothing was left but a heap of disagreeables, a mass of
corruption, a senile and disgusting old man fit only for the
charity of nuns and the protection of an asylum.  There the
clergyman begged him to pray.  "'I do try', he said, but he added
something which made me doubt whether he understood me."
Certainly, he would try; for the clergyman wished it and he had
always been polite.  He had been polite to thieves and to duchesses
and to God Himself.  But it was no use trying any longer.  He could
believe in nothing now except a hot fire, sweet biscuits, and
another cup of coffee if he asked for it.  And so there was nothing
for it but that the Beau who had been compact of grace and
sweetness should be shuffled into the grave like any other ill-
dressed, ill-bred, unneeded old man.  Still, one must remember that
Byron, in his moments of dandyism, "always pronounced the name of
Brummell with a mingled emotion of respect and jealousy".

[NOTE.--Mr. Berry of St. James's Street has courteously drawn my
attention to the fact that Beau Brummell certainly visited England
in 1822.  He came to the famous wine-shop on 26th July 1822 and was
weighed as usual.  His weight was then 10 stones 13 pounds.  On the
previous occasion, 6th July 1815, his weight was 12 stones 10
pounds.  Mr. Berry adds that there is no record of his coming after
1822.]



III

MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT


Great wars are strangely intermittent in their effects.  The French
Revolution took some people and tore them asunder; others it passed
over without disturbing a hair of their heads.  Jane Austen, it is
said, never mentioned it; Charles Lamb ignored it; Beau Brummell
never gave the matter a thought.  But to Wordsworth and to Godwin
it was the dawn; unmistakably they saw


     France standing on the top of golden hours,
     And human nature seeming born again.


Thus it would be easy for a picturesque historian to lay side by
side the most glaring contrasts--here in Chesterfield Street was
Beau Brummell letting his chin fall carefully upon his cravat and
discussing in a tone studiously free from vulgar emphasis the
proper cut of the lapel of a coat; and here in Somers Town was a
party of ill-dressed, excited young men, one with a head too big
for his body and a nose too long for his face, holding forth day by
day over the tea-cups upon human perfectibility, ideal unity, and
the rights of man.  There was also a woman present with very bright
eyes and a very eager tongue, and the young men, who had middle-
class names, like Barlow and Holcroft and Godwin, called her simply
"Wollstonecraft", as if it did not matter whether she were married
or unmarried, as if she were a young man like themselves.

Such glaring discords among intelligent people--for Charles Lamb
and Godwin, Jane Austen and Mary Wollstonecraft were all highly
intelligent--suggest how much influence circumstances have upon
opinions.  If Godwin had been brought up in the precincts of the
Temple and had drunk deep of antiquity and old letters at Christ's
Hospital, he might never have cared a straw for the future of man
and his rights in general.  If Jane Austen had lain as a child on
the landing to prevent her father from thrashing her mother, her
soul might have burnt with such a passion against tyranny that all
her novels might have been consumed in one cry for justice.

Such had been Mary Wollstonecraft's first experience of the joys of
married life.  And then her sister Everina had been married
miserably and had bitten her wedding ring to pieces in the coach.
Her brother had been a burden on her; her father's farm had failed,
and in order to start that disreputable man with the red face and
the violent temper and the dirty hair in life again she had gone
into bondage among the aristocracy as a governess--in short, she
had never known what happiness was, and, in its default, had
fabricated a creed fitted to meet the sordid misery of real human
life.  The staple of her doctrine was that nothing mattered save
independence.  "Every obligation we receive from our fellow-
creatures is a new shackle, takes from our native freedom, and
debases the mind."  Independence was the first necessity for a
woman; not grace or charm, but energy and courage and the power to
put her will into effect, were her necessary qualities.  It was her
highest boast to be able to say, "I never yet resolved to do
anything of consequence that I did not adhere readily to it".
Certainly Mary could say this with truth.  When she was a little
more than thirty she could look back upon a series of actions which
she had carried out in the teeth of opposition.  She had taken a
house by prodigious efforts for her friend Fanny, only to find that
Fanny's mind was changed and she did not want a house after all.
She had started a school.  She had persuaded Fanny into marrying
Mr. Skeys.  She had thrown up her school and gone to Lisbon alone
to nurse Fanny when she died.  On the voyage back she had forced
the captain of the ship to rescue a wrecked French vessel by
threatening to expose him if he refused.  And when, overcome by a
passion for Fuseli, she declared her wish to live with him and been
refused flatly by his wife, she had put her principle of decisive
action instantly into effect, and had gone to Paris determined to
make her living by her pen.

The Revolution thus was not merely an event that had happened
outside her; it was an active agent in her own blood.  She had been
in revolt all her life--against tyranny, against law, against
convention.  The reformer's love of humanity, which has so much of
hatred in it as well as love, fermented within her.  The outbreak
of revolution in France expressed some of her deepest theories and
convictions, and she dashed off in the heat of that extraordinary
moment those two eloquent and daring books--the Reply to Burke and
the Vindication of the Rights of Woman, which are so true that they
seem now to contain nothing new in them--their originality has
become our commonplace.  But when she was in Paris lodging by
herself in a great house, and saw with her own eyes the King whom
she despised driving past surrounded by National Guards and holding
himself with greater dignity than she expected, then, "I can
scarcely tell you why", the tears came to her eyes.  "I am going to
bed," the letter ended, "and, for the first time in my life, I
cannot put out the candle."  Things were not so simple after all.
She could not understand even her own feelings.  She saw the most
cherished of her convictions put into practice--and her eyes filled
with tears.  She had won fame and independence and the right to
live her own life--and she wanted something different.  "I do not
want to be loved like a goddess," she wrote, "but I wish to be
necessary to you."  For Imlay, the fascinating American to whom her
letter was addressed, had been very good to her.  Indeed, she had
fallen passionately in love with him.  But it was one of her
theories that love should be free--"that mutual affection was
marriage and that the marriage tie should not bind after the death
of love, if love should die".  And yet at the same time that she
wanted freedom she wanted certainty.  "I like the word affection,"
she wrote, "because it signifies something habitual."

The conflict of all these contradictions shows itself in her face,
at once so resolute and so dreamy, so sensual and so intelligent,
and beautiful into the bargain with its great coils of hair and the
large bright eyes that Southey thought the most expressive he had
ever seen.  The life of such a woman was bound to be tempestuous.
Every day she made theories by which life should be lived; and
every day she came smack against the rock of other people's
prejudices.  Every day too--for she was no pedant, no cold-blooded
theorist--something was born in her that thrust aside her theories
and forced her to model them afresh.  She acted upon her theory
that she had no legal claim upon Imlay; she refused to marry him;
but when he left her alone week after week with the child she had
borne him her agony was unendurable.

Thus distracted, thus puzzling even to herself, the plausible and
treacherous Imlay cannot be altogether blamed for failing to follow
the rapidity of her changes and the alternate reason and unreason
of her moods.  Even friends whose liking was impartial were
disturbed by her discrepancies.  Mary had a passionate, an
exuberant, love of Nature, and yet one night when the colours in
the sky were so exquisite that Madeleine Schweizer could not help
saying to her, "Come, Mary--come, nature-lover--and enjoy this
wonderful spectacle--this constant transition from colour to
colour", Mary never took her eyes off the Baron de Wolzogen.  "I
must confess," wrote Madame Schweizer, "that this erotic absorption
made such a disagreeable impression on me, that all my pleasure
vanished."  But if the sentimental Swiss was disconcerted by Mary's
sensuality, Imlay, the shrewd man of business, was exasperated by
her intelligence.  Whenever he saw her he yielded to her charm, but
then her quickness, her penetration, her uncompromising idealism
harassed him.  She saw through his excuses; she met all his
reasons; she was even capable of managing his business.  There was
no peace with her--he must be off again.  And then her letters
followed him, torturing him with their sincerity and their insight.
They were so outspoken; they pleaded so passionately to be told the
truth; they showed such a contempt for soap and alum and wealth and
comfort; they repeated, as he suspected, so truthfully that he had
only to say the word, "and you shall never hear of me more", that
he could not endure it.  Tickling minnows he had hooked a dolphin,
and the creature rushed him through the waters till he was dizzy
and only wanted to escape.  After all, though he had played at
theory-making too, he was a business man, he depended upon soap and
alum; "the secondary pleasures of life", he had to admit, "are very
necessary to my comfort".  And among them was one that for ever
evaded Mary's jealous scrutiny.  Was it business, was it politics,
was it a woman, that perpetually took him away from her?  He
shillied and shallied; he was very charming when they met; then he
disappeared again.  Exasperated at last, and half insane with
suspicion, she forced the truth from the cook.  A little actress in
a strolling company was his mistress, she learnt.  True to her own
creed of decisive action, Mary at once soaked her skirts so that
she might sink unfailingly, and threw herself from Putney Bridge.
But she was rescued; after unspeakable agony she recovered, and
then her "unconquerable greatness of mind", her girlish creed of
independence, asserted itself again, and she determined to make
another bid for happiness and to earn her living without taking a
penny from Imlay for herself or their child.

It was in this crisis that she again saw Godwin, the little man
with the big head, whom she had met when the French Revolution was
making the young men in Somers Town think that a new world was
being born.  She met him--but that is a euphemism, for in fact Mary
Wollstonecraft actually visited him in his own house.  Was it the
effect of the French Revolution?  Was it the blood she had seen
spilt on the pavement and the cries of the furious crowd that had
rung in her ears that made it seem a matter of no importance
whether she put on her cloak and went to visit Godwin in Somers
Town, or waited in Judd Street West for Godwin to come to her?
And what strange upheaval of human life was it that inspired
that curious man, who was so queer a mixture of meanness and
magnanimity, of coldness and deep feeling--for the memoir of his
wife could not have been written without unusual depth of heart--to
hold the view that she did right--that he respected Mary for
trampling upon the idiotic convention by which women's lives were
tied down?  He held the most extraordinary views on many subjects,
and upon the relations of the sexes in particular.  He thought that
reason should influence even the love between men and women.  He
thought that there was something spiritual in their relationship.
He had written that "marriage is a law, and the worst of all laws
. . . marriage is an affair of property, and the worst of all
properties".  He held the belief that if two people of the opposite
sex like each other, they should live together without any
ceremony, or, for living together is apt to blunt love, twenty
doors off, say, in the same street.  And he went further; he said
that if another man liked your wife "this will create no
difficulty.  We may all enjoy her conversation, and we shall all be
wise enough to consider the sensual intercourse a very trivial
object."  True, when he wrote those words he had never been in
love; now for the first time he was to experience that sensation.
It came very quietly and naturally, growing "with equal advances in
the mind of each" from those talks in Somers Town, from those
discussions upon everything under the sun which they held so
improperly alone in his rooms.  "It was friendship melting into
love . . .", he wrote.  "When, in the course of things, the
disclosure came, there was nothing in a manner for either party to
disclose to the other."  Certainly they were in agreement upon the
most essential points; they were both of opinion, for instance,
that marriage was unnecessary.  They would continue to live apart.
Only when Nature again intervened, and Mary found herself with
child, was it worth while to lose valued friends, she asked, for
the sake of a theory?  She thought not, and they were married.  And
then that other theory--that it is best for husband and wife to
live apart--was not that also incompatible with other feelings that
were coming to birth in her?  "A husband is a convenient part of
the furniture of the house", she wrote.  Indeed, she discovered
that she was passionately domestic.  Why not, then, revise that
theory too, and share the same roof.  Godwin should have a room
some doors off to work in; and they should dine out separately if
they liked--their work, their friends, should be separate.  Thus
they settled it, and the plan worked admirably.  The arrangement
combined "the novelty and lively sensation of a visit with the more
delicious and heart-felt pleasures of domestic life".  Mary
admitted that she was happy; Godwin confessed that, after all one's
philosophy, it was "extremely gratifying" to find that "there is
someone who takes an interest in one's happiness".  All sorts of
powers and emotions were liberated in Mary by her new satisfaction.
Trifles gave her an exquisite pleasure--the sight of Godwin and
Imlay's child playing together; the thought of their own child who
was to be born; a day's jaunt into the country.  One day, meeting
Imlay in the New Road, she greeted him without bitterness.  But, as
Godwin wrote, "Ours is not an idle happiness, a paradise of selfish
and transitory pleasures".  No, it too was an experiment, as Mary's
life had been an experiment from the start, an attempt to make
human conventions conform more closely to human needs.  And their
marriage was only a beginning; all sorts of things were to follow
after.  Mary was going to have a child.  She was going to write a
book to be called The Wrongs of Women.  She was going to reform
education.  She was going to come down to dinner the day after her
child was born.  She was going to employ a midwife and not a doctor
at her confinement--but that experiment was her last.  She died in
child-birth.  She whose sense of her own existence was so intense,
who had cried out even in her misery, "I cannot bear to think of
being no more--of losing myself--nay, it appears to me impossible
that I should cease to exist", died at the age of thirty-six.  But
she has her revenge.  Many millions have died and been forgotten in
the hundred and thirty years that have passed since she was buried;
and yet as we read her letters and listen to her arguments and
consider her experiments, above all, that most fruitful experiment,
her relation with Godwin, and realise the high-handed and hot-
blooded manner in which she cut her way to the quick of life, one
form of immortality is hers undoubtedly: she is alive and active,
she argues and experiments, we hear her voice and trace her
influence even now among the living.



IV

DOROTHY WORDSWORTH


Two highly incongruous travellers, Mary Wollstonecraft and Dorothy
Wordsworth, followed close upon each other's footsteps.  Mary was
in Altona on the Elbe in 1795 with her baby; three years later
Dorothy came there with her brother and Coleridge.  Both kept a
record of their travels; both saw the same places, but the eyes
with which they saw them were very different.  Whatever Mary saw
served to start her mind upon some theory, upon the effect of
government, upon the state of the people, upon the mystery of her
own soul.  The beat of the oars on the waves made her ask, "Life,
what are you?  Where goes this breath?  This _I_ so much alive?  In
what element will it mix, giving and receiving fresh energy?"  And
sometimes she forgot to look at the sunset and looked instead at
the Baron Wolzogen.  Dorothy, on the other hand, noted what was
before her accurately, literally, and with prosaic precision.  "The
walk very pleasing between Hamburgh and Altona.  A large piece of
ground planted with trees, and intersected by gravel walks. . . .
The ground on the opposite side of the Elbe appears marshy."
Dorothy never railed against "the cloven hoof of despotism".
Dorothy never asked "men's questions" about exports and imports;
Dorothy never confused her own soul with the sky.  This "_I_ so
much alive" was ruthlessly subordinated to the trees and the grass.
For if she let "I" and its rights and its wrongs and its passions
and its suffering get between her and the object, she would be
calling the moon "the Queen of the Night"; she would be talking of
dawn's "orient beams"; she would be soaring into reveries and
rhapsodies and forgetting to find the exact phrase for the ripple
of moonlight upon the lake.  It was like "herrings in the water"--
she could not have said that if she had been thinking about
herself.  So while Mary dashed her head against wall after wall,
and cried out, "Surely something resides in this heart that is not
perishable--and life is more than a dream", Dorothy went on
methodically at Alfoxden noting the approach of spring.  "The sloe
in blossom, the hawthorn green, the larches in the park changed
from black to green, in two or three days."  And next day, 14th
April 1798, "the evening very stormy, so we staid indoors.  Mary
Wollstonecraft's life, &c., came."  And the day after they walked
in the squire's grounds and noticed that "Nature was very
successfully striving to make beautiful what art had deformed--
ruins, hermitages, &c., &c.".  There is no reference to Mary
Wollstonecraft; it seems as if her life and all its storms had been
swept away in one of those compendious et ceteras, and yet the next
sentence reads like an unconscious comment.  "Happily we cannot
shape the huge hills, or carve out the valleys according to our
fancy."  No, we cannot re-form, we must not rebel; we can only
accept and try to understand the message of Nature.  And so the
notes go on.

Spring passed; summer came; summer turned to autumn; it was winter,
and then again the sloes were in blossom and the hawthorns green
and spring had come.  But it was spring in the North now, and
Dorothy was living alone with her brother in a small cottage at
Grasmere in the midst of the hills.  Now after the hardships and
separations of youth they were together under their own roof; now
they could address themselves undisturbed to the absorbing
occupation of living in the heart of Nature and trying, day by day,
to read her meaning.  They had money enough at last to let them
live together without the need of earning a penny.  No family
duties or professional tasks distracted them.  Dorothy could ramble
all day on the hills and sit up talking to Coleridge all night
without being scolded by her aunt for unwomanly behaviour.  The
hours were theirs from sunrise to sunset, and could be altered to
suit the season.  If it was fine, there was no need to come in; if
it was wet, there was no need to get up.  One could go to bed at
any hour.  One could let the dinner cool if the cuckoo were
shouting on the hill and William had not found the exact epithet he
wanted.  Sunday was a day like any other.  Custom, convention,
everything was subordinated to the absorbing, exacting, exhausting
task of living in the heart of Nature and writing poetry.  For
exhausting it was.  William would make his head ache in the effort
to find the right word.  He would go on hammering at a poem until
Dorothy was afraid to suggest an alteration.  A chance phrase of
hers would run in his head and make it impossible for him to get
back into the proper mood.  He would come down to breakfast and sit
"with his shirt neck unbuttoned, and his waistcoat open", writing a
poem on a Butterfly which some story of hers had suggested, and he
would eat nothing, and then he would begin altering the poem and
again would be exhausted.

It is strange how vividly all this is brought before us,
considering that the diary is made up of brief notes such as any
quiet woman might make of her garden's changes and her brother's
moods and the progress of the seasons.  It was warm and mild, she
notes, after a day of rain.  She met a cow in a field.  "The cow
looked at me, and I looked at the cow, and whenever I stirred the
cow gave over eating."  She met an old man who walked with two
sticks--for days on end she met nothing more out of the way than a
cow eating and an old man walking.  And her motives for writing are
common enough--"because I will not quarrel with myself, and because
I shall give William pleasure by it when he comes home again".  It
is only gradually that the difference between this rough notebook
and others discloses itself; only by degrees that the brief notes
unfurl in the mind and open a whole landscape before us, that the
plain statement proves to be aimed so directly at the object that
if we look exactly along the line that it points we shall see
precisely what she saw.  "The moonlight lay upon the hills like
snow."  "The air was become still, the lake of a bright slate
colour, the hills darkening.  The bays shot into the low fading
shores.  Sheep resting.  All things quiet."  "There was no one
waterfall above another--it was the sound of waters in the air--the
voice of the air."  Even in such brief notes one feels the
suggestive power which is the gift of the poet rather than of the
naturalist, the power which, taking only the simplest facts, so
orders them that the whole scene comes before us, heightened and
composed, the lake in its quiet, the hills in their splendour.  Yet
she was no descriptive writer in the usual sense.  Her first
concern was to be truthful--grace and symmetry must be made
subordinate to truth.  But then truth is sought because to falsify
the look of the stir of the breeze on the lake is to tamper with
the spirit which inspires appearances.  It is that spirit which
goads her and urges her and keeps her faculties for ever on the
stretch.  A sight or a sound would not let her be till she had
traced her perception along its course and fixed it in words,
though they might be bald, or in an image, though it might be
angular.  Nature was a stern taskmistress.  The exact prosaic
detail must be rendered as well as the vast and visionary outline.
Even when the distant hills trembled before her in the glory of a
dream she must note with literal accuracy "the glittering silver
line on the ridge of the backs of the sheep", or remark how "the
crows at a little distance from us became white as silver as they
flew in the sunshine, and when they went still further, they looked
like shapes of water passing over the green fields".  Always
trained and in use, her powers of observation became in time so
expert and so acute that a day's walk stored her mind's eye with a
vast assembly of curious objects to be sorted at leisure.  How
strange the sheep looked mixed with the soldiers at Dumbarton
Castle!  For some reason the sheep looked their real size, but the
soldiers looked like puppets.  And then the movements of the sheep
were so natural and fearless, and the motion of the dwarf soldiers
was so restless and apparently without meaning.  It was extremely
queer.  Or lying in bed she would look up at the ceiling and think
how the varnished beams were "as glossy as black rocks on a sunny
day cased in ice".  Yes, they


crossed each other in almost as intricate and fantastic a manner as
I have seen the underboughs of a large beech-tree withered by the
depth of the shade above. . . .  It was like what I should suppose
an underground cave or temple to be, with a dripping or moist roof,
and the moonlight entering in upon it by some means or other, and
yet the colours were more like melted gems.  I lay looking up till
the light of the fire faded away. . . .  I did not sleep much.


Indeed, she scarcely seemed to shut her eyes.  They looked and they
looked, urged on not only by an indefatigable curiosity but also by
reverence, as if some secret of the utmost importance lay hidden
beneath the surface.  Her pen sometimes stammers with the intensity
of the emotion that she controlled, as De Quincey said that her
tongue stammered with the conflict between her ardour and her
shyness when she spoke.  But controlled she was.  Emotional and
impulsive by nature, her eyes "wild and starting", tormented by
feelings which almost mastered her, still she must control, still
she must repress, or she would fail in her task--she would cease to
see.  But if one subdued oneself, and resigned one's private
agitations, then, as if in reward, Nature would bestow an exquisite
satisfaction.  "Rydale was very beautiful, with spear-shaped
streaks of polished steel. . . .  It calls home the heart to
quietness.  I had been very melancholy", she wrote.  For did not
Coleridge come walking over the hills and tap at the cottage door
late at night--did she not carry a letter from Coleridge hidden
safe in her bosom?

Thus giving to Nature, thus receiving from Nature, it seemed, as
the arduous and ascetic days went by, that Nature and Dorothy had
grown together in perfect sympathy--a sympathy not cold or
vegetable or inhuman because at the core of it burnt that other
love for "my beloved", her brother, who was indeed its heart and
inspiration.  William and Nature and Dorothy herself, were they not
one being?  Did they not compose a trinity, self-contained and
self-sufficient and independent whether indoors or out?  They sit
indoors.  It was


about ten o'clock and a quiet night.  The fire flickers and the
watch ticks.  I hear nothing but the breathing of my Beloved as he
now and then pushes his book forward, and turns over a leaf.


And now it is an April day, and they take the old cloak and lie in
John's grove out of doors together.


William heard me breathing, and rustling now and then, but we both
lay still and unseen by one another.  He thought that it would be
sweet thus to lie in the grave, to hear the peaceful sounds of the
earth, and just to know that our dear friends were near.  The lake
was still; there was a boat out.


It was a strange love, profound, almost dumb, as if brother and
sister had grown together and shared not the speech but the mood,
so that they hardly knew which felt, which spoke, which saw the
daffodils or the sleeping city; only Dorothy stored the mood in
prose, and later William came and bathed in it and made it into
poetry.  But one could not act without the other.  They must feel,
they must think, they must be together.  So now, when they had lain
out on the hill-side they would rise and go home and make tea, and
Dorothy would write to Coleridge, and they would sow the scarlet
beans together, and William would work at his "Leech Gatherer", and
Dorothy would copy the lines for him.  Rapt but controlled, free
yet strictly ordered, the homely narrative moves naturally from
ecstasy on the hills to baking bread and ironing linen and fetching
William his supper in the cottage.

The cottage, though its garden ran up into the fells, was on the
highroad.  Through her parlour window Dorothy looked out and saw
whoever might be passing--a tall beggar woman perhaps with her baby
on her back; an old soldier; a coroneted landau with touring ladies
peering inquisitively inside.  The rich and the great she would let
pass--they interested her no more than cathedrals or picture
galleries or great cities; but she could never see a beggar at the
door without asking him in and questioning him closely.  Where had
he been?  What had he seen?  How many children had he?  She
searched into the lives of the poor as if they held in them the
same secret as the hills.  A tramp eating cold bacon over the
kitchen fire might have been a starry night, so closely she watched
him; so clearly she noted how his old coat was patched "with three
bell-shaped patches of darker blue behind, where the buttons had
been", how his beard of a fortnight's growth was like "grey plush".
And then as they rambled on with their tales of seafaring and the
press-gang and the Marquis of Granby, she never failed to capture
the one phrase that sounds on in the mind after the story is
forgotten, "What, you are stepping westward?"  "To be sure there is
great promise for virgins in Heaven."  "She could trip lightly by
the graves of those who died when they were young."  The poor had
their poetry as the hills had theirs.  But it was out of doors, on
the road or on the moor, not in the cottage parlour, that her
imagination had freest play.  Her happiest moments were passed
tramping beside a jibbing horse on a wet Scottish road without
certainty of bed or supper.  All she knew was that there was some
sight ahead, some grove of trees to be noted, some waterfall to be
inquired into.  On they tramped hour after hour in silence for the
most part, though Coleridge, who was of the party, would suddenly
begin to debate aloud the true meaning of the words majestic,
sublime, and grand.  They had to trudge on foot because the horse
had thrown the cart over a bank and the harness was only mended
with string and pocket-handkerchiefs.  They were hungry, too,
because Wordsworth had dropped the chicken and the bread into the
lake, and they had nothing else for dinner.  They were uncertain of
the way, and did not know where they would find lodging: all they
knew was that there was a waterfall ahead.  At last Coleridge could
stand it no longer.  He had rheumatism in the joints; the Irish
jaunting car provided no shelter from the weather; his companions
were silent and absorbed.  He left them.  But William and Dorothy
tramped on.  They looked like tramps themselves.  Dorothy's cheeks
were brown as a gipsy's, her clothes were shabby, her gait was
rapid and ungainly.  But still she was indefatigable; her eye never
failed her; she noticed everything.  At last they reached the
waterfall.  And then all Dorothy's powers fell upon it.  She
searched out its character, she noted its resemblances, she defined
its differences, with all the ardour of a discoverer, with all the
exactness of a naturalist, with all the rapture of a lover.  She
possessed it at last--she had laid it up in her mind for ever.  It
had become one of those "inner visions" which she could call to
mind at any time in their distinctness and in their particularity.
It would come back to her long years afterwards when she was old
and her mind had failed her; it would come back stilled and
heightened and mixed with all the happiest memories of her past--
with the thought of Racedown and Alfoxden and Coleridge reading
"Christabel", and her beloved, her brother William.  It would bring
with it what no human being could give, what no human relation
could offer--consolation and quiet.  If, then, the passionate cry
of Mary Wollstonecraft had reached her ears--"Surely something
resides in this heart that is not perishable--and life is more than
a dream"--she would have had no doubt whatever as to her answer.
She would have said quite simply, "We looked about us, and felt
that we were happy".



WILLIAM HAZLITT


Had one met Hazlitt no doubt one would have liked him on his own
principle that "We can scarcely hate anyone we know".  But Hazlitt
has been dead now a hundred years, and it is perhaps a question how
far we can know him well enough to overcome those feelings of
dislike, both personal and intellectual, which his writings still
so sharply arouse.  For Hazlitt--it is one of his prime merits--was
not one of those noncommittal writers who shuffle off in a mist and
die of their own insignificance.  His essays are emphatically
himself.  He has no reticence and he has no shame.  He tells us
exactly what he thinks, and he tells us--the confidence is less
seductive--exactly what he feels.  As of all men he had the most
intense consciousness of his own existence, since never a day
passed without inflicting on him some pang of hate or of jealousy,
some thrill of anger or of pleasure, we cannot read him for long
without coming in contact with a very singular character--ill-
conditioned yet high-minded; mean yet noble; intensely egotistical
yet inspired by the most genuine passion for the rights and
liberties of mankind.

Soon, so thin is the veil of the essay as Hazlitt wore it, his very
look comes before us.  We see him as Coleridge saw him, "brow-
hanging, shoe-contemplative, strange".  He comes shuffling into the
room, he looks nobody straight in the face, he shakes hands with
the fin of a fish; occasionally he darts a malignant glance from
his corner.  "His manners are 99 in 100 singularly repulsive",
Coleridge said.  Yet now and again his face lit up with
intellectual beauty, and his manner became radiant with sympathy
and understanding.  Soon, too, as we read on, we become familiar
with the whole gamut of his grudges and his grievances.  He lived,
one gathers, mostly at inns.  No woman's form graced his board.  He
had quarrelled with all his old friends, save perhaps with Lamb.
Yet his only fault had been that he had stuck to his principles and
"not become a government tool".  He was the object of malignant
persecution--Blackwood's reviewers called him "pimply Hazlitt",
though his cheek was pale as alabaster.  These lies, however, got
into print, and then he was afraid to visit his friends because the
footman had read the newspaper and the housemaid tittered behind
his back.  He had--no one could deny it--one of the finest minds,
and he wrote indisputably the best prose style of his time.  But
what did that avail with women?  Fine ladies have no respect for
scholars, nor chambermaids either--so the growl and plaint of his
grievances keeps breaking through, disturbing us, irritating us;
and yet there is something so independent, subtle, fine, and
enthusiastic about him--when he can forget himself he is so rapt in
ardent speculation about other things--that dislike crumbles and
turns to something much warmer and more complex.  Hazlitt was
right:


It is the mask only that we dread and hate; the man may have
something human about him!  The notions in short which we entertain
of people at a distance, or from partial representation, or from
guess-work, are simple, uncompounded ideas, which answer to nothing
in reality; those which we derive from experience are mixed modes,
the only true and, in general, the most favourable ones.


Certainly no one could read Hazlitt and maintain a simple and
uncompounded idea of him.  From the first he was a twy-minded man--
one of those divided natures which are inclined almost equally to
two quite opposite careers.  It is significant that his first
impulse was not to essay-writing but to painting and philosophy.
There was something in the remote and silent art of the painter
that offered a refuge to his tormented spirit.  He noted enviously
how happy the old age of painters was--"their minds keep alive to
the last"; he turned longingly to the calling that takes one out of
doors, among fields and woods, that deals with bright pigments, and
has solid brush and canvas for its tools and not merely black ink
and white paper.  Yet at the same time he was bitten by an abstract
curiosity that would not let him rest in the contemplation of
concrete beauty.  When he was a boy of fourteen he heard his
father, the good Unitarian minister, dispute with an old lady of
the congregation as they were coming out of Meeting as to the
limits of religious toleration, and, he said, "it was this
circumstance that decided the fate of my future life".  It set him
off "forming in my head . . . the following system of political
rights and general jurisprudence".  He wished "to be satisfied of
the reason of things".  The two ideals were ever after to clash.
To be a thinker and to express in the plainest and most accurate of
terms "the reason of things", and to be a painter gloating over
blues and crimsons, breathing fresh air and living sensually in the
emotions--these were two different, perhaps incompatible ideals,
yet like all Hazlitt's emotions both were tough and each strove for
mastery.  He yielded now to one, now to the other.  He spent months
in Paris copying pictures at the Louvre.  He came home and toiled
laboriously at the portrait of an old woman in a bonnet day after
day, seeking by industry and pains to discover the secret of
Rembrandt's genius; but he lacked some quality--perhaps it was
invention--and in the end cut the canvas to ribbons in a rage or
turned it against the wall in despair.  At the same time he was
writing the "Essay on the Principles of Human Action" which he
preferred to all his other works.  For there he wrote plainly and
truthfully, without glitter or garishness, without any wish to
please or to make money, but solely to gratify the urgency of his
own desire for truth.  Naturally, "the book dropped still-born from
the press".  Then, too, his political hopes, his belief that the
age of freedom had come and that the tyranny of kingship was over,
proved vain.  His friends deserted to the Government, and he was
left to uphold the doctrines of liberty, fraternity, and revolution
in that perpetual minority which requires so much self-approval to
support it.

Thus he was a man of divided tastes and of thwarted ambition; a man
whose happiness, even in early life, lay behind.  His mind had set
early and bore for ever the stamp of first impressions.  In his
happiest moods he looked not forwards but backwards--to the garden
where he had played as a child, to the blue hills of Shropshire and
to all those landscapes which he had seen when hope was still his,
and peace brooded upon him and he looked up from his painting or
his book and saw the fields and woods as if they were the outward
expression of his own inner quietude.  It is to the books that he
read then that he returns--to Rousseau and to Burke and to the
Letters of Junius.  The impression that they made upon his youthful
imagination was never effaced and scarcely overlaid; for after
youth was over he ceased to read for pleasure, and youth and the
pure and intense pleasures of youth were soon left behind.

Naturally, given his susceptibility to the charms of the other sex,
he married; and naturally, given his consciousness of his own
"misshapen form made to be mocked", he married unhappily.  Miss
Sarah Stoddart pleased him when he met her at the Lambs by the
common sense with which she found the kettle and boiled it when
Mary absentmindedly delayed.  But of domestic talents she had none.
Her little income was insufficient to meet the burden of married
life, and Hazlitt soon found that instead of spending eight years
in writing eight pages he must turn journalist and write articles
upon politics and plays and pictures and books of the right length,
at the right moment.  Soon the mantelpiece of the old house at York
Street where Milton had lived was scribbled over with ideas for
essays.  As the habit proves, the house was not a tidy house, nor
did geniality and comfort excuse the lack of order.  The Hazlitts
were to be found eating breakfast at two in the afternoon, without
a fire in the grate or a curtain to the window.  A valiant walker
and a clear-sighted woman, Mrs. Hazlitt had no delusions about her
husband.  He was not faithful to her, and she faced the fact with
admirable common sense.  But "he said that I had always despised
him and his abilities", she noted in her diary, and that was
carrying common sense too far.  The prosaic marriage came lamely to
an end.  Free at last from the encumbrance of home and husband,
Sarah Hazlitt pulled on her boots and set off on a walking tour
through Scotland, while Hazlitt, incapable of attachment or
comfort, wandered from inn to inn, suffered tortures of humiliation
and disillusionment, but, as he drank cup after cup of very strong
tea and made love to the innkeeper's daughter, he wrote those
essays that are of course among the very best that we have.

That they are not quite the best--that they do not haunt the mind
and remain entire in the memory as the essays of Montaigne or Lamb
haunt the mind--is also true.  He seldom reaches the perfection of
these great writers or their unity.  Perhaps it is the nature of
these short pieces that they need unity and a mind at harmony with
itself.  A little jar there makes the whole composition tremble.
The essays of Montaigne, Lamb, even Addison, have the reticence
which springs from composure, for with all their familiarity they
never tell us what they wish to keep hidden.  But with Hazlitt it
is different.  There is always something divided and discordant
even in his finest essays, as if two minds were at work who never
succeed save for a few moments in making a match of it.  In the
first place there is the mind of the inquiring boy who wishes to be
satisfied of the reason of things--the mind of the thinker.  It is
the thinker for the most part who is allowed the choice of the
subject.  He chooses some abstract idea, like Envy, or Egotism, or
Reason and Imagination.  He treats it with energy and independence.
He explores its ramifications and scales its narrow paths as if it
were a mountain road and the ascent both difficult and inspiring.
Compared with this athletic progress, Lamb's seems the flight of a
butterfly cruising capriciously among the flowers and perching for
a second incongruously here upon a barn, there upon a wheelbarrow.
But every sentence in Hazlitt carries us forward.  He has his end
in view and, unless some accident intervenes, he strides towards it
in that "pure conversational prose style" which, as he points out,
is so much more difficult to practise than fine writing.

There can be no question that Hazlitt the thinker is an admirable
companion.  He is strong and fearless; he knows his mind and he
speaks his mind forcibly yet brilliantly too, for the readers of
newspapers are a dull-eyed race who must be dazzled in order to
make them see.  But besides Hazlitt the thinker there is Hazlitt
the artist.  There is the sensuous and emotional man, with his
feeling for colour and touch, with his passion for prizefighting
and Sarah Walker, with his sensibility to all those emotions which
disturb the reason and make it often seem futile enough to spend
one's time slicing things up finer and finer with the intellect
when the body of the world is so firm and so warm and demands so
imperatively to be pressed to the heart.  To know the reason of
things is a poor substitute for being able to feel them.  And
Hazlitt felt with the intensity of a poet.  The most abstract of
his essays will suddenly glow red-hot or white-hot if something
reminds him of his past.  He will drop his fine analytic pen and
paint a phrase or two with a full brush brilliantly and beautifully
if some landscape stirs his imagination or some book brings back
the hour when he first read it.  The famous passages about reading
Love for Love and drinking coffee from a silver pot, and reading La
Nouvelle Héloïse and eating a cold chicken, are known to all, and
yet how oddly they often break into the context, how violently we
are switched from reason to rhapsody--how embarrassingly our
austere thinker falls upon our shoulders and demands our sympathy!
It is this disparity and the sense of two forces in conflict that
trouble the serenity and cause the inconclusiveness of some of
Hazlitt's finest essays.  They set out to give us a proof and they
end by giving us a picture.  We are about to plant our feet upon
the solid rock of Q.E.D., and behold the rock turns to quagmire and
we are knee-deep in mud and water and flowers.  "Faces pale as the
primrose with hyacinthine locks" are in our eyes; the woods of
Tuderly breathe their mystic voices in our ears.  Then suddenly we
are recalled, and the thinker, austere, muscular, and sardonic,
leads us on to analyse, to dissect, and to condemn.

Thus if we compare Hazlitt with the other great masters in his line
it is easy to see where his limitations lie.  His range is narrow
and his sympathies few if intense.  He does not open the doors wide
upon all experience like Montaigne, rejecting nothing, tolerating
everything, and watching the play of the soul with irony and
detachment.  On the contrary, his mind shut hard with egotistic
tenacity upon his first impressions and froze them to unalterable
convictions.  Nor was it for him to make play, like Lamb, with the
figures of his friends, creating them afresh in fantastic flights
of imagination and reverie.  His characters are seen with the same
quick sidelong glance full of shrewdness and suspicion which he
darted upon people in the flesh.  He does not use the essayist's
licence to circle and meander.  He is tethered by his egotism and
by his convictions to one time and one place and one being.  We
never forget that this is England in the early days of the
nineteenth century; indeed, we feel ourselves in the Southampton
Buildings or in the inn parlour that looks over the downs and on to
the high road at Winterslow.  He has an extraordinary power of
making us contemporary with himself.  But as we read on through the
many volumes which he filled with so much energy and yet with so
little love of his task, the comparison with the other essayists
drops from us.  These are not essays, it seems, independent and
self-sufficient, but fragments broken off from some larger book--
some searching enquiry into the reason for human actions or into
the nature of human institutions.  It is only accident that has cut
them short, and only deference to the public taste that has decked
them out with gaudy images and bright colours.  The phrase which
occurs in one form or another so frequently and indicates the
structure which if he were free he would follow--"I will here try
to go more at large into the subject and then give such instances
and illustrations of it as occur to me"--could by no possibility
occur in the Essays of Elia or Sir Roger de Coverley.  He loves to
grope among the curious depths of human psychology and to track
down the reason of things.  He excels in hunting out the obscure
causes that lie behind some common saying or sensation, and the
drawers of his mind are well stocked with illustrations and
arguments.  We can believe him when he says that for twenty years
he had thought hard and suffered acutely.  He is speaking of what
he knows from experience when he exclaims, "How many ideas and
trains of sentiment, long and deep and intense, often pass through
the mind in only one day's thinking or reading!"  Convictions are
his life-blood; ideas have formed in him like stalactites, drop by
drop, year by year.  He has sharpened them in a thousand solitary
walks; he has tested them in argument after argument, sitting in
his corner, sardonically observant, over a late supper at the
Southampton Inn.  But he has not changed them.  His mind is his own
and it is made up.

Thus however threadbare the abstraction--Hot and Cold, or Envy, or
The Conduct of Life, or The Picturesque and the Ideal--he has
something solid to write about.  He never lets his brain slacken or
trusts to his great gift of picturesque phrasing to float him over
a stretch of shallow thought.  Even when it is plain from the
savagery and contempt with which he attacks his task that he is out
of the mood and only keeps his mind to the grindstone by strong tea
and sheer force of will, we still find him mordant and searching
and acute.  There is a stir and trouble, a vivacity and conflict in
his essays as if the very contrariety of his gifts kept him on the
stretch.  He is always hating, loving, thinking, and suffering.  He
could never come to terms with authority or doff his own
idiosyncrasy in deference to opinion.  Thus chafed and goaded the
level of his essays is extraordinarily high.  Often dry, garish in
their bright imagery, monotonous in the undeviating energy of their
rhythm--for Hazlitt believed too implicitly in his own saying,
"mediocrity, insipidity, want of character, is the great fault", to
be an easy writer to read for long at a stretch--there is scarcely
an essay without its stress of thought, its thrust of insight, its
moment of penetration.  His pages are full of fine sayings and
unexpected turns and independence and originality.  "All that is
worth remembering of life is the poetry of it."  "If the truth were
known, the most disagreeable people are the most amiable."  "You
will hear more good things on the outside of a stage-coach from
London to Oxford, than if you were to pass a twelve-month with the
undergraduates or heads of colleges of that famous University."  We
are constantly plucked at by sayings that we would like to put by
to examine later.

But besides the volumes of Hazlitt's essays there are the volumes
of Hazlitt's criticism.  In one way or another, either as lecturer
or reviewer, Hazlitt strode through the greater part of English
literature and delivered his opinion of the majority of famous
books.  His criticism has the rapidity and the daring, if it has
also the looseness and the roughness, which arise from the
circumstances in which it was written.  He must cover a great deal
of ground, make his points clear to an audience not of readers but
of listeners, and has time only to point to the tallest towers and
the brightest pinnacles in the landscape.  But even in his most
perfunctory criticism of books we feel that faculty for seizing on
the important and indicating the main outline which learned critics
often lose and timid critics never acquire.  He is one of those
rare critics who have thought so much that they can dispense with
reading.  It matters very little that Hazlitt had read only one
poem by Donne; that he found Shakespeare's sonnets unintelligible;
that he never read a book through after he was thirty; that he came
indeed to dislike reading altogether.  What he had read he had read
with fervour.  And since in his view it was the duty of a critic to
"reflect the colours, the light and shade, the soul and body of a
work", appetite, gusto, enjoyment were far more important than
analytic subtlety or prolonged and extensive study.  To communicate
his own fervour was his aim.  Thus he first cuts out with vigorous
and direct strokes the figure of one author and contrasts it with
another, and next builds up with the freest use of imagery and
colour the brilliant ghost that the book has left glimmering in his
mind.  The poem is re-created in glowing phrases--"A rich distilled
perfume emanates from it like the breath of genius; a golden cloud
envelops it; a honeyed paste of poetic diction encrusts it, like
the candied coat of the auricula".  But since the analyst in
Hazlitt is never far from the surface, this painter's imagery is
kept in check by a nervous sense of the hard and lasting in
literature, of what a book means and where it should be placed,
which models his enthusiasm and gives it angle and outline.  He
singles out the peculiar quality of his author and stamps it
vigorously.  There is the "deep, internal, sustained sentiment" of
Chaucer; "Crabbe is the only poet who has attempted and succeeded
in the STILL LIFE of tragedy".  There is nothing flabby, weak, or
merely ornamental in his criticism of Scott--sense and enthusiasm
run hand in hand.  And if such criticism is the reverse of final,
if it is initiatory and inspiring rather than conclusive and
complete, there is something to be said for the critic who starts
the reader on a journey and fires him with a phrase to shoot off on
adventures of his own.  If one needs an incentive to read Burke,
what is better than "Burke's style was forked and playful like the
lightning, crested like the serpent"?  Or again, should one be
trembling on the brink of a dusty folio, the following passage is
enough to plunge one in midstream:


It is delightful to repose on the wisdom of the ancients; to have
some great name at hand, besides one's own initials always staring
one in the face; to travel out of one's self into the Chaldee,
Hebrew, and Egyptian characters; to have the palm-trees waving
mystically in the margin of the page, and the camels moving slowly
on in the distance of three thousand years.  In that dry desert of
learning, we gather strength and patience, and a strange and
insatiable thirst of knowledge.  The ruined monuments of antiquity
are also there, and the fragments of buried cities (under which the
adder lurks) and cool springs, and green sunny spots, and the
whirlwind and the lion's roar, and the shadow of angelic wings.


Needless to say that is not criticism.  It is sitting in an
armchair and gazing into the fire, and building up image after
image of what one has seen in a book.  It is loving and taking the
liberties of a lover.  It is being Hazlitt.

But it is likely that Hazlitt will survive not in his lectures, nor
in his travels, nor in his Life of Napoleon, nor in his
Conversations of Northcote, full as they are of energy and
integrity, of broken and fitful splendour and shadowed with the
shape of some vast unwritten book that looms on the horizon.  He
will live in a volume of essays in which is distilled all those
powers that are dissipated and distracted elsewhere, where the
parts of his complex and tortured spirit come together in a truce
of amity and concord.  Perhaps a fine day was needed, or a game of
fives or a long walk in the country, to bring about this
consummation.  The body has a large share in everything that
Hazlitt writes.  Then a mood of intense and spontaneous reverie
came over him; he soared into what Patmore called "a calm so pure
and serene that one did not like to interrupt it".  His brain
worked smoothly and swiftly and without consciousness of its own
operations; the pages dropped without an erasure from his pen.
Then his mind ranged in a rhapsody of well-being over books and
love, over the past and its beauty, the present and its comfort,
and the future that would bring a partridge hot from the oven or a
dish of sausages sizzling in the pan.


I look out of my window and see that a shower has just fallen: the
fields look green after it, and a rosy cloud hangs over the brow of
the hill; a lily expands its petals in the moisture, dressed in its
lovely green and white; a shepherd-boy has just brought some pieces
of turf with daisies and grass for his young mistress to make a bed
for her skylark, not doomed to dip his wings in the dappled dawn--
my cloudy thoughts draw off, the storm of angry politics has blown
over--Mr. Blackwood, I am yours--Mr. Croker, my service to you--Mr.
T. Moore, I am alive and well.


There is then no division, no discord, no bitterness.  The
different faculties work in harmony and unity.  Sentence follows
sentence with the healthy ring and chime of a blacksmith's hammer
on the anvil; the words glow and the sparks fly; gently they fade
and the essay is over.  And as his writing had such passages of
inspired description, so, too, his life had its seasons of intense
enjoyment.  When he lay dying a hundred years ago in a lodging in
Soho his voice rang out with the old pugnacity and conviction:
"Well, I have had a happy life."  One has only to read him to
believe it.




GERALDINE AND JANE


Geraldine Jewsbury would certainly not have expected anybody at
this time of day to bother themselves about her novels.  If she had
caught one pulling them down from the shelf in some library she
would have expostulated.  "They're such nonsense, my dear", she
would have said.  And then one likes to fancy that she would have
burst out in that irresponsible, unconventional way of hers against
libraries and literature and love and life and all the rest of it
with a "Damn it all!" or a "Confound it!" for Geraldine was fond of
swearing.

The odd thing about Geraldine Jewsbury, indeed, was the way in
which she combined oaths and endearments, sense and effervescence,
daring and gush: ". . . defenceless and tender on the one hand, and
strong enough to cleave the very rocks on the other"--that is how
Mrs. Ireland, her biographer, puts it; or again:  "Intellectually
she was a man, but the heart within her was as womanly as ever
daughter of Eve could boast".  Even to look at there was, it would
seem, something incongruous, queer, provocative about her.  She was
very small and yet boyish; very ugly yet attractive.  She dressed
very well, wore her reddish hair in a net, and ear-rings made in
the form of miniature parrots swung in her ears as she talked.
There, in the only portrait we have of her, she sits reading, with
her face half-turned away, defenceless and tender at the moment
rather than cleaving the very rocks.

But what had happened to her before she sat at the photographer's
table reading her book it is impossible to say.  Until she was
twenty-nine we know nothing of her except that she was born in the
year 1812, was the daughter of a merchant, and lived in Manchester,
or near it.  In the first part of the nineteenth century a woman of
twenty-nine was no longer young; she had lived her life or she had
missed it.  And though Geraldine, with her unconventional ways, was
an exception, still it cannot be doubted that something very
tremendous had happened in those dim years before we know her.
Something had happened in Manchester.  An obscure male figure looms
in the background--a faithless but fascinating creature who had
taught her that life is treacherous, life is hard, life is the very
devil for a woman.  A dark pool of experience had formed in the
back of her mind into which she would dip for the consolation or
for the instruction of others.  "Oh! it is too frightful to talk
about.  For two years I lived only in short respites from this
blackness of darkness", she exclaimed from time to time.  There had
been seasons "like dreary, calm November days when there is but one
cloud, but that one covers the whole heaven".  She had struggled,
"but struggling is no use".  She had read Cudworth through.  She
had written an essay upon materialism before giving way.  For,
though the prey to so many emotions, she was also oddly detached
and speculative.  She liked to puzzle her head with questions about
"matter and spirit and the nature of life" even while her heart was
bleeding.  Upstairs there was a box full of extracts, abstracts,
and conclusions.  Yet what conclusion could a woman come to?  Did
anything avail a woman when love had deserted her, when her lover
had played her false?  No.  It was useless to struggle; one had
better let the wave engulf one, the cloud close over one's head.
So she meditated, lying often on a sofa with a piece of knitting in
her hands and a green shade over her eyes.  For she suffered from a
variety of ailments--sore eyes, colds, nameless exhaustion; and
Greenheys, the suburb outside Manchester, where she kept house for
her brother, was very damp.  "Dirty, half-melted snow and fog, a
swampy meadow, set off by a creeping cold damp"--that was the view
from her window.  Often she could hardly drag herself across the
room.  And then there were incessant interruptions: somebody had
come unexpectedly for dinner; she had to jump up and run into the
kitchen and cook a fowl with her own hands.  That done, she would
put on her green shade and peer at her book again, for she was a
great reader.  She read metaphysics, she read travels, she read old
books and new books--and especially the wonderful books of Mr.
Carlyle.

Early in the year 1841 she came to London and secured an
introduction to the great man whose works she so much admired.  She
met Mrs. Carlyle.  They must have become intimate with great
rapidity.  In a few weeks Mrs. Carlyle was "dearest Jane".  They
must have discussed everything.  They must have talked about life
and the past and the present, and certain "individuals" who were
sentimentally interested or were not sentimentally interested in
Geraldine.  Mrs. Carlyle, so metropolitan, so brilliant, so deeply
versed in life and scornful of its humbugs, must have captivated
the young woman from Manchester completely, for directly Geraldine
returned to Manchester she began writing long letters to Jane which
echo and continue the intimate conversations of Cheyne Row.  "A man
who has had le plus grand succès among women, and who was the most
passionate and poetically refined lover in his manners and
conversation you would wish to find, once said to me . . ."  So she
would begin.  Or she would reflect:


It may be that we women are made as we are in order that they may
in some sort fertilise the world.  We shall go on loving, they [the
men] will go on struggling and toiling, and we are all alike
mercifully allowed to die--after a while.  I don't know whether you
will agree to this, and I cannot see to argue, for my eyes are very
bad and painful.


Probably Jane agreed to very little of all this.  For Jane was
eleven years the elder.  Jane was not given to abstract reflections
upon the nature of life.  Jane was the most caustic, the most
concrete, the most clear-sighted of women.  But it is perhaps worth
noting that when she first fell in with Geraldine she was beginning
to feel those premonitions of jealousy, that uneasy sense that old
relationships had shifted and that new ones were forming
themselves, which had come to pass with the establishment of her
husband's fame.  No doubt, in the course of those long talks in
Cheyne Row, Geraldine had received certain confidences, heard
certain complaints, and drawn certain conclusions.  For besides
being a mass of emotion and sensibility, Geraldine was a clever,
witty woman who thought for herself and hated what she called
"respectability" as much as Mrs. Carlyle hated what she called
"humbug".  In addition, Geraldine had from the first the strangest
feelings about Mrs. Carlyle.  She felt "vague undefined yearnings
to be yours in some way".  "You will let me be yours and think of
me as such, will you not?" she urged again and again.  "I think of
you as Catholics think of their saints", she said: ". . . you will
laugh, but I feel towards you much more like a lover than a female
friend!"  No doubt Mrs. Carlyle did laugh, but also she could
scarcely fail to be touched by the little creature's adoration.

Thus when Carlyle himself early in 1843 suggested unexpectedly that
they should ask Geraldine to stay with them, Mrs. Carlyle, after
debating the question with her usual candour, agreed.  She
reflected that a little of Geraldine would be "very enlivening",
but, on the other hand, much of Geraldine would be very exhausting.
Geraldine dropped hot tears on to one's hands; she watched one; she
fussed one; she was always in a state of emotion.  Then "with all
her good and great qualities" Geraldine had in her "a born spirit
of intrigue" which might make mischief between husband and wife,
though not in the usual way, for, Mrs. Carlyle reflected, her
husband "had the habit" of preferring her to other women, "and
habits are much stronger in him than passions".  On the other hand,
she herself was getting lazy intellectually; Geraldine loved talk
and clever talk; with all her aspirations and enthusiasms it would
be a kindness to let the young woman marooned in Manchester come to
Chelsea; and so she came.

She came on the 1st or 2nd of February, and she stayed till the
Saturday, the 11th of March.  Such were visits in the year 1843.
And the house was very small, and the servant was inefficient.
Geraldine was always there.  All the morning she scribbled letters.
All the afternoon she lay fast asleep on the sofa in the drawing-
room.  She dressed herself in a low-necked dress to receive
visitors on Sunday.  She talked too much.  As for her reputed
intellect, "she is sharp as a meat axe, but as narrow".  She
flattered.  She wheedled.  She was insincere.  She flirted.  She
swore.  Nothing would make her go.  The charges against her rose in
a crescendo of irritation.  Mrs. Carlyle almost had to turn her out
of the house.  At last they parted; and Geraldine, as she got into
the cab, was in floods of tears, but Mrs. Carlyle's eyes were dry.
Indeed, she was immensely relieved to see the last of her visitor.
Yet when Geraldine had driven off and she found herself alone she
was not altogether easy in her mind.  She knew that her behaviour
to a guest whom she herself had invited had been far from perfect.
She had been "cold, cross, ironical, disobliging".  Above all, she
was angry with herself for having taken Geraldine for a confidante.
"Heaven grant that the consequences may be only BORING--not FATAL",
she wrote.  But it is clear that she was very much out of temper;
and with herself as much as with Geraldine.

Geraldine, returned to Manchester, was well aware that something
was wrong.  Estrangement and silence fell between them.  People
repeated malicious stories which she half believed.  But Geraldine
was the least vindictive of women--"very noble in her quarrels", as
Mrs. Carlyle herself admitted--and, if foolish and sentimental,
neither conceited nor proud.  Above all, her love for Jane was
sincere.  Soon she was writing to Mrs. Carlyle again "with an
assiduity and disinterestedness that verge on the superhuman", as
Jane commented with a little exasperation.  She was worrying about
Jane's health and saying that she did not want witty letters, but
only dull letters telling the truth about Jane's state.  For--it
may have been one of those things that made her so trying as a
visitor--Geraldine had not stayed for four weeks in Cheyne Row
without coming to conclusions which it is not likely that she kept
entirely to herself.  "You have no one who has any sort of
consideration for you", she wrote.  "You have had patience and
endurance till I am sick of the virtues, and what have they done
for you?  Half-killed you."  "Carlyle", she burst out, "is much too
grand for everyday life.  A sphinx does not fit in comfortably to
our parlour life arrangements."  But she could do nothing.  "The
more one loves, the more helpless one feels", she moralised.  She
could only watch from Manchester the bright kaleidoscope of her
friend's existence and compare it with her own prosaic life, all
made up of little odds and ends; but somehow, obscure though her
own life was, she no longer envied Jane the brilliance of her lot.

So they might have gone on corresponding in a desultory way at a
distance--and "I am tired to death of writing letters into space",
Geraldine exclaimed; "one only writes after a long separation, to
oneself, instead of one's friend"--had it not been for the Mudies.
The Mudies and Mudieism as Geraldine called it, played a vast, if
almost unrecorded, part in the obscure lives of Victorian
gentlewomen.  In this case the Mudies were two girls, Elizabeth and
Juliet: "flary, staring, and conceited, stolid-looking girls",
Carlyle called them, the daughters of a Dundee schoolmaster, a
respectable man who had written books on natural history and died,
leaving a foolish widow and little or no provision for his family.
Somehow the Mudies arrived in Cheyne Row inconveniently, if one may
hazard a guess, just as dinner was on the table.  But the Victorian
lady never minded that--she put herself to any inconvenience to
help the Mudies.  The question at once presented itself to Mrs.
Carlyle, what could be done for them?  Who knew of a place? who had
influence with a rich man?  Geraldine flashed into her mind.
Geraldine was always wishing she could be of use.  Geraldine might
fairly be asked if there were situations to be had for the Mudies
in Manchester.  Geraldine acted with a promptitude that was much to
her credit.  She "placed" Juliet at once.  Soon she had heard of
another place for Elizabeth.  Mrs. Carlyle, who was in the Isle of
Wight, at once procured stays, gown, and petticoat for Elizabeth,
came up to London, took Elizabeth all the way across London to
Euston Square at half past seven in the evening, put her in charge
of a benevolent-looking, fat old man, saw that a letter to
Geraldine was pinned to her stays, and returned home, exhausted,
triumphant, yet, as happens often with the devotees of Mudieism, a
prey to secret misgivings.  Would the Mudies be happy?  Would they
thank her for what she had done?  A few days later the inevitable
bugs appeared in Cheyne Row, and were ascribed, with or without
reason, to Elizabeth's shawl.  What was far worse, Elizabeth
herself appeared four months later, having proved herself "wholly
inapplicable to any practical purpose", having "sewed a BLACK apron
with WHITE thread", and, on being mildly scolded, having "thrown
herself on the kitchen floor and kicked and screamed".  "Of course,
her immediate dismissal is the result."  Elizabeth vanished--to sew
more black aprons with white thread, to kick and scream and be
dismissed--who knows what happened eventually to poor Elizabeth
Mudie?  She disappears from the world altogether, swallowed up in
the dark shades of her sisterhood.  Juliet, however, remained.
Geraldine made Juliet her charge.  She superintended and advised.
The first place was unsatisfactory.  Geraldine engaged herself to
find another.  She went off and sat in the hall of a "very stiff
old lady" who wanted a maid.  The very stiff old lady said she
would want Juliet to clear-starch collars, to iron cuffs, and to
wash and iron petticoats.  Juliet's heart failed her.  All this
clear-starching and ironing, she exclaimed, were beyond her.  Off
went Geraldine again, late in the evening, and saw the old lady's
daughter.  It was arranged that the petticoats should be "put out"
and only the collars and frills left for Juliet to iron.  Off went
Geraldine and arranged with her own milliner to give her lessons in
quilling and trimming.  And Mrs. Carlyle wrote kindly to Juliet and
sent her a packet.  So it went on with more places and more
bothers, and more old ladies, and more interviews till Juliet wrote
a novel, which a gentleman praised very highly, and Juliet told
Miss Jewsbury that she was annoyed by another gentleman who
followed her home from church; but still she was a very nice girl,
and everybody spoke well of her until the year 1849, when suddenly,
without any reason given, silence descends upon the last of the
Mudies.  It covers, one cannot doubt, another failure.  The novel,
the stiff old lady, the gentleman, the caps, the petticoats, the
clear-starching--what was the cause of her downfall?  Nothing is
known.  "The wretched stalking blockheads", wrote Carlyle, "stalked
fatefully, in spite of all that could be done and said, steadily
downwards towards perdition and sank altogether out of view."  For
all her endeavours Mrs. Carlyle had to admit that Mudieism was
always a failure.

But Mudieism had unexpected results.  Mudieism brought Jane and
Geraldine together again.  Jane could not deny that "the fluff of
feathers" whom she had served up, as her way was, in so many a
scornful phrase for Carlyle's amusement, had "taken up the matter
with an enthusiasm even surpassing my own".  She had grit in her as
well as fluff.  Thus when Geraldine sent her the manuscript of her
first novel, Zoe, Mrs. Carlyle bestirred herself to find a
publisher ("for", she wrote, "what is to become of her when she is
old without ties, without purposes?") and with surprising success.
Chapman & Hall at once agreed to publish the book, which, their
reader reported, "had taken hold of him with a grasp of iron".  The
book had been long on the way.  Mrs. Carlyle herself had been
consulted at various stages of its career.  She had read the first
sketch "with a feeling little short of terror!  So much power of
genius rushing so recklessly into unknown space."  But she had also
been deeply impressed.


Geraldine in particular shows herself here a far more profound and
daring speculator than ever I had fancied her.  I do not believe
there is a woman alive at the present day, not even Georges Sand
herself, that could have written some of the best passages in this
book . . . but they must not publish it--decency forbids!


There was, Mrs. Carlyle complained, an indecency or "want of
reserve in the spiritual department", which no respectable public
would stand.  Presumably Geraldine consented to make alterations,
though she confessed that she "had no vocation for propriety as
such"; the book was rewritten, and it appeared at last in February
1845.  The usual buzz and conflict of opinion at once arose.  Some
were enthusiastic, others were shocked.  The "old and young roués
of the Reform Club almost go off into hysterics over--its
INDECENCY".  The publisher was a little alarmed; but the scandal
helped the sale, and Geraldine became a lioness.

And now, of course, as one turns the pages of the three little
yellowish volumes, one wonders what reason there was for approval
or disapproval, what spasm of indignation or admiration scored that
pencil mark, what mysterious emotion pressed violets, now black as
ink, between the pages of the love scenes.  Chapter after chapter
glides amiably, fluently past.  In a kind of haze we catch glimpses
of an illegitimate girl called Zoe; of an enigmatic Roman Catholic
priest called Everhard; of a castle in the country; of ladies
lying on sky-blue sofas; of gentlemen reading aloud; of girls
embroidering hearts in silk.  There is a conflagration.  There is
an embrace in a wood.  There is incessant conversation.  There is a
moment of terrific emotion when the priest exclaims, "Would that I
had never been born!" and proceeds to sweep a letter from the Pope
asking him to edit a translation of the principal works of the
Fathers of the first four centuries and a parcel containing a gold
chain from the University of Göttingen into a drawer because Zoe
has shaken his faith.  But what indecency there was pungent enough
to shock the roués of the Reform Club, what genius there was
brilliant enough to impress the shrewd intellect of Mrs. Carlyle,
it is impossible to guess.  Colours that were fresh as roses eighty
years ago have faded to a feeble pink; nothing remains of all those
scents and savours but a faint perfume of faded violets, of stale
hair-oil, we know not which.  What miracles, we exclaim, are within
the power of a few years to accomplish!  But even as we exclaim, we
see, far away, a trace perhaps of what they meant.  The passion, in
so far as it issues from the lips of living people, is completely
spent.  The Zoes, the Clothildes, the Everhards moulder on their
perches; but, nevertheless, there is somebody in the room with
them; an irresponsible spirit, a daring and agile woman, if one
considers that she is cumbered with crinoline and stays; an absurd
sentimental creature, languishing, expatiating, but for all that
still strangely alive.  We catch a sentence now and then rapped out
boldly, a thought subtly conceived.  "How much better to do right
without religion!"  "Oh! if they really believed all they preach,
how would any priest or preacher be able to sleep in his bed!"
"Weakness is the only state for which there is no hope."  "To love
rightly is the highest morality of which mankind is capable."  Then
how she hated the "compacted, plausible theories of men"!  And what
is life?  For what end was it given us?  Such questions, such
convictions, still hurtle past the heads of the stuffed figures
mouldering on their perches.  They are dead, but Geraldine Jewsbury
herself still survives, independent, courageous, absurd, writing
page after page without stopping to correct, and coming out with
her views upon love, morality, religion, and the relations of the
sexes, whoever may be within hearing, with a cigar between her
lips.

Some time before the publication of Zoe, Mrs. Carlyle had
forgotten, or overcome, her irritation with Geraldine, partly
because she had worked so zealously in the cause of the Mudies,
partly also because by Geraldine's painstaking she was "almost
over-persuaded back into my old illusion that she has some sort of
strange, passionate . . . incomprehensible ATTRACTION towards me".
Not only was she drawn back into correspondence--after all her vows
to the contrary she again stayed under the same roof with
Geraldine, at Seaforth House near Liverpool, in July 1844.  Not
many days had passed before Mrs. Carlyle's "illusion" about the
strength of Geraldine's affection for her proved to be no illusion
but a monstrous fact.  One morning there was some slight tiff
between them: Geraldine sulked all day; at night Geraldine came to
Mrs. Carlyle's bedroom and made a scene which was "a revelation to
me, not only of Geraldine, but of human nature!  Such mad, lover-
like jealousy on the part of one woman towards another it had never
entered into my heart to conceive."  Mrs. Carlyle was angry and
outraged and contemptuous.  She saved up a full account of the
scene to entertain her husband with.  A few days later she turned
upon Geraldine in public and sent the whole company into fits of
laughter by saying, "I wondered she should expect me to behave
decently to her after she had for a whole evening been making love
before my very face to ANOTHER MAN!"  The trouncing must have been
severe, the humiliation painful.  But Geraldine was incorrigible.
A year later she was again sulking and raging and declaring that
she had a right to rage because "she loves me better than all the
rest of the world"; and Mrs. Carlyle was getting up and saying,
"Geraldine, until you can behave like a gentlewoman . . ." and
leaving the room.  And again there were tears and apologies and
promises to reform.

Yet though Mrs. Carlyle scolded and jeered, though they were
estranged, and though for a time they ceased to write to each
other, still they always came together again.  Geraldine, it is
abundantly clear, felt that Jane was in every way wiser, better,
stronger than she was.  She depended on Jane.  She needed Jane to
keep her out of scrapes; for Jane never got into scrapes herself.
But though Jane was so much wiser and cleverer than Geraldine,
there were times when the foolish and irresponsible one of the two
became the counsellor.  Why, she asked, waste your time in mending
old clothes?  Why not work at something that will really employ
your energies?  Write, she advised her.  For Jane, who was so
profound, so far-seeing, could, Geraldine was convinced, write
something that would help women in "their very complicated duties
and difficulties".  She owed a duty to her sex.  But, the bold
woman proceeded, "do not go to Mr. Carlyle for sympathy, do not let
him dash you with cold water.  You must respect your own work, and
your own motives"--a piece of advice that Jane, who was afraid to
accept the dedication of Geraldine's new novel The Half Sisters,
lest Mr. Carlyle might object, would have done well to follow.  The
little creature was in some ways the bolder and the more
independent of the two.

She had, moreover, a quality that Jane with all her brilliancy
lacked--an element of poetry, a trace of the speculative
imagination.  She browsed upon old books and copied out romantic
passages about the palm trees and cinnamon of Arabia and sent them
to lie, incongruously enough, upon the breakfast table in Cheyne
Row.  Jane's genius, of course, was the very opposite; it was
positive, direct, and practical.  Her imagination concentrated
itself upon people.  Her letters owe their incomparable brilliancy
to the hawk-like swoop and descent of her mind upon facts.  Nothing
escapes her.  She sees through clear water down to the rocks at the
bottom.  But the intangible eluded her; she dismissed the poetry of
Keats with a sneer; something of the narrowness and something of
the prudery of a Scottish country doctors daughter clung to her.
Though infinitely the less masterly, Geraldine was sometimes the
broader minded.

Such sympathies and antipathies bound the two women together with
an elasticity that made for permanence.  The tie between them could
stretch and stretch indefinitely without breaking.  Jane knew the
extent of Geraldine's folly; Geraldine had felt the full lash of
Jane's tongue.  They had learnt to tolerate each other.  Naturally,
they quarrelled again; but their quarrels were different now; they
were quarrels that were bound to be made up.  And when after her
brother's marriage in 1854 Geraldine moved to London, it was to be
near Mrs. Carlyle at Mrs. Carlyle's own wish.  The woman who in
1843 would never be a friend of hers again was now the most
intimate friend she had in the world.  She was to lodge two streets
off; and perhaps two streets off was the right space to put between
them.  The emotional friendship was full of misunderstandings at a
distance; it was intolerably exacting under the same roof.  But
when they lived round the corner their relationship broadened and
simplified; it became a natural intercourse whose ruffles and whose
calms were based upon the depths of intimacy.  They went about
together.  They went to hear The Messiah; and, characteristically,
Geraldine wept at the beauty of the music and Jane had much ado to
prevent herself from shaking Geraldine for crying and from crying
herself at the ugliness of the chorus women.  They went to Norwood
for a jaunt, and Geraldine left a silk handkerchief and an
aluminium brooch ("a love token from Mr. Barlow") in the hotel and
a new silk parasol in the waiting-room.  Also Jane noted with
sardonic satisfaction that Geraldine, in an attempt at economy,
bought two second-class tickets, while the cost of a return ticket
first class was precisely the same.

Meanwhile Geraldine lay on the floor and generalised and speculated
and tried to formulate some theory of life from her own tumultuous
experience.  "How loathsome" (her language was always apt to be
strong--she knew that she "sinned against Jane's notions of good
taste" very often), how loathsome the position of women was in many
ways!  How she herself had been crippled and stunted!  How her
blood boiled in her at the power that men had over women!  She
would like to kick certain gentlemen--"the lying hypocritical
beggars!  Well, it's no good swearing--only, I am angry and it
eases my mind."

And then her thoughts turned to Jane and herself and to the
brilliant gifts--at any rate, Jane had brilliant gifts--which had
borne so little visible result.  Nevertheless, except when she was
ill,


I do not think that either you or I are to be called failures.  We
are indications of a development of womanhood which as yet is not
recognised.  It has, so far, no ready-made channels to run in, but
still we have looked and tried, and found that the present rules
for women will not hold us--that something better and stronger is
needed. . . .  There are women to come after us, who will approach
nearer the fullness of the measure of the stature of a woman's
nature.  I regard myself as a mere faint indication, a rudiment of
the idea, of certain higher qualities and possibilities that lie in
women, and all the eccentricities and mistakes and miseries and
absurdities I have made are only the consequences of an imperfect
formation, an immature growth.


So she theorised, so she speculated; and Mrs. Carlyle listened, and
laughed, and contradicted, no doubt, but with more of sympathy than
of derision: she could have wished that Geraldine were more
precise; she could have wished her to moderate her language.
Carlyle might come in at any moment; and if there was one creature
that Carlyle hated, it was a strong-minded woman of the George Sand
species.  Yet she could not deny that there was an element of truth
in what Geraldine said; she had always thought that Geraldine "was
born to spoil a horn or make a spoon".  Geraldine was no fool in
spite of appearances.

But what Geraldine thought and said; how she spent her mornings;
what she did in the long evenings of the London winter--all, in
fact, that constituted her life at Markham Square--is but slightly
and doubtfully known to us.  For, fittingly enough, the bright
light of Jane extinguished the paler and more flickering fire of
Geraldine.  She had no need to write to Jane any more.  She was in
and out of the house--now writing a letter for Jane because Jane's
fingers were swollen, now taking a letter to the post and
forgetting, like the scatter-brained romantic creature she was, to
post it.  A crooning domestic sound like the purring of a kitten or
the humming of a tea-kettle seems to rise, as we turn the pages of
Mrs. Carlyle's letters, from the intercourse of the two
incompatible but deeply attached women.  So the years passed.  At
length, on Saturday, 21st April 1866, Geraldine was to help Jane
with a tea-party.  Mr. Carlyle was in Scotland, and Mrs. Carlyle
hoped to get through some necessary civilities to admirers in his
absence.  Geraldine was actually dressing for the occasion when Mr.
Froude appeared suddenly at her house.  He had just had a message
from Cheyne Row to say that "something had happened to Mrs.
Carlyle".  Geraldine flung on her cloak.  They hastened together to
St. George's Hospital.  There, writes Froude, they saw Mrs.
Carlyle, beautifully dressed as usual,


as if she had sat upon the bed after leaving the brougham, and had
fallen back upon it asleep. . . .  The brilliant mockery, the sad
softness with which the mockery alternated, both were alike gone.
The features lay composed in a stern majestic calm. . . .
[Geraldine] could not speak.


Nor indeed can we break that silence.  It deepened.  It became
complete.  Soon after Jane's death she went to live at Sevenoaks.
She lived there alone for twenty-two years.  It is said that she
lost her vivacity.  She wrote no more books.  Cancer attacked her
and she suffered much.  On her deathbed she began tearing up Jane's
letters, as Jane had wished, and she had destroyed all but one
before she died.  Thus, just as her life began in obscurity, so it
ended in obscurity.  We know her well only for a few years in the
middle.  But let us not be too sanguine about "knowing her well".
Intimacy is a difficult art, as Geraldine herself reminds us.


Oh, my dear [she wrote to Mrs. Carlyle], if you and I are drowned,
or die, what would become of us if any superior person were to go
and write our "life and errors"?  What a precious mess a "truthful
person" would go and make of us, and how very different to what we
really are or were!


The echo of her mockery, ungrammatical, colloquial, but as usual
with the ring of truth in it, reaches us from where she lies in
Lady Morgan's vault in the Brompton cemetery.




"AURORA LEIGH"


By one of those ironies of fashion that might have amused the
Brownings themselves, it seems likely that they are now far better
known in the flesh than they have ever been in the spirit.
Passionate lovers, in curls and side-whiskers, oppressed, defiant,
eloping--in this guise thousands of people must know and love the
Brownings who have never read a line of their poetry.  They have
become two of the most conspicuous figures in that bright and
animated company of authors who, thanks to our modern habit
of writing memoirs and printing letters and sitting to be
photographed, live in the flesh, not merely as of old in the word;
are known by their hats, not merely by their poems.  What damage
the art of photography has inflicted upon the art of literature has
yet to be reckoned.  How far we are going to read a poet when we
can read about a poet is a problem to lay before biographers.
Meanwhile, nobody can deny the power of the Brownings to excite our
sympathy and rouse our interest.  "Lady Geraldine's Courtship" is
glanced at perhaps by two professors in American universities once
a year; but we all know how Miss Barrett lay on her sofa; how she
escaped from the dark house in Wimpole Street one September
morning; how she met health and happiness, freedom, and Robert
Browning in the church round the corner.

But fate has not been kind to Mrs. Browning as a writer.  Nobody
reads her, nobody discusses her, nobody troubles to put her in her
place.  One has only to compare her reputation with Christina
Rossetti's to trace her decline.  Christina Rossetti mounts
irresistibly to the first place among English women poets.
Elizabeth, so much more loudly applauded during her lifetime, falls
farther and farther behind.  The primers dismiss her with
contumely.  Her importance, they say, "has now become merely
historical.  Neither education nor association with her husband
ever succeeded in teaching her the value of words and a sense of
form."  In short, the only place in the mansion of literature that
is assigned her is downstairs in the servants' quarters, where, in
company with Mrs. Hemans, Eliza Cook, Jean Ingelow, Alexander
Smith, Edwin Arnold, and Robert Montgomery, she bangs the crockery
about and eats vast handfuls of peas on the point of her knife.

If, therefore, we take Aurora Leigh from the shelf it is not so
much in order to read it as to muse with kindly condescension over
this token of bygone fashion, as we toy with the fringes of our
grandmothers' mantles and muse over the alabaster models of the Taj
Mahal which once adorned their drawing-room tables.  But to the
Victorians, undoubtedly, the book was very dear.  Thirteen editions
of Aurora Leigh had been demanded by the year 1873.  And, to judge
from the dedication, Mrs. Browning herself was not afraid to say
that she set great store by it--"the most mature of my works", she
calls it, "and the one into which my highest convictions upon Life
and Art have entered".  Her letters show that she had had the book
in mind for many years.  She was brooding over it when she first
met Browning, and her intention with regard to it forms almost the
first of those confidences about their work which the lovers
delighted to share.


. . . my chief INTENTION [she wrote] just now is the writing of a
sort of novel-poem . . . running into the midst of our conventions,
and rushing into drawing-rooms and the like, "where angels fear to
tread"; and so, meeting face to face and without mask the Humanity
of the age, and speaking the truth of it out plainly.  That is my
intention.


But for reasons which later become clear, she hoarded her intention
throughout the ten astonishing years of escape and happiness; and
when at last the book appeared in 1856 she might well feel that she
had poured into it the best that she had to give.  Perhaps the
hoarding and the saturation which resulted have something to do
with the surprise that awaits us.  At any rate we cannot read the
first twenty pages of Aurora Leigh without becoming aware that the
Ancient Mariner who lingers, for unknown reasons, at the porch of
one book and not of another has us by the hand, and makes us listen
like a three years' child while Mrs. Browning pours out in nine
volumes of blank verse the story of Aurora Leigh.  Speed and
energy, forthrightness and complete self-confidence--these are the
qualities that hold us enthralled.  Floated off our feet by them,
we learn how Aurora was the child of an Italian mother "whose rare
blue eyes were shut from seeing her when she was scarcely four
years old".  Her father was "an austere Englishman, Who, after a
dry lifetime spent at home in college-learning, law and parish
talk, Was flooded with a passion unaware", but died too, and the
child was sent back to England to be brought up by an aunt.  The
aunt, of the well-known family of the Leighs, stood upon the hall
step of her country house dressed in black to welcome her.  Her
somewhat narrow forehead was braided tight with brown hair pricked
with gray; she had a close, mild mouth; eyes of no colour; and
cheeks like roses pressed in books, "Kept more for ruth than
pleasure,--if past bloom, Past fading also".  The lady had lived a
quiet life, exercising her Christian gifts upon knitting stockings
and stitching petticoats "because we are of one flesh, after all,
and need one flannel".  At her hand Aurora suffered the education
that was thought proper for women.  She learnt a little French, a
little algebra; the internal laws of the Burmese empire; what
navigable river joins itself to Lara; what census of the year five
was taken at Klagenfurt; also how to draw nereids neatly draped, to
spin glass, to stuff birds, and model flowers in wax.  For the aunt
liked a woman to be womanly.  Of an evening she did cross-stitch
and, owing to some mistake in her choice of silk, once embroidered
a shepherdess with pink eyes.  Under this torture of women's
education, the passionate Aurora exclaimed, certain women have
died; others pine; a few who have, as Aurora had, "relations with
the unseen", survive and walk demurely, and are civil to their
cousins and listen to the vicar and pour out tea.  Aurora herself
was blessed with a little room.  It was green-papered, had a green
carpet and there were green curtains to the bed, as if to match the
insipid greenery of the English countryside.  There she retired;
there she read.  "I had found the secret of a garret room Piled
high with cases in my father's name, Piled high, packed large,
where, creeping in and out . . . like some small nimble mouse
between the ribs of a mastodon" she read and read.  The mouse
indeed (it is the way with Mrs. Browning's mice) took wings and
soared, for "It is rather when We gloriously forget ourselves and
plunge Soul-forward, headlong, into a book's profound, Impassioned
for its beauty and salt of truth--'Tis then we get the right good
from a book".  And so she read and read, until her cousin Romney
called to walk with her, or the painter Vincent Carrington, "whom
men judge hardly as bee-bonneted Because he holds that paint a body
well you paint a soul by implication", tapped on the window.

This hasty abstract of the first volume of Aurora Leigh does it of
course no sort of justice; but having gulped down the original much
as Aurora herself advises, soul-forward, headlong, we find
ourselves in a state where some attempt at the ordering of our
multitudinous impressions becomes imperative.  The first of these
impressions and the most pervasive is the sense of the writer's
presence.  Through the voice of Aurora the character, the
circumstances, the idiosyncrasies of Elizabeth Barrett Browning
ring in our ears.  Mrs. Browning could no more conceal herself than
she could control herself, a sign no doubt of imperfection in an
artist, but a sign also that life has impinged upon art more than
life should.  Again and again in the pages we have read, Aurora the
fictitious seems to be throwing light upon Elizabeth the actual.
The idea of the poem, we must remember, came to her in the early
forties when the connexion between a woman's art and a woman's life
was unnaturally close, so that it is impossible for the most
austere of critics not sometimes to touch the flesh when his eyes
should be fixed upon the page.  And as everybody knows, the life of
Elizabeth Barrett was of a nature to affect the most authentic and
individual of gifts.  Her mother had died when she was a child; she
had read profusely and privately; her favourite brother was
drowned; her health broke down; she had been immured by the tyranny
of her father in almost conventual seclusion in a bedroom in
Wimpole Street.  But instead of rehearsing the well-known facts, it
is better to read in her own words her own account of the effect
they had upon her.


I have lived only inwardly [she wrote] or with SORROW, for a strong
emotion.  Before this seclusion of my illness, I was secluded
still, and there are few of the youngest women in the world who
have not seen more, heard more, known more, of society, than I, who
am scarcely to be called young now.  I grew up in the country--I
had no social opportunities, had my heart in books and poetry, and
my experience in reveries.  And so time passed and passed--and
afterwards, when my illness came . . . and no prospect (as appeared
at one time) of ever passing the threshold of one room again; why
then, I turned to thinking with some bitterness . . . that I had
stood blind in this temple I was about to leave--that I had seen no
Human nature, that my brothers and sisters of the earth were NAMES
to me, that I had beheld no great mountain or river, nothing in
fact. . . .  And do you also know what a disadvantage this
ignorance is to my art?  Why, if I live on and yet do not escape
from this seclusion, do you not perceive that I labour under signal
disadvantages--that I am, in a manner as a BLIND POET?  Certainly,
there is compensation to a degree.  I have had much of the inner
life, and from the habit of self-consciousness and self-analysis, I
make great guesses at Human nature in the main.  But how willingly
I would as a poet exchange some of this lumbering, ponderous,
helpless knowledge of books, for some experience of life and man,
for some . . .


She breaks off, with three little dots, and we may take advantage
of her pause to turn once more to Aurora Leigh.

What damage had her life done her as a poet?  A great one, we
cannot deny.  For it is clear, as we turn the pages of Aurora Leigh
or of the Letters--one often echoes the other--that the mind which
found its natural expression in this swift and chaotic poem about
real men and women was not the mind to profit by solitude.  A
lyrical, a scholarly, a fastidious mind might have used seclusion
and solitude to perfect its powers.  Tennyson asked no better than
to live with books in the heart of the country.  But the mind of
Elizabeth Barrett was lively and secular and satirical.  She was no
scholar.  Books were to her not an end in themselves but a
substitute for living.  She raced through folios because she was
forbidden to scamper on the grass.  She wrestled with Aeschylus and
Plato because it was out of the question that she should argue
about politics with live men and women.  Her favourite reading as
an invalid was Balzac and George Sand and other "immortal
improprieties" because "they kept the colour in my life to some
degree".  Nothing is more striking when at last she broke the
prison bars than the fervour with which she flung herself into the
life of the moment.  She loved to sit in a café and watch people
passing; she loved the arguments, the politics, and the strife of
the modern world.  The past and its ruins, even the past of Italy
and Italian ruins, interested her much less than the theories of
Mr. Hume the medium, or the politics of Napoleon, Emperor of the
French.  Italian pictures, Greek poetry, roused in her a clumsy and
conventional enthusiasm in strange contrast with the original
independence of her mind when it applied itself to actual facts.

Such being her natural bent, it is not surprising that even in the
depths of her sick-room her mind turned to modern life as a subject
for poetry.  She waited, wisely, until her escape had given her
some measure of knowledge and proportion.  But it cannot be doubted
that the long years of seclusion had done her irreparable damage as
an artist.  She had lived shut off, guessing at what was outside,
and inevitably magnifying what was within.  The loss of Flush, the
spaniel, affected her as the loss of a child might have affected
another woman.  The tap of ivy on the pane became the thrash of
trees in a gale.  Every sound was enlarged, every incident
exaggerated, for the silence of the sick-room was profound and the
monotony of Wimpole Street was intense.  When at last she was able
to "rush into drawing-rooms and the like and meet face to face
without mask the Humanity of the age and speak the truth of it out
plainly", she was too weak to stand the shock.  Ordinary daylight,
current gossip, the usual traffic of human beings left her
exhausted, ecstatic, and dazzled into a state where she saw so much
and felt so much that she did not altogether know what she felt or
what she saw.

Aurora Leigh, the novel-poem, is not, therefore, the masterpiece
that it might have been.  Rather it is a masterpiece in embryo; a
work whose genius floats diffused and fluctuating in some pre-natal
stage waiting the final stroke of creative power to bring it into
being.  Stimulating and boring, ungainly and eloquent, monstrous
and exquisite, all by turns, it overwhelms and bewilders; but,
nevertheless, it still commands our interest and inspires our
respect.  For it becomes clear as we read that, whatever Mrs.
Browning's faults, she was one of those rare writers who risk
themselves adventurously and disinterestedly in an imaginative life
which is independent of their private lives and demands to be
considered apart from personalities.  Her "intention" survives; the
interest of her theory redeems much that is faulty in her practice.
Abridged and simplified from Aurora's argument in the fifth book,
that theory runs something like this.  The true work of poets, she
said, is to present their own age, not Charlemagne's.  More passion
takes place in drawing-rooms than at Roncesvalles with Roland and
his knights.  "To flinch from modern varnish, coat or flounce, Cry
out for togas and the picturesque, Is fatal--foolish too."  For
living art presents and records real life, and the only life we can
truly know is our own.  But what form, she asks, can a poem on
modern life take?  The drama is impossible, for only servile and
docile plays have any chance of success.  Moreover, what we (in
1846) have to say about life is not fit for "boards, actors,
prompters, gaslight, and costume; our stage is now the soul
itself".  What then can she do?  The problem is difficult,
performance is bound to fall short of endeavour; but she has at
least wrung her life-blood on to every page of her book, and, for
the rest "Let me think of forms less, and the external.  Trust the
spirit . . . Keep up the fire and leave the generous flames to
shape themselves."  And so the fire blazed and the flames leapt
high.

The desire to deal with modern life in poetry was not confined to
Miss Barrett.  Robert Browning said that he had had the same
ambition all his life.  Coventry Patmore's "Angel in the House" and
Clough's "Bothie" were both attempts of the same kind and preceded
Aurora Leigh by some years.  It was natural enough.  The novelists
were dealing triumphantly with modern life in prose.  Jane Eyre,
Vanity Fair, David Copperfield, Richard Feverel all trod fast on
each other's heels between the years 1847 and 1860.  The poets may
well have felt, with Aurora Leigh, that modern life had an
intensity and a meaning of its own.  Why should these spoils fall
solely into the laps of the prose writers?  Why should the poet be
forced back to the remoteness of Charlemagne and Roland, to the
toga and the picturesque, when the humours and tragedies of village
life, drawing-room life, club life, and street life all cried aloud
for celebration?  It was true that the old form in which poetry had
dealt with life--the drama--was obsolete; but was there none other
that could take its place?  Mrs. Browning, convinced of the
divinity of poetry, pondered, seized as much as she could of actual
experience, and then at last threw down her challenge to the
Brontës and the Thackerays in nine books of blank verse.  It was in
blank verse that she sang of Shoreditch and Kensington; of my aunt
and the vicar; of Romney Leigh and Vincent Carrington; of Marian
Erle and Lord Howe; of fashionable weddings and drab suburban
streets, and bonnets and whiskers and four-wheeled cabs, and
railway trains.  The poets can treat of these things, she
exclaimed, as well as of knights and dames, moats and drawbridges
and castle courts.  But can they?  Let us see what happens to a
poet when he poaches upon a novelist's preserves and gives us not
an epic or a lyric but the story of many lives that move and change
and are inspired by the interests and passions that are ours in the
middle of the reign of Queen Victoria.

In the first place there is the story; a tale has to be told; the
poet must somehow convey to us the necessary information that his
hero has been asked out to dinner.  This is a statement that a
novelist would convey as quietly and prosaically as possible; for
example, "While I was kissing her glove, sadly enough, a note was
brought saying that her father sent his regards and asked me to
dine with them next day".  That is harmless.  But the poet has to
write:


     While thus I grieved, and kissed her glove,
     My man brought in her note to say,
     Papa had bid her send his love,
     And would I dine with them next day!


Which is absurd.  The simple words have been made to strut and
posture and take on an emphasis which makes them ridiculous.  Then
again, what will the poet do with dialogue?  In modern life, as
Mrs. Browning indicated when she said that our stage is now the
soul, the tongue has superseded the sword.  It is in talk that the
high moments of life, the shock of character upon character, are
defined.  But poetry when it tries to follow the words on people's
lips is terribly impeded.  Listen to Romney in a moment of high
emotion talking to his old love Marian about the baby she has borne
to another man:


     May God so father me, as I do him,
     And so forsake me, as I let him feel
     He's orphaned haply.  Here I take the child
     To share my cup, to slumber on my knee,
     To play his loudest gambol at my foot,
     To hold my finger in the public ways . . .


and so on.  Romney, in short, rants and reels like any of those
Elizabethan heroes whom Mrs. Browning had warned so imperiously out
of her modern living-room.  Blank verse has proved itself the most
remorseless enemy of living speech.  Talk tossed up on the surge
and swing of the verse becomes high, rhetorical, impassioned; and
as talk, since action is ruled out, must go on and on, the reader's
mind stiffens and glazes under the monotony of the rhythm.
Following the lilt of her rhythm rather than the emotions of her
characters, Mrs. Browning is swept on into generalization and
declamation.  Forced by the nature of her medium, she ignores the
slighter, the subtler, the more hidden shades of emotion by which a
novelist builds up touch by touch a character in prose.  Change and
development, the effect of one character upon another--all this is
abandoned.  The poem becomes one long soliloquy, and the only
character that is known to us and the only story that is told us
are the character and story of Aurora Leigh herself.

Thus, if Mrs. Browning meant by a novel-poem a book in which
character is closely and subtly revealed, the relations of many
hearts laid bare, and a story unfalteringly unfolded, she failed
completely.  But if she meant rather to give us a sense of life in
general, of people who are unmistakably Victorian, wrestling with
the problems of their own time, all brightened, intensified, and
compacted by the fire of poetry, she succeeded.  Aurora Leigh, with
her passionate interest in social questions, her conflict as artist
and woman, her longing for knowledge and freedom, is the true
daughter of her age.  Romney, too, is no less certainly a mid-
Victorian gentleman of high ideals who has thought deeply about the
social question, and has founded, unfortunately, a phalanstery in
Shropshire.  The aunt, the antimacassars, and the country house
from which Aurora escapes are real enough to fetch high prices in
the Tottenham Court Road at this moment.  The broader aspects of
what it felt like to be a Victorian are seized as surely and
stamped as vividly upon us as in any novel by Trollope or Mrs.
Gaskell.

And indeed if we compare the prose novel and the novel-poem the
triumphs are by no means all to the credit of prose.  As we rush
through page after page of narrative in which a dozen scenes that
the novelist would smooth out separately are pressed into one, in
which pages of deliberate description are fused into a single line,
we cannot help feeling that the poet has outpaced the prose writer.
Her page is packed twice as full as his.  Characters, too, if they
are not shown in conflict but snipped off and summed up with
something of the exaggeration of a caricaturist, have a heightened
and symbolical significance which prose with its gradual approach
cannot rival.  The general aspect of things--market, sunset,
church--have a brilliance and a continuity, owing to the
compressions and elisions of poetry, which mock the prose writer
and his slow accumulations of careful detail.  For these reasons
Aurora Leigh remains, with all its imperfections, a book that still
lives and breathes and has its being.  And when we think how still
and cold the plays of Beddoes or of Sir Henry Taylor lie, in spite
of all their beauty, and how seldom in our own day we disturb the
repose of the classical dramas of Robert Bridges, we may suspect
that Elizabeth Barrett was inspired by a flash of true genius when
she rushed into the drawing-room and said that here, where we live
and work, is the true place for the poet.  At any rate, her courage
was justified in her own case.  Her bad taste, her tortured
ingenuity, her floundering, scrambling, and confused impetuosity
have space to spend themselves here without inflicting a deadly
wound, while her ardour and abundance, her brilliant descriptive
powers, her shrewd and caustic humour, infect us with her own
enthusiasm.  We laugh, we protest, we complain--it is absurd, it is
impossible, we cannot tolerate this exaggeration a moment longer--
but, nevertheless, we read to the end enthralled.  What more can an
author ask?  But the best compliment that we can pay Aurora Leigh
is that it makes us wonder why it has left no successors.  Surely
the street, the drawing-room, are promising subjects; modern life
is worthy of the muse.  But the rapid sketch that Elizabeth Barrett
Browning threw off when she leapt from her couch and dashed into
the drawing-room remains unfinished.  The conservatism or the
timidity of poets still leaves the chief spoils of modern life to
the novelist.  We have no novel-poem of the age of George the
Fifth.



THE NIECE OF AN EARL


There is an aspect of fiction of so delicate a nature that less has
been said about it than its importance deserves.  One is supposed
to pass over class distinctions in silence; one person is supposed
to be as well born as another; and yet English fiction is so
steeped in the ups and downs of social rank that without them it
would be unrecognizable.  When Meredith, in The Case of General
Ople and Lady Camper, remarks, "He sent word that he would wait on
Lady Camper immediately, and betook himself forthwith to his
toilette.  She was the niece of an Earl", all of British blood
accept the statement unhesitatingly, and know that Meredith is
right.  A General in those circumstances would certainly have given
his coat an extra brush.  For though the General might have been,
we are given to understand that he was not, Lady Camper's social
equal.  He received the shock of her rank upon a naked surface.  No
earldom, baronetage, or knighthood protected him.  He was an
English gentleman merely, and a poor one at that.  Therefore, to
British readers even now it seems unquestionably fitting that he
should "betake himself to his toilette" before appearing in the
lady's presence.

It is useless to suppose that social distinctions have vanished.
Each may pretend that he knows no such restrictions, and that the
compartment in which he lives allows him the run of the world.  But
it is an illusion.  The idlest stroller down summer streets may see
for himself the charwoman's shawl shouldering its way among the
silk wraps of the successful; he sees shop-girls pressing their
noses against the plate glass of motor-cars; he sees radiant youth
and august age waiting their summons within to be admitted to the
presence of King George.  There is no animosity, perhaps, but there
is no communication.  We are enclosed, and separate, and cut off.
Directly we see ourselves in the looking-glass of fiction we know
that this is so.  The novelist, and the English novelist in
particular, knows and delights, it seems, to know that Society is a
nest of glass boxes one separate from another, each housing a group
with special habits and qualities of its own.  He knows that there
are Earls and that Earls have nieces; he knows that there are
Generals and that Generals brush their coats before they visit the
nieces of Earls.  But this is only the ABC of what he knows.  For
in a few short pages, Meredith makes us aware not only that Earls
have nieces, but that Generals have cousins; that the cousins have
friends; that the friends have cooks; that the cooks have husbands,
and that the husbands of the cooks of the friends of the cousins of
the Generals are carpenters.  Each of these people lives in a glass
box of his own, and has peculiarities of which the novelist must
take account.  What appears superficially to be the vast equality
of the middle classes is, in truth, nothing of the sort.  All
through the social mass run curious veins and streakings separating
man from man and woman from woman; mysterious prerogatives and
disabilities too ethereal to be distinguished by anything so crude
as a title impede and disorder the great business of human
intercourse.  And when we have threaded our way carefully through
all these grades from the niece of the Earl to the friend of the
cousin of the General, we are still faced with an abyss; a gulf
yawns before us; on the other side are the working classes.  The
writer of perfect judgement and taste, like Jane Austen, does no
more than glance across the gulf; she restricts herself to her own
special class and finds infinite shades within it.  But for the
brisk, inquisitive, combative writer like Meredith, the temptation
to explore is irresistible.  He runs up and down the social scale;
he chimes one note against another; he insists that the Earl and
the cook, the General and the farmer shall speak up for themselves
and play their part in the extremely complicated comedy of English
civilized life.

It was natural that he should attempt it.  A writer touched by the
comic spirit relishes these distinctions keenly; they give him
something to take hold of; something to make play with.  English
fiction without the nieces of Earls and the cousins of Generals
would be an arid waste.  It would resemble Russian fiction.  It
would have to fall back upon the immensity of the soul and upon the
brotherhood of man.  Like Russian fiction, it would lack comedy.
But while we realize the immense debt that we owe the Earl's niece
and the General's cousin, we doubt sometimes whether the pleasure
we get from the play of satire on these broken edges is altogether
worth the price we pay.  For the price is a high one.  The strain
upon a novelist is tremendous.  In two short stories Meredith
gallantly attempts to bridge all gulfs, and to take half a dozen
different levels in his stride.  Now he speaks as an Earl's niece;
now as a carpenter's wife.  It cannot be said that his daring is
altogether successful.  One has a feeling (perhaps it is unfounded)
that the blood of the niece of an Earl is not quite so tart and
sharp as he would have it.  Aristocracy is not, perhaps, so
consistently high and brusque and eccentric as, from his angle, he
would represent it.  Yet his great people are more successful than
his humble.  His cooks are too ripe and rotund; his farmers too
ruddy and earthy.  He overdoes the pith and the sap; the fist-
shaking and the thigh-slapping.  He has got too far from them to
write of them with ease.

It seems, therefore, that the novelist, and the English novelist in
particular, suffers from a disability which affects no other artist
to the same extent.  His work is influenced by his birth.  He is
fated to know intimately, and so to describe with understanding,
only those who are of his own social rank.  He cannot escape from
the box in which he has been bred.  A bird's-eye view of fiction
shows us no gentlemen in Dickens; no working men in Thackeray.  One
hesitates to call Jane Eyre a lady.  The Elizabeths and the Emmas
of Miss Austen could not possibly be taken for anything else.  It
is vain to look for dukes or for dustmen--we doubt that such
extremes are to be found anywhere in fiction.  We are, therefore,
brought to the melancholy and tantalizing conclusion not only that
novels are poorer than they might be, but that we are very largely
prevented--for after all, the novelists are the great interpreters--
from knowing what is happening either in the heights of Society or
in its depths.  There is practically no evidence available by which
we can guess at the feelings of the highest in the land.  What does
a King feel?  What does a Duke think?  We cannot say.  For the
highest in the land have seldom written at all, and have never
written about themselves.  We shall never know what the Court of
Louis XIV looked like to Louis XIV himself.  It seems likely indeed
that the English aristocracy will pass out of existence, or be
merged with the common people, without leaving any true picture of
themselves behind.

But our ignorance of the aristocracy is nothing compared with our
ignorance of the working classes.  At all times the great families
of England and France have delighted to have famous men at their
tables, and thus the Thackerays and the Disraelis and the Prousts
have been familiar enough with the cut and fashion of aristocratic
life to write about it with authority.  Unfortunately, however,
life is so framed that literary success invariably means a rise,
never a fall, and seldom, what is far more desirable, a spread in
the social scale.  The rising novelist is never pestered to come to
gin and winkles with the plumber and his wife.  His books never
bring him into touch with the cat's-meat man, or start a
correspondence with the old lady who sells matches and bootlaces by
the gate of the British Museum.  He becomes rich; he becomes
respectable; he buys an evening suit and dines with peers.
Therefore, the later works of successful novelists show, if
anything, a slight rise in the social scale.  We tend to get more
and more portraits of the successful and the distinguished.  On the
other hand, the old rat-catchers and ostlers of Shakespeare's day
are shuffled altogether off the scene, or become, what is far more
offensive, objects of pity, examples of curiosity.  They serve to
show up the rich.  They serve to point the evils of the social
system.  They are no longer, as they used to be when Chaucer wrote,
simply themselves.  For it is impossible, it would seem, for
working men to write in their own language about their own lives.
Such education as the act of writing implies at once makes them
self-conscious, or class-conscious, or removes them from their own
class.  That anonymity, in the shadow of which writers write most
happily, is the prerogative of the middle class alone.  It is from
the middle class that writers spring, because it is in the middle
class only that the practice of writing is as natural and habitual
as hoeing a field or building a house.  Thus it must have been
harder for Byron to be a poet than Keats; and it is as impossible
to imagine that a Duke could be a great novelist as that Paradise
Lost could be written by a man behind a counter.

But things change; class distinctions were not always so hard and
fast as they have now become.  The Elizabethan age was far more
elastic in this respect than our own; we, on the other hand, are
far less hide-bound than the Victorians.  Thus it may well be that
we are on the edge of a greater change than any the world has yet
known.  In another century or so, none of these distinctions may
hold good.  The Duke and the agricultural labourer as we know them
now may have died out as completely as the bustard and the wild
cat.  Only natural differences such as those of brain and character
will serve to distinguish us.  General Ople (if there are still
Generals) will visit the niece (if there are still nieces) of the
Earl (if there are still Earls) without brushing his coat (if there
are still coats).  But what will happen to English fiction when it
has come to pass that there are neither Generals, nieces, Earls,
nor coats, we cannot imagine.  It may change its character so that
we no longer know it.  It may become extinct.  Novels may be
written as seldom and as unsuccessfully by our descendants as the
poetic drama by ourselves.  The art of a truly democratic age will
be--what?




GEORGE GISSING


"Do you know there are men in London who go the round of the
streets selling paraffin oil?" wrote George Gissing in the year
1880, and the phrase because it is Gissing's calls up a world of
fog and four-wheelers, of slatternly landladies, of struggling men
of letters, of gnawing domestic misery, of gloomy back streets, and
ignoble yellow chapels; but also, above this misery, we see tree-
crowned heights, the columns of the Parthenon, and the hills of
Rome.  For Gissing is one of those imperfect novelists through
whose books one sees the life of the author faintly covered by the
lives of fictitious people.  With such writers we establish a
personal rather than an artistic relationship.  We approach them
through their lives as much as through their work, and when we take
up Gissing's letters, which have character, but little wit and no
brilliance to illumine them, we feel that we are filling in a
design which we began to trace out when we read Demos and New Grub
Street and The Nether World.

Yet here, too, there are gaps in plenty, and many dark places left
unlit.  Much information has been kept back, many facts necessarily
omitted.  The Gissings were poor, and their father died when they
were children; there were many of them, and they had to scrape
together what education they could get.  George, his sister said,
had a passion for learning.  He would rush off to school with a
sharp herring bone in his throat for fear of missing his lesson.
He would copy out from a little book called That's It the
astonishing number of eggs that the tench lays and the sole lays
and the carp lays, "because I think it is a fact worthy of
attention".  She remembers his "overwhelming veneration" for
intellect, and how patiently, sitting beside her, the tall boy with
the high white forehead and the short-sighted eyes would help her
with her Latin, "giving the same explanation time after time
without the least sign of impatience".

Partly because he reverenced facts and had no faculty it seems (his
language is meagre and unmetaphorical) for impressions, it is
doubtful whether his choice of a novelist's career was a happy one.
There was the whole world, with its history and its literature,
inviting him to haul it into his mind; he was eager; he was
intellectual; yet he must sit down in hired rooms and spin novels
about "earnest young people striving for improvement in, as it
were, the dawn of a new phase of our civilization".

But the art of fiction is infinitely accommodating, and it was
quite ready about the year 1880 to accept into its ranks a writer
who wished to be the "mouthpiece of the advanced Radical Party",
who was determined to show in his novels the ghastly condition of
the poor and the hideous injustice of society.  The art of fiction
was ready, that is, to agree that such books were novels; but it
was doubtful if such novels would be read.  Smith Elder's reader
summed up the situation tersely enough.  Mr. Gissing's novel, he
wrote, "is too painful to please the ordinary novel reader, and
treats of scenes that can never attract the subscribers to Mr.
Mudie's Library".  So, dining off lentils and hearing the men cry
paraffin for sale in the streets of Islington, Gissing paid for the
publication himself.  It was then that he formed the habit of
getting up at five in the morning in order to tramp half across
London and coach Mr. M. before breakfast.  Often enough Mr. M. sent
down word that he was already engaged, and then another page was
added to the dismal chronicle of life in modern Grub Street--we are
faced by another of those problems with which literature is sown so
thick.  The writer has dined upon lentils; he gets up at five; he
walks across London; he finds Mr. M. still in bed, whereupon he
stands forth as the champion of life as it is, and proclaims that
ugliness is truth, truth ugliness, and that is all we know and all
we need to know.  But there are signs that the novel resents such
treatment.  To use a burning consciousness of one's own misery, of
the shackles that cut one's own limbs, to quicken one's sense of
life in general, as Dickens did, to shape out of the murk which has
surrounded one's childhood some resplendent figure such as Micawber
or Mrs. Gamp, is admirable: but to use personal suffering to rivet
the reader's sympathy and curiosity upon your private case is
disastrous.  Imagination is at its freest when it is most
generalized; it loses something of its sweep and power, it becomes
petty and personal, when it is limited to the consideration of a
particular case calling for sympathy.

At the same time the sympathy which identifies the author with his
hero is a passion of great intensity; it makes the pages fly; it
lends what has perhaps little merit artistically another and
momentarily perhaps a keener edge.  Biffen and Reardon had, we say
to ourselves, bread and butter and sardines for supper; so had
Gissing; Biffen's overcoat had been pawned, and so had Gissing's;
Reardon could not write on Sunday; no more could Gissing.  We
forget whether it was Reardon who loved cats or Gissing who loved
barrel organs.  Certainly both Reardon and Gissing bought their
copies of Gibbon at a second-hand bookstall, and lugged the volumes
home one by one through the fog.  So we go on capping these
resemblances, and each time we succeed, a little glow of
satisfaction comes over us, as if novel-reading were a game of
skill in which the puzzle set us is to find the face of the writer.

We know Gissing thus as we do not know Hardy or George Eliot.
Where the great novelist flows in and out of his characters and
bathes them in an element which seems to be common to us all,
Gissing remains solitary, self-centred, apart.  His is one of those
sharp lights beyond whose edges all is vapour and phantom.  But
mixed with this sharp light is one ray of singular penetration.
With all his narrowness of outlook and meagreness of sensibility,
Gissing is one of the extremely rare novelists who believes in the
power of the mind, who makes his people think.  They are thus
differently poised from the majority of fictitious men and women.
The awful hierarchy of the passions is slightly displaced.  Social
snobbery does not exist; money is desired almost entirely to buy
bread and butter; love itself takes a second place.  But the brain
works, and that alone is enough to give us a sense of freedom.  For
to think is to become complex; it is to overflow boundaries, to
cease to be a "character", to merge one's private life in the life
of politics or art or ideas, to have relationships based partly on
them, and not on sexual desire alone.  The impersonal side of life
is given its due place in the scheme.  "Why don't people write
about the really important things of life?"  Gissing makes one of
his characters exclaim, and at the unexpected cry the horrid burden
of fiction begins to slip from the shoulders.  Is it possible that
we are going to talk of other things besides falling in love,
important though that is, and going to dinner with Duchesses,
fascinating though that is?  Here in Gissing is a gleam of
recognition that Darwin had lived, that science was developing,
that people read books and look at pictures, that once upon a time
there was such a place as Greece.  It is the consciousness of these
things that makes his books such painful reading; it was this that
made it impossible for them to "attract the subscribers to Mr.
Mudie's Library".  They owe their peculiar grimness to the fact
that the people who suffer most are capable of making their
suffering part of a reasoned view of life.  The thought endures
when the feeling has gone.  Their unhappiness represents something
more lasting than a personal reverse; it becomes part of a view of
life.  Hence when we have finished one of Gissing's novels we have
taken away not a character, nor an incident, but the comment of a
thoughtful man upon life as life seemed to him.

But because Gissing was always thinking, he was always changing.
In that lies much of his interest for us.  As a young man he had
thought that he would write books to show up the "hideous injustice
of our whole system of society".  Later his views changed; either
the task was impossible, or other tastes were tugging him in a
different direction.  He came to think, as he believed finally,
that "the only thing known to us of absolute value is artistic
perfection . . . the works of the artist . . . remain sources of
health to the world".  So that if one wishes to better the world
one must, paradoxically enough, withdraw and spend more and more
time fashioning one's sentences to perfection in solitude.
Writing, Gissing thought, is a task of the utmost difficulty;
perhaps at the end of his life he might be able "to manage a page
that is decently grammatical and fairly harmonious".  There are
moments when he succeeded splendidly.  For example, he is
describing a cemetery in the East End of London:


Here on the waste limits of that dread east, to wander among tombs
is to go hand-in-hand with the stark and eyeless emblems of
mortality; the spirit fails beneath the cold burden of ignoble
destiny.  Here lie those who were born for toil; who, when toil has
worn them to the uttermost, have but to yield their useless breath
and pass into oblivion.  For them is no day, only the brief
twilight of a winter's sky between the former and the latter
night.  For them no aspiration; for them no hope of memory in
the dust; their very children are wearied into forgetfulness.
Indistinguishable units in the vast throng that labours but to
support life, the name of each, father, mother, child, is but a
dumb cry for the warmth and love of which fate so stinted them.
The wind wails above their narrow tenements; the sandy soil,
soaking in the rain as soon as it has fallen, is a symbol of the
great world which absorbs their toil and straight way blots their
being.


Again and again such passages of description stand out like stone
slabs, shaped and solid, among the untidy litter with which the
pages of fiction are strewn.

Gissing, indeed, never ceased to educate himself.  While the Baker
Street trains hissed their steam under his window, and the lodger
downstairs blew his room out, and the landlady was insolent, and
the grocer refused to send the sugar so that he had to fetch it
himself, and the fog burnt his throat and he caught cold and never
spoke to anybody for three weeks, yet must drive his pen through
page after page and vacillated miserably from one domestic disaster
to another--while all this went on with a dreary monotony, for
which he could only blame the weakness of his own character, the
columns of the Parthenon, the hills of Rome still rose above the
fogs and the fried-fish shops of the Euston Road.  He was
determined to visit Greece and Rome.  He actually set foot in
Athens; he saw Rome; he read his Thucydides in Sicily before he
died.  Life was changing round him; his comment upon life was
changing too.  Perhaps the old sordidity, the fog and the paraffin,
and the drunken landlady, was not the only reality; ugliness is not
the whole truth; there is an element of beauty in the world.  The
past, with its literature and its civilization, solidifies the
present.  At any rate his books in future were to be about Rome in
the time of Totila, not about Islington in the time of Queen
Victoria.  He was reaching some point in his perpetual thinking
where "one has to distinguish between two forms of intelligence";
one cannot venerate the intellect only.  But before he could mark
down the spot he had reached on the map of thought, he, who had
shared so many of his characters' experiences, shared, too, the
death he had given to Edwin Reardon.  "Patience, patience", he said
to the friend who stood by him as he died--an imperfect novelist,
but a highly educated man.




THE NOVELS OF GEORGE MEREDITH


Twenty years ago* the reputation of George Meredith was at its
height.  His novels had won their way to celebrity through all
sorts of difficulties, and their fame was all the brighter and the
more singular for what it had subdued.  Then, too, it was generally
discovered that the maker of these splendid books was himself a
splendid old man.  Visitors who went down to Box Hill reported that
they were thrilled as they walked up the drive of the little
suburban house by the sound of a voice booming and reverberating
within.  The novelist, seated among the usual knick-knacks of the
drawing-room, was like the bust of Euripides to look at.  Age had
worn and sharpened the fine features, but the nose was still acute,
the blue eyes still keen and ironical.  Though he had sunk immobile
into an arm-chair, his aspect was still vigorous and alert.  It was
true that he was almost stone-deaf, but this was the least of
afflictions to one who was scarcely able to keep pace with the
rapidity of his own ideas.  Since he could not hear what was said
to him, he could give himself wholeheartedly to the delights of
soliloquy.  It did not much matter, perhaps, whether his audience
was cultivated or simple.  Compliments that would have flattered a
duchess were presented with equal ceremony to a child.  To neither
could he speak the simple language of daily life.  But all the time
this highly wrought, artificial conversation, with its crystallized
phrases and its high-piled metaphors, moved and tossed on a current
of laughter.  His laugh curled round his sentences as if he himself
enjoyed their humorous exaggeration.  The master of language was
splashing and diving in his element of words.  So the legend grew;
and the fame of George Meredith, who sat with the head of a Greek
poet on his shoulders in a suburban villa beneath Box Hill, pouring
out poetry and sarcasm and wisdom in a voice that could be heard
almost on the high road, made his fascinating and brilliant books
seem more fascinating and brilliant still.


* Written in January, 1928.


But that is twenty years ago.  His fame as a talker is necessarily
dimmed, and his fame as a writer seems also under a cloud.  On none
of his successors is his influence now marked.  When one of them
whose own work has given him the right to be heard with respect
chances to speak his mind on the subject, it is not flattering.


Meredith [writes Mr. Forster in his Aspects of the Novel] is
not the great name he was twenty years ago. . . .  His philosophy
has not worn well.  His heavy attacks on sentimentality--they
bore the present generation. . . .  When he gets serious and noble-
minded there is a strident overtone, a bullying that becomes
distressing. . . .  What with the faking, what with the preaching,
which was never agreeable and is now said to be hollow, and what
with the home counties posing as the universe, it is no wonder
Meredith now lies in the trough.


The criticism is not, of course, intended to be a finished
estimate; but in its conversational sincerity it condenses
accurately enough what is in the air when Meredith is mentioned.
No, the general conclusion would seem to be, Meredith has not worn
well.  But the value of centenaries lies in the occasion they offer
us for solidifying such airy impressions.  Talk, mixed with half-
rubbed-out memories, forms a mist by degrees through which we
scarcely see plain.  To open the books again, to try to read them
as if for the first time, to try to free them from the rubbish of
reputation and accident--that, perhaps, is the most acceptable
present we can offer to a writer on his hundredth birthday.

And since the first novel is always apt to be an unguarded one,
where the author displays his gifts without knowing how to dispose
of them to the best advantage, we may do well to open Richard
Feverel first.  It needs no great sagacity to see that the writer
is a novice at his task.  The style is extremely uneven.  Now he
twists himself into iron knots; now he lies flat as a pancake.  He
seems to be of two minds as to his intention.  Ironic comment
alternates with long-winded narrative.  He vacillates from one
attitude to another.  Indeed, the whole fabric seems to rock a
little insecurely.  The baronet wrapped in a cloak; the county
family; the ancestral home; the uncles mouthing epigrams in the
dining-room; the great ladies flaunting and swimming; the jolly
farmers slapping their thighs: all liberally if spasmodically
sprinkled with dried aphorisms from a pepper-pot called the
Pilgrim's Scrip--what an odd conglomeration it is!  But the oddity
is not on the surface; it is not merely that whiskers and bonnets
have gone out of fashion: it lies deeper, in Meredith's intention,
in what he wishes to bring to pass.  He has been, it is plain, at
great pains to destroy the conventional form of the novel.  He
makes no attempt to preserve the sober reality of Trollope and Jane
Austen; he has destroyed all the usual staircases by which we have
learnt to climb.  And what is done so deliberately is done with a
purpose.  This defiance of the ordinary, these airs and graces, the
formality of the dialogue with its Sirs and Madams are all there to
create an atmosphere that is unlike that of daily life, to prepare
the way for a new and an original sense of the human scene.
Peacock, from whom Meredith learnt so much, is equally arbitrary,
but the virtue of the assumptions he asks us to make is proved by
the fact that we accept Mr. Skionar and the rest with natural
delight.  Meredith's characters in Richard Feverel, on the other
hand, are at odds with their surroundings.  We at once exclaim how
unreal they are, how artificial, how impossible.  The baronet and
the butler, the hero and the heroine, the good woman and the bad
woman are mere types of baronets and butlers, good women and bad.
For what reason, then, has he sacrificed the substantial advantages
of realistic common sense--the staircase and the stucco?  Because,
it becomes clear as we read, he possessed a keen sense not of the
complexity of character, but of the splendour of a scene.  One
after another in this first book he creates a scene to which we can
attach abstract names--Youth, The Birth of Love, The Power of
Nature.  We are galloped to them over every obstacle on the
pounding hoofs of rhapsodical prose.


Away with Systems!  Away with a corrupt World!  Let us breathe the
air of the Enchanted Island!  Golden lie the meadows; golden run
the streams; red gold is on the pine stems.


We forget that Richard is Richard and that Lucy is Lucy; they are
youth; the world runs molten gold.  The writer is a rhapsodist, a
poet then; but we have not yet exhausted all the elements in this
first novel.  We have to reckon with the author himself.  He has a
mind stuffed with ideas, hungry for argument.  His boys and girls
may spend their time picking daisies in the meadows, but they
breathe, however unconsciously, an air bristling with intellectual
question and comment.  On a dozen occasions these incongruous
elements strain and threaten to break apart.  The book is cracked
through and through with those fissures which come when the author
seems to be of twenty minds at the same time.  Yet it succeeds in
holding miraculously together, not certainly by the depths and
originality of its character drawing but by the vigour of its
intellectual power and by its lyrical intensity.

We are left, then, with our curiosity aroused.  Let him write
another book or two; get into his stride; control his crudities:
and we will open Harry Richmond and see what has happened now.  Of
all the things that might have happened this surely is the
strangest.  All trace of immaturity is gone; but with it every
trace of the uneasy adventurous mind has gone too.  The story bowls
smoothly along the road which Dickens has already trodden of
autobiographical narrative.  It is a boy speaking, a boy thinking,
a boy adventuring.  For that reason, no doubt, the author has
curbed his redundance and pruned his speech.  The style is the most
rapid possible.  It runs smooth, without a kink in it.  Stevenson,
one feels, must have learnt much from this supple narrative, with
its precise adroit phrases, its exact quick glance at visible
things.


Plunged among dark green leaves, smelling wood-smoke, at night; at
morning waking up, and the world alight, and you standing high, and
marking the hills where you will see the next morning and the next,
morning after morning, and one morning the dearest person in the
world surprising you just before you wake: I thought this a
heavenly pleasure.


It goes gallantly, but a little self-consciously.  He hears himself
talking.  Doubts begin to rise and hover and settle at last (as in
Richard Feverel) upon the human figures.  These boys are no more
real boys than the sample apple which is laid on top of the basket
is a real apple.  They are too simple, too gallant, too adventurous
to be of the same unequal breed as David Copperfield, for example.
They are sample boys, novelist's specimens; and again we encounter
the extreme conventionality of Meredith's mind where we found it,
to our surprise, before.  With all his boldness (and there is no
risk that he will not run with probability) there are a dozen
occasions on which a reach-me-down character will satisfy him well
enough.  But just as we are thinking that the young gentlemen are
altogether too pat, and the adventures which befall them altogether
too slick, the shallow bath of illusion closes over our heads and
we sink with Richmond Roy and the Princess Ottilia into the world
of fantasy and romance, where all holds together and we are able to
put our imagination at the writer's service without reserve.  That
such surrender is above all things delightful: that it adds spring-
heels to our boots: that it fires the cold scepticism out of us and
makes the world glow in lucid transparency before our eyes, needs
no showing, as it certainly submits to no analysis.  That Meredith
can induce such moments proves him possessed of an extraordinary
power.  Yet it is a capricious power and highly intermittent.  For
pages all is effort and agony; phrase after phrase is struck and no
light comes.  Then, just as we are about to drop the book, the
rocket roars into the air; the whole scene flashes into light; and
the book, years after, is recalled by that sudden splendour.

If, then, this intermittent brilliancy is Meredith's characteristic
excellence, it is worth while to look into it more closely.  And
perhaps the first thing that we shall discover is that the scenes
which catch the eye and remain in memory are static; they are
illuminations, not discoveries; they do not improve our knowledge
of the characters.  It is significant that Richard and Lucy, Harry
and Ottilia, Clara and Vernon, Beauchamp and Renée are presented in
carefully appropriate surroundings--on board a yacht, under a
flowering cherry tree, upon some river-bank, so that the landscape
always makes part of the emotion.  The sea or the sky or the wood
is brought forward to symbolize what the human beings are feeling
or looking.


The sky was bronze, a vast furnace dome.  The folds of light and
shadow everywhere were satin rich.  That afternoon the bee hummed
of thunder and refreshed the ear.


That is a description of a state of mind.


These winter mornings are divine.  They move on noiselessly.  The
earth is still as if waiting.  A wren warbles, and flits through
the lank, drenched branches; hillside opens green; everywhere is
mist, everywhere expectancy.


That is a description of a woman's face.  But only some states of
mind and some expressions of face can be described in imagery--only
those which are so highly wrought as to be simple and, for that
reason, will not submit to analysis.  This is a limitation; for
though we may be able to see these people, very brilliantly, in a
moment of illumination, they do not change or grow; the light sinks
and leaves us in darkness.  We have no such intuitive knowledge of
Meredith's characters as we have of Stendhal's, Tchekov's, Jane
Austen's.  Indeed, our knowledge of such characters is so intimate
that we can almost dispense with "great scenes" altogether.  Some
of the most emotional scenes in fiction are the quietest.  We have
been wrought upon by nine hundred and ninety-nine little touches;
the thousandth, when it comes, is as slight as the others, but the
effect is prodigious.  But with Meredith there are no touches;
there are hammer-strokes only, so that our knowledge of his
characters is partial, spasmodic, and intermittent.

Meredith, then, is not among the great psychologists who feel their
way, anonymously and patiently, in and out of the fibres of the
mind and make one character differ minutely and completely from
another.  He is among the poets who identify the character with the
passion or with the idea; who symbolize and make abstract.  And
yet--here lay his difficulty perhaps--he was not a poet-novelist
wholly and completely as Emily Brontë was a poet-novelist.  He did
not steep the world in one mood.  His mind was too self-conscious,
and too sophisticated to remain lyrical for long.  He does not sing
only; he dissects.  Even in his most lyrical scenes a sneer curls
its lash round the phrases and laughs at their extravagance.  And
as we read on, we shall find that the comic spirit, when it is
allowed to dominate the scene, licked the world to a very different
shape.  The Egoist at once modifies our theory that Meredith is
pre-eminently the master of great scenes.  Here there is none of
that precipitate hurry that has rushed us over obstacles to the
summit of one emotional peak after another.  The case is one that
needs argument; argument needs logic; Sir Willoughby, "our original
male in giant form", is turned slowly round before a steady fire of
scrutiny and criticism which allows no twitch on the victim's part
to escape it.  That the victim is a wax model and not entirely
living flesh and blood is perhaps true.  At the same time Meredith
pays us a supreme compliment to which as novel-readers we are
little accustomed.  We are civilized people, he seems to say,
watching the comedy of human relations together.  Human relations
are of profound interest.  Men and women are not cats and monkeys,
but beings of a larger growth and of a greater range.  He imagines
us capable of disinterested curiosity in the behaviour of our kind.
This is so rare a compliment from a novelist to his reader that we
are at first bewildered and then delighted.  Indeed his comic
spirit is a far more penetrating goddess than his lyrical.  It is
she who cuts a clear path through the brambles of his manner; she
who surprises us again and again by the depth of her observations;
she who creates the dignity, the seriousness, and the vitality of
Meredith's world.  Had Meredith, one is tempted to reflect, lived
in an age or in a country where comedy was the rule, he might never
have contracted those airs of intellectual superiority, that manner
of oracular solemnity which it is, as he points out, the use of the
comic spirit to correct.

But in many ways the age--if we can judge so amorphous a shape--was
hostile to Meredith, or, to speak more accurately, was hostile to
his success with the age we now live in--the year 1928.  His
teaching seems now too strident and too optimistic and too shallow.
It obtrudes; and when philosophy is not consumed in a novel, when
we can underline this phrase with a pencil, and cut out that
exhortation with a pair of scissors and paste the whole into a
system, it is safe to say that there is something wrong with the
philosophy or with the novel or with both.  Above all, his teaching
is too insistent.  He cannot, even to hear the profoundest secret,
suppress his own opinion.  And there is nothing that characters in
fiction resent more.  If, they seem to argue, we have been called
into existence merely to express Mr. Meredith's views upon the
universe, we would rather not exist at all.  Thereupon they die;
and a novel that is full of dead characters, even though it is also
full of profound wisdom and exalted teaching, is not achieving its
aim as a novel.  But here we reach another point upon which the
present age may be inclined to have more sympathy with Meredith.
When he wrote, in the seventies and eighties of the last century,
the novel had reached a stage where it could only exist by moving
onward.  It is a possible contention that after those two perfect
novels, Pride and Prejudice and The Small House at Allington,
English fiction had to escape from the dominion of that perfection,
as English poetry had to escape from the perfection of Tennyson.
George Eliot, Meredith, and Hardy were all imperfect novelists
largely because they insisted upon introducing qualities, of
thought and of poetry, that are perhaps incompatible with fiction
at its most perfect.  On the other hand, if fiction had remained
what it was to Jane Austen and Trollope, fiction would by this time
be dead.  Thus Meredith deserves our gratitude and excites our
interest as a great innovator.  Many of our doubts about him and
much of our inability to frame any definite opinion of his work
comes from the fact that it is experimental and thus contains
elements that do not fuse harmoniously--the qualities are at odds:
the one quality which binds and concentrates has been omitted.  To
read Meredith, then, to our greatest advantage we must make certain
allowances and relax certain standards.  We must not expect the
perfect quietude of a traditional style nor the triumphs of a
patient and pedestrian psychology.  On the other hand, his claim,
"My method has been to prepare my readers for a crucial exhibition
of the personae, and then to give the scene in the fullest of their
blood and brain under stress of a fierce situation", is frequently
justified.  Scene after scene rises on the mind's eye with a flare
of fiery intensity.  If we are irritated by the dancing-master
dandyism which made him write "gave his lungs full play" instead of
laughed, or "tasted the swift intricacies of the needle" instead of
sewed, we must remember that such phrases prepare the way for the
"fierce situations".  Meredith is creating the atmosphere from
which we shall pass naturally into a highly pitched state of
emotion.  Where the realistic novelist, like Trollope, lapses into
flatness and dullness, the lyrical novelist, like Meredith, becomes
meretricious and false; and such falsity is, of course, not only
much more glaring than flatness, but it is a greater crime against
the phlegmatic nature of prose fiction.  Perhaps Meredith had been
well advised if he had abjured the novel altogether and kept
himself wholly to poetry.  Yet we have to remind ourselves that the
fault may be ours.  Our prolonged diet upon Russian fiction,
rendered neutral and negative in translation, our absorption in the
convolutions of psychological Frenchmen, may have led us to forget
that the English language is naturally exuberant, and the English
character full of humours and eccentricities.  Meredith's
flamboyancy has a great ancestry behind it; we cannot avoid all
memory of Shakespeare.

When such questions and qualifications crowd upon us as we read,
the fact may be taken to prove that we are neither near enough to
be under his spell nor far enough to see him in proportion.  Thus
the attempt to pronounce a finished estimate is even more illusive
than usual.  But we can testify even now that to read Meredith is
to be conscious of a packed and muscular mind; of a voice booming
and reverberating with its own unmistakable accent even though the
partition between us is too thick for us to hear what he says
distinctly.  Still, as we read we feel that we are in the presence
of a Greek god though he is surrounded by the innumerable ornaments
of a suburban drawing-room; who talks brilliantly, even if he is
deaf to the lower tones of the human voice; who, if he is rigid and
immobile, is yet marvellously alive and on the alert.  This
brilliant and uneasy figure has his place with the great eccentrics
rather than with the great masters.  He will be read, one may
guess, by fits and starts; he will be forgotten and discovered and
again discovered and forgotten like Donne, and Peacock, and Gerard
Hopkins.  But if English fiction continues to be read, the novels
of Meredith must inevitably rise from time to time into view; his
work must inevitably be disputed and discussed.




"I AM CHRISTINA ROSSETTI"


On the fifth of this December* Christina Rossetti will celebrate
her centenary, or, more properly speaking, we shall celebrate it
for her, and perhaps not a little to her distress, for she was
one of the shyest of women, and to be spoken of, as we shall
certainly speak of her, would have caused her acute discomfort.
Nevertheless, it is inevitable; centenaries are inexorable; talk of
her we must.  We shall read her life; we shall read her letters; we
shall study her portraits, speculate about her diseases--of which
she had a great variety; and rattle the drawers of her writing-
table, which are for the most part empty.  Let us begin with the
biography--for what could be more amusing?  As everybody knows, the
fascination of reading biographies is irresistible.  No sooner have
we opened the pages of Miss Sandars's careful and competent book
(Life of Christina Rossetti, by Mary F. Sandars.  (Hutchinson))
than the old illusion comes over us.  Here is the past and all its
inhabitants miraculously sealed as in a magic tank; all we have to
do is to look and to listen and to listen and to look and soon the
little figures--for they are rather under life size--will begin to
move and to speak, and as they move we shall arrange them in all
sorts of patterns of which they were ignorant, for they thought
when they were alive that they could go where they liked; and as
they speak we shall read into their sayings all kinds of meanings
which never struck them, for they believed when they were alive
that they said straight off whatever came into their heads.  But
once you are in a biography all is different.


* 1930.


Here, then, is Hallam Street, Portland Place, about the year 1830;
and here are the Rossettis, an Italian family consisting of father
and mother and four small children.  The street was unfashionable
and the home rather poverty-stricken; but the poverty did not
matter, for, being foreigners, the Rossettis did not care much
about the customs and conventions of the usual middle-class British
family.  They kept themselves to themselves, dressed as they liked,
entertained Italian exiles, among them organ-grinders and other
distressed compatriots, and made ends meet by teaching and writing
and other odd jobs.  By degrees Christina detached herself from the
family group.  It is plain that she was a quiet and observant
child, with her own way of life already fixed in her head--she was
to write--but all the more did she admire the superior competence
of her elders.  Soon we begin to surround her with a few friends
and to endow her with a few characteristics.  She detested parties.
She dressed anyhow.  She liked her brother's friends and little
gatherings of young artists and poets who were to reform the world,
rather to her amusement, for although so sedate, she was also
whimsical and freakish, and liked making fun of people who took
themselves with egotistic solemnity.  And though she meant to be a
poet she had very little of the vanity and stress of young poets;
her verses seem to have formed themselves whole and entire in her
head, and she did not worry very much what was said of them because
in her own mind she knew that they were good.  She had also immense
powers of admiration--for her mother, for example, who was so
quiet, and so sagacious, so simple and so sincere; and for her
elder sister Maria, who had no taste for painting or for poetry,
but was, for that very reason, perhaps more vigorous and effective
in daily life.  For example, Maria always refused to visit the
Mummy Room at the British Museum because, she said, the Day of
Resurrection might suddenly dawn and it would be very unseemly if
the corpses had to put on immortality under the gaze of mere sight-
seers--a reflection which had not struck Christina, but seemed to
her admirable.  Here, of course, we, who are outside the tank,
enjoy a hearty laugh, but Christina, who is inside the tank and
exposed to all its heats and currents, thought her sister's conduct
worthy of the highest respect.  Indeed, if we look at her a little
more closely we shall see that something dark and hard, like a
kernel, had already formed in the centre of Christina Rossetti's
being.

It was religion, of course.  Even when she was quite a girl her
lifelong absorption in the relation of the soul with God had taken
possession of her.  Her sixty-four years might seem outwardly spent
in Hallam Street and Endsleigh Gardens and Torrington Square, but
in reality she dwelt in some curious region where the spirit
strives towards an unseen God--in her case, a dark God, a harsh
God--a God who decreed that all the pleasures of the world were
hateful to Him.  The theatre was hateful, the opera was hateful,
nakedness was hateful--when her friend Miss Thompson painted naked
figures in her pictures she had to tell Christina that they were
fairies, but Christina saw through the imposture--everything in
Christina's life radiated from that knot of agony and intensity in
the centre.  Her belief regulated her life in the smallest
particulars.  It taught her that chess was wrong, but that whist
and cribbage did not matter.  But also it interfered in the most
tremendous questions of her heart.  There was a young painter
called James Collinson, and she loved James Collinson and he loved
her, but he was a Roman Catholic and so she refused him.
Obligingly he became a member of the Church of England, and she
accepted him.  Vacillating, however, for he was a slippery man, he
wobbled back to Rome, and Christina, though it broke her heart and
for ever shadowed her life, cancelled the engagement.  Years
afterwards another, and it seems better founded, prospect of
happiness presented itself.  Charles Cayley proposed to her.  But
alas, this abstract and erudite man who shuffled about the world in
a state of absent-minded dishabille, and translated the gospel into
Iroquois, and asked smart ladies at a party "whether they were
interested in the Gulf Stream", and for a present gave Christina a
sea mouse preserved in spirits, was, not unnaturally, a free
thinker.  Him, too, Christina put from her.  Though "no woman ever
loved a man more deeply", she would not be the wife of a sceptic.
She who loved the "obtuse and furry"--the wombats, toads, and mice
of the earth--and called Charles Cayley "my blindest buzzard, my
special mole", admitted no moles, wombats, buzzards, or Cayleys to
her heaven.

So one might go on looking and listening for ever.  There is no
limit to the strangeness, amusement, and oddity of the past sealed
in a tank.  But just as we are wondering which cranny of this
extraordinary territory to explore next, the principal figure
intervenes.  It is as if a fish, whose unconscious gyrations we had
been watching in and out of reeds, round and round rocks, suddenly
dashed at the glass and broke it.  A tea-party is the occasion.
For some reason Christina went to a party given by Mrs. Virtue
Tebbs.  What happened there is unknown--perhaps something was said
in a casual, frivolous, tea-party way about poetry.  At any rate,


suddenly there uprose from a chair and paced forward into the
centre of the room a little woman dressed in black, who announced
solemnly, "I am Christina Rossetti!" and having so said, returned
to her chair.


With those words the glass is broken.  Yes [she seems to say], I am
a poet.  You who pretend to honour my centenary are no better than
the idle people at Mrs. Tebb's tea-party.  Here you are rambling
among unimportant trifles, rattling my writing-table drawers,
making fun of the Mummies and Maria and my love affairs when all I
care for you to know is here.  Behold this green volume.  It is a
copy of my collected works.  It costs four shillings and sixpence.
Read that.  And so she returns to her chair.

How absolute and unaccommodating these poets are!  Poetry, they
say, has nothing to do with life.  Mummies and wombats, Hallam
Street and omnibuses, James Collinson and Charles Cayley, sea mice
and Mrs. Virtue Tebbs, Torrington Square and Endsleigh Gardens,
even the vagaries of religious belief, are irrelevant, extraneous,
superfluous, unreal.  It is poetry that matters.  The only question
of any interest is whether that poetry is good or bad.  But this
question of poetry, one might point out if only to gain time, is
one of the greatest difficulty.  Very little of value has been said
about poetry since the world began.  The judgment of contemporaries
is almost always wrong.  For example, most of the poems which
figure in Christina Rossetti's complete works were rejected by
editors.  Her annual income from her poetry was for many years
about ten pounds.  On the other hand, the works of Jean Ingelow, as
she noted sardonically, went into eight editions.  There were, of
course, among her contemporaries one or two poets and one or two
critics whose judgment must be respectfully consulted.  But what
very different impressions they seem to gather from the same works--
by what different standards they judge!  For instance, when
Swinburne read her poetry he exclaimed:  "I have always thought
that nothing more glorious in poetry has ever been written", and
went on to say of her New Year Hymn that it was


touched as with the fire and bathed as in the light of sunbeams,
tuned as to chords and cadences of refluent sea-music beyond reach
of harp and organ, large echoes of the serene and sonorous tides of
heaven


Then Professor Saintsbury comes with his vast learning, and
examines Goblin Market, and reports that


The metre of the principal poem ["Goblin Market"] may be best
described as a dedoggerelised Skeltonic, with the gathered music of
the various metrical progress since Spenser, utilised in the place
of the wooden rattling of the followers of Chaucer.  There may be
discerned in it the same inclination towards line irregularity
which has broken out, at different times, in the Pindaric of the
late seventeenth and earlier eighteenth centuries, and in the
rhymelessness of Sayers earlier and of Mr. Arnold later.


And then there is Sir Walter Raleigh:


I think she is the best poet alive. . . .  The worst of it is you
cannot lecture on really pure poetry any more than you can talk
about the ingredients of pure water--it is adulterated, methylated,
sanded poetry that makes the best lectures.  The only thing that
Christina makes me want to do, is cry, not lecture.


It would appear, then, that there are at least three schools of
criticism: the refluent sea-music school; the line-irregularity
school, and the school that bids one not criticise but cry.  This
is confusing; if we follow them all we shall only come to grief.
Better perhaps read for oneself, expose the mind bare to the poem,
and transcribe in all its haste and imperfection whatever may be
the result of the impact.  In this case it might run something as
follows:  O Christina Rossetti, I have humbly to confess that
though I know many of your poems by heart, I have not read your
works from cover to cover.  I have not followed your course and
traced your development.  I doubt indeed that you developed very
much.  You were an instinctive poet.  You saw the world from the
same angle always.  Years and the traffic of the mind with men and
books did not affect you in the least.  You carefully ignored any
book that could shake your faith or any human being who could
trouble your instincts.  You were wise perhaps.  Your instinct was
so sure, so direct, so intense that it produced poems that sing
like music in one's ears--like a melody by Mozart or an air by
Gluck.  Yet for all its symmetry, yours was a complex song.  When
you struck your harp many strings sounded together.  Like all
instinctives you had a keen sense of the visual beauty of the
world.  Your poems are full of gold dust and "sweet geraniums'
varied brightness"; your eye noted incessantly how rushes are
"velvet-headed", and lizards have a "strange metallic mail"--your
eye, indeed, observed with a sensual pre-Raphaelite intensity that
must have surprised Christina the Anglo-Catholic.  But to her you
owed perhaps the fixity and sadness of your muse.  The pressure of
a tremendous faith circles and clamps together these little songs.
Perhaps they owe to it their solidity.  Certainly they owe to it
their sadness--your God was a harsh God, your heavenly crown was
set with thorns.  No sooner have you feasted on beauty with your
eyes than your mind tells you that beauty is vain and beauty
passes.  Death, oblivion, and rest lap round your songs with their
dark wave.  And then, incongruously, a sound of scurrying and
laughter is heard.  There is the patter of animals' feet and the
odd guttural notes of rooks and the snufflings of obtuse furry
animals grunting and nosing.  For you were not a pure saint by any
means.  You pulled legs; you tweaked noses.  You were at war with
all humbug and pretence.  Modest as you were, still you were
drastic, sure of your gift, convinced of your vision.  A firm hand
pruned your lines; a sharp ear tested their music.  Nothing soft,
otiose, irrelevant cumbered your pages.  In a word, you were an
artist.  And thus was kept open, even when you wrote idly, tinkling
bells for your own diversion, a pathway for the descent of that
fiery visitant who came now and then and fused your lines into that
indissoluble connection which no hand can put asunder:


     But bring me poppies brimmed with sleepy death
     And ivy choking what it garlandeth
     And primroses that open to the moon.


Indeed so strange is the constitution of things, and so great the
miracle of poetry, that some of the poems you wrote in your little
back room will be found adhering in perfect symmetry when the
Albert Memorial is dust and tinsel.  Our remote posterity will be
singing:


     When I am dead, my dearest,

or:

     My heart is like a singing bird,


when Torrington Square is a reef of coral perhaps and the fishes
shoot in and out where your bedroom window used to be; or perhaps
the forest will have reclaimed those pavements and the wombat and
the ratel will be shuffling on soft, uncertain feet among the green
undergrowth that will then tangle the area railings.  In view of
all this, and to return to your biography, had I been present when
Mrs. Virtue Tebbs gave her party, and had a short elderly woman in
black risen to her feet and advanced to the middle of the room, I
should certainly have committed some indiscretion--have broken a
paper-knife or smashed a tea-cup in the awkward ardour of my
admiration when she said, "I am Christina Rossetti".




THE NOVELS OF THOMAS HARDY*


When we say that the death of Thomas Hardy leaves English fiction
without a leader, we mean that there is no other writer whose
supremacy would be generally accepted, none to whom it seems so
fitting and natural to pay homage.  Nobody of course claimed it
less.  The unworldly and simple old man would have been painfully
embarrassed by the rhetoric that flourishes on such occasions as
this.  Yet it is no less than the truth to say that while he lived
there was one novelist at all events who made the art of fiction
seem an honourable calling; while Hardy lived there was no excuse
for thinking meanly of the art he practised.  Nor was this solely
the result of his peculiar genius.  Something of it sprang from his
character in its modesty and integrity, from his life, lived simply
down in Dorsetshire without self-seeking or self-advertisement.
For both reasons, because of his genius and because of the dignity
with which his gift was used, it was impossible not to honour him
as an artist and to feel respect and affection for the man.  But it
is of the work that we must speak, of the novels that were written
so long ago that they seem as detached from the fiction of the
moment as Hardy himself was remote from the stir of the present and
its littleness.


* Written in January, 1928


We have to go back more than a generation if we are to trace the
career of Hardy as a novelist.  In the year 1871 he was a man of
thirty-one; he had written a novel, Desperate Remedies, but he was
by no means an assured craftsman.  He "was feeling his way to a
method", he said himself; as if he were conscious that he possessed
all sorts of gifts, yet did not know their nature, or how to use
them to advantage.  To read that first novel is to share in the
perplexity of its author.  The imagination of the writer is
powerful and sardonic; he is book-learned in a home-made way; he
can create characters but he cannot control them; he is obviously
hampered by the difficulties of his technique and, what is more
singular, he is driven by some sense that human beings are the
sport of forces outside themselves, to make use of an extreme and
even melodramatic use of coincidence.  He is already possessed of
the conviction that a novel is not a toy, nor an argument; it is a
means of giving truthful if harsh and violent impressions of the
lives of men and women.  But perhaps the most remarkable quality in
the book is the sound of a waterfall that echoes and booms through
its pages.  It is the first manifestation of the power that was to
assume such vast proportions in the later books.  He already proves
himself a minute and skilled observer of Nature; the rain, he
knows, falls differently as it falls upon roots or arable; he knows
that the wind sounds differently as it passes through the branches
of different trees.  But he is aware in a larger sense of Nature as
a force; he feels in it a spirit that can sympathize or mock or
remain the indifferent spectator of human fortunes.  Already that
sense was his; and the crude story of Miss Aldclyffe and Cytherea
is memorable because it is watched by the eyes of the gods, and
worked out in the presence of Nature.

That he was a poet should have been obvious; that he was a novelist
might still have been held uncertain.  But the year after, when
Under the Greenwood Tree appeared, it was clear that much of the
effort of "feeling for a method" had been overcome.  Something of
the stubborn originality of the earlier book was lost.  The second
is accomplished, charming, idyllic compared with the first.  The
writer, it seems, may well develop into one of our English
landscape painters, whose pictures are all of cottage gardens and
old peasant women, who lingers to collect and preserve from
oblivion the old-fashioned ways and words which are rapidly falling
into disuse.  And yet what kindly lover of antiquity, what
naturalist with a microscope in his pocket, what scholar solicitous
for the changing shapes of language, ever heard the cry of a small
bird killed in the next wood by an owl with such intensity?  The
cry "passed into the silence without mingling with it".  Again we
hear, very far away, like the sound of a gun out at sea on a calm
summer's morning, a strange and ominous echo.  But as we read these
early books there is a sense of waste.  There is a feeling that
Hardy's genius was obstinate and perverse; first one gift would
have its way with him and then another.  They would not consent to
run together easily in harness.  Such indeed was likely to be the
fate of a writer who was at once poet and realist, a faithful son
of field and down, yet tormented by the doubts and despondencies
bred of book-learning; a lover of old ways and plain countrymen,
yet doomed to see the faith and flesh of his forefathers turn to
thin and spectral transparencies before his eyes.

To this contradiction Nature had added another element likely to
disorder a symmetrical development.  Some writers are born
conscious of everything; others are unconscious of many things.
Some, like Henry James and Flaubert, are able not merely to make
the best use of the spoil their gifts bring in, but control their
genius in the act of creation; they are aware of all the
possibilities of every situation, and are never taken by surprise.
The unconscious writers, on the other hand, like Dickens and Scott,
seem suddenly and without their own consent to be lifted up and
swept onwards.  The wave sinks and they cannot say what has
happened or why.  Among them--it is the source of his strength and
of his weakness--we must place Hardy.  His own word, "moments of
vision", exactly describes those passages of astonishing beauty and
force which are to be found in every book that he wrote.  With a
sudden quickening of power which we cannot foretell, nor he, it
seems, control, a single scene breaks off from the rest.  We see,
as if it existed alone and for all time, the wagon with Fanny's
dead body inside travelling along the road under the dripping
trees; we see the bloated sheep struggling among the clover; we see
Troy flashing his sword round Bathsheba where she stands
motionless, cutting the lock off her head and spitting the
caterpillar on her breast.  Vivid to the eye, but not to the eye
alone, for every sense participates, such scenes dawn upon us and
their splendour remains.  But the power goes as it comes.  The
moment of vision is succeeded by long stretches of plain daylight,
nor can we believe that any craft or skill could have caught the
wild power and turned it to a better use.  The novels therefore are
full of inequalities; they are lumpish and dull and inexpressive;
but they are never arid; there is always about them a little blur
of unconsciousness, that halo of freshness and margin of the
unexpressed which often produce the most profound sense of
satisfaction.  It is as if Hardy himself were not quite aware of
what he did, as if his consciousness held more than he could
produce, and he left it for his readers to make out his full
meaning and to supplement it from their own experience.

For these reasons Hardy's genius was uncertain in development,
uneven in accomplishment, but, when the moment came, magnificent in
achievement.  The moment came, completely and fully, in Far from
the Madding Crowd.  The subject was right; the method was right;
the poet and the countryman, the sensual man, the sombre reflective
man, the man of learning, all enlisted to produce a book which,
however fashions may chop and change, must hold its place among the
great English novels.  There is, in the first place, that sense of
the physical world which Hardy more than any novelist can bring
before us; the sense that the little prospect of man's existence is
ringed by a landscape which, while it exists apart, yet confers a
deep and solemn beauty upon his drama.  The dark downland, marked
by the barrows of the dead and the huts of shepherds, rises against
the sky, smooth as a wave of the sea, but solid and eternal;
rolling away to the infinite distance, but sheltering in its folds
quiet villages whose smoke rises in frail columns by day, whose
lamps burn in the immense darkness by night.  Gabriel Oak tending
his sheep up there on the back of the world is the eternal
shepherd; the stars are ancient beacons; and for ages he has
watched beside his sheep.

But down in the valley the earth is full of warmth and life; the
farms are busy, the barns stored, the fields loud with the lowing
of cattle and the bleating of sheep.  Nature is prolific, splendid,
and lustful; not yet malignant and still the Great Mother of
labouring men.  And now for the first time Hardy gives full play to
his humour, where it is freest and most rich, upon the lips of
country men.  Jan Coggan and Henry Fray and Joseph Poorgrass gather
in the malthouse when the day's work is over and give vent to that
half-shrewd, half-poetic humour which has been brewing in their
brains and finding expression over their beer since the pilgrims
tramped the Pilgrims' Way; which Shakespeare and Scott and George
Eliot all loved to overhear, but none loved better or heard with
greater understanding than Hardy.  But it is not the part of the
peasants in the Wessex novels to stand out as individuals.  They
compose a pool of common wisdom, of common humour, a fund of
perpetual life.  They comment upon the actions of the hero and
heroine, but while Troy or Oak or Fanny or Bathsheba come in and
out and pass away, Jan Coggan and Henry Fray and Joseph Poorgrass
remain.  They drink by night and they plough the fields by day.
They are eternal.  We meet them over and over again in the novels,
and they always have something typical about them, more of the
character that marks a race than of the features which belong to an
individual.  The peasants are the great sanctuary of sanity, the
country the last stronghold of happiness.  When they disappear,
there is no hope for the race.

With Oak and Troy and Bathsheba and Fanny Robin we come to the men
and women of the novels at their full stature.  In every book three
or four figures predominate, and stand up like lightning conductors
to attract the force of the elements.  Oak and Troy and Bathsheba;
Eustacia, Wildeve, and Venn; Henchard, Lucetta, and Farfrae; Jude,
Sue Bridehead, and Phillotson.  There is even a certain likeness
between the different groups.  They live as individuals and they
differ as individuals; but they also live as types and have a
likeness as types.  Bathsheba is Bathsheba, but she is woman and
sister to Eustacia and Lucetta and Sue; Gabriel is Gabriel Oak, but
he is man and brother to Henchard, Venn, and Jude.  However lovable
and charming Bathsheba may be, still she is weak; however stubborn
and ill-guided Henchard may be, still he is strong.  This is a
fundamental part of Hardy's vision; the staple of many of his
books.  The woman is the weaker and the fleshlier, and she clings
to the stronger and obscures his vision.  How freely, nevertheless,
in his greater books life is poured over the unalterable framework!
When Bathsheba sits in the wagon among her plants, smiling at her
own loveliness in the little looking-glass, we may know, and it is
proof of Hardy's power that we do know, how severely she will
suffer and cause others to suffer before the end.  But the moment
has all the bloom and beauty of life.  And so it is, time and time
again.  His characters, both men and women, were creatures to him
of an infinite attraction.  For the women he shows a more tender
solicitude than for the men, and in them, perhaps, he takes a
keener interest.  Vain might their beauty be and terrible their
fate, but while the glow of life is in them their step is free,
their laughter sweet, and theirs is the power to sink into the
breast of Nature and become part of her silence and solemnity, or
to rise and put on them the movement of the clouds and the wildness
of the flowering woodlands.  The men who suffer, not like the women
through dependence upon other human beings, but through conflict
with fate, enlist our sterner sympathies.  For such a man as
Gabriel Oak we need have no passing fears.  Honour him we must,
though it is not granted us to love him quite so freely.  He is
firmly set upon his feet and can give as shrewd a blow, to men at
least, as any he is likely to receive.  He has a prevision of what
is to be expected that springs from character rather than from
education.  He is stable in his temperament, steadfast in his
affections, and capable of open-eyed endurance without flinching.
But he, too, is no puppet.  He is a homely, humdrum fellow on
ordinary occasions.  He can walk the street without making people
turn to stare at him.  In short, nobody can deny Hardy's power--the
true novelist's power--to make us believe that his characters are
fellow-beings driven by their own passions and idiosyncrasies,
while they have--and this is the poet's gift--something symbolical
about them which is common to us all.

And it is when we are considering Hardy's power of creating men and
women that we become most conscious of the profound differences
that distinguish him from his peers.  We look back at a number of
these characters and ask ourselves what it is that we remember them
for.  We recall their passions.  We remember how deeply they have
loved each other and often with what tragic results.  We remember
the faithful love of Oak for Bathsheba; the tumultuous but fleeting
passions of men like Wildeve, Troy, and Fitzpiers; we remember the
filial love of Clym for his mother, the jealous paternal passion of
Henchard for Elizabeth Jane.  But we do not remember how they have
loved.  We do not remember how they talked and changed and got to
know each other, finely, gradually, from step to step and from
stage to stage.  Their relationship is not composed of those
intellectual apprehensions and subtleties of perception which seem
so slight yet are so profound.  In all the books love is one of the
great facts that mould human life.  But it is a catastrophe; it
happens suddenly and overwhelmingly, and there is little to be said
about it.  The talk between the lovers when it is not passionate is
practical or philosophic, as though the discharge of their daily
duties left them with more desire to question life and its purpose
than to investigate each other's sensibilities.  Even if it were in
their power to analyse their emotions, life is too stirring to give
them time.  They need all their strength to deal with the downright
blows, the freakish ingenuity, the gradually increasing malignity
of fate.  They have none to spend upon the subtleties and
delicacies of the human comedy.

Thus there comes a time when we can say with certainty that we
shall not find in Hardy some of the qualities that have given us
most delight in the works of other novelists.  He has not the
perfection of Jane Austen, or the wit of Meredith, or the range of
Thackeray, or Tolstoy's amazing intellectual power.  There is in
the work of the great classical writers a finality of effect which
places certain of their scenes, apart from the story, beyond the
reach of change.  We do not ask what bearing they have upon the
narrative, nor do we make use of them to interpret problems which
lie on the outskirts of the scene.  A laugh, a blush, half a dozen
words of dialogue, and it is enough; the source of our delight is
perennial.  But Hardy has none of this concentration and
completeness.  His light does not fall directly upon the human
heart.  It passes over it and out on to the darkness of the heath
and upon the trees swaying in the storm.  When we look back into
the room the group by the fireside is dispersed.  Each man or woman
is battling with the storm, alone, revealing himself most when he
is least under the observation of other human beings.  We do not
know them as we know Pierre or Natasha or Becky Sharp.  We do not
know them in and out and all round as they are revealed to the
casual caller, to the Government official, to the great lady, to
the general on the battlefield.  We do not know the complication
and involvement and turmoil of their thoughts.  Geographically,
too, they remain fixed to the same stretch of the English
countryside.  It is seldom, and always with unhappy results, that
Hardy leaves the yeoman or farmer to describe the class above
theirs in the social scale.  In the drawing-room and clubroom and
ballroom, where people of leisure and education come together,
where comedy is bred and shades of character revealed, he is
awkward and ill at ease.  But the opposite is equally true.  If we
do not know his men and women in their relations to each other, we
know them in their relations to time, death, and fate.  If we do
not see them in quick agitation against the lights and crowds of
cities, we see them against the earth, the storm, and the seasons.
We know their attitude towards some of the most tremendous problems
that can confront mankind.  They take on a more than mortal size in
memory.  We see them, not in detail but enlarged and dignified.  We
see Tess reading the baptismal service in her nightgown "with an
impress of dignity that was almost regal".  We see Marty South,
"like a being who had rejected with indifference the attribute of
sex for the loftier quality of abstract humanism", laying the
flowers on Winterbourne's grave.  Their speech has a Biblical
dignity and poetry.  They have a force in them which cannot be
defined, a force of love or of hate, a force which in the men is
the cause of rebellion against life, and in the women implies an
illimitable capacity for suffering, and it is this which dominates
the character and makes it unnecessary that we should see the finer
features that lie hid.  This is the tragic power; and, if we are to
place Hardy among his fellows, we must call him the greatest tragic
writer among English novelists.

But let us, as we approach the danger-zone of Hardy's philosophy,
be on our guard.  Nothing is more necessary, in reading an
imaginative writer, than to keep at the right distance above his
page.  Nothing is easier, especially with a writer of marked
idiosyncrasy, than to fasten on opinions, convict him of a creed,
tether him to a consistent point of view.  Nor was Hardy any
exception to the rule that the mind which is most capable of
receiving impressions is very often the least capable of drawing
conclusions.  It is for the reader, steeped in the impression, to
supply the comment.  It is his part to know when to put aside the
writer's conscious intention in favour of some deeper intention of
which perhaps he may be unconscious.  Hardy himself was aware of
this.  A novel "is an impression, not an argument", he has warned
us, and, again


Unadjusted impressions have their value, and the road to a true
philosophy of life seems to lie in humbly recording diverse
readings of its phenomena as they are forced upon us by chance and
change.


Certainly it is true to say of him that, at his greatest, he gives
us impressions; at his weakest, arguments.  In The Woodlanders, The
Return of the Native, Far from the Madding Crowd, and above all, in
The Mayor of Casterbridge, we have Hardy's impression of life as it
came to him without conscious ordering.  Let him once begin to
tamper with his direct intuitions and his power is gone.  "Did you
say the stars were worlds, Tess?" asks little Abraham as they drive
to market with their beehives.  Tess replies that they are like
"the apples on our stubbard-tree, most of them splendid and sound--
a few blighted".  "Which do we live on--a splendid or a blighted
one?"  "A blighted one," she replies, or rather the mournful
thinker who has assumed her mask speaks for her.  The words
protrude, cold and raw, like the springs of a machine where we had
seen only flesh and blood.  We are crudely jolted out of that mood
of sympathy which is renewed a moment later when the little cart is
run down and we have a concrete instance of the ironical methods
which rule our planet.

That is the reason why Jude the Obscure is the most painful of all
Hardy's books, and the only one against which we can fairly bring
the charge of pessimism.  In Jude the Obscure argument is allowed
to dominate impression, with the result that though the misery of
the book is overwhelming it is not tragic.  As calamity succeeds
calamity we feel that the case against society is not being argued
fairly or with profound understanding of the facts.  Here is
nothing of that width and force and knowledge of mankind which,
when Tolstoy criticizes society, makes his indictment formidable.
Here we have revealed to us the petty cruelty of men, not the large
injustice of the gods.  It is only necessary to compare Jude the
Obscure with The Mayor of Casterbridge to see where Hardy's true
power lay.  Jude carries on his miserable contest against the deans
of colleges and the conventions of sophisticated society.  Henchard
is pitted, not against another man, but against something outside
himself which is opposed to men of his ambition and power.  No
human being wishes him ill.  Even Farfrae and Newson and Elizabeth
Jane whom he has wronged all come to pity him, and even to admire
his strength of character.  He is standing up to fate, and in
backing the old Mayor whose ruin has been largely his own fault,
Hardy makes us feel that we are backing human nature in an unequal
contest.  There is no pessimism here.  Throughout the book we are
aware of the sublimity of the issue, and yet it is presented to us
in the most concrete form.  From the opening scene in which
Henchard sells his wife to the sailor at the fair to his death on
Egdon Heath the vigour of the story is superb, its humour rich and
racy, its movement large-limbed and free.  The skimmity ride, the
fight between Farfrae and Henchard in the loft, Mrs. Cuxsom's
speech upon the death of Mrs. Henchard, the talk of the ruffians
at Peter's Finger with Nature present in the background or
mysteriously dominating the foreground, are among the glories of
English fiction.  Brief and scanty, it may be, is the measure of
happiness allowed to each, but so long as the struggle is, as
Henchard's was, with the decrees of fate and not with the laws of
man, so long as it is in the open air and calls for activity of the
body rather than of the brain, there is greatness in the contest,
there is pride and pleasure in it, and the death of the broken corn
merchant in his cottage on Egdon Heath is comparable to the death
of Ajax, lord of Salamis.  The true tragic emotion is ours.

Before such power as this we are made to feel that the ordinary
tests which we apply to fiction are futile enough.  Do we insist
that a great novelist shall be a master of melodious prose?  Hardy
was no such thing.  He feels his way by dint of sagacity and
uncompromising sincerity to the phrase he wants, and it is often of
unforgettable pungency.  Failing it, he will make do with any
homely or clumsy or old-fashioned turn of speech, now of the utmost
angularity, now of a bookish elaboration.  No style in literature,
save Scott's, is so difficult to analyse; it is on the face of it
so bad, yet it achieves its aim so unmistakably.  As well might one
attempt to rationalize the charm of a muddy country road, or of a
plain field of roots in winter.  And then, like Dorsetshire itself,
out of these very elements of stiffness and angularity his prose
will put on greatness; will roll with a Latin sonority; will shape
itself in a massive and monumental symmetry like that of his own
bare downs.  Then again, do we require that a novelist shall
observe the probabilities, and keep close to reality?  To find
anything approaching the violence and convolution of Hardy's plots
one must go back to the Elizabethan drama.  Yet we accept his story
completely as we read it; more than that, it becomes obvious that
his violence and his melodrama, when they are not due to a curious
peasant-like love of the monstrous for its own sake, are part of
that wild spirit of poetry which saw with intense irony and
grimness that no reading of life can possibly outdo the strangeness
of life itself, no symbol of caprice and unreason be too extreme to
represent the astonishing circumstances of our existence.

But as we consider the great structure of the Wessex Novels it
seems irrelevant to fasten on little points--this character, that
scene, this phrase of deep and poetic beauty.  It is something
larger that Hardy has bequeathed to us.  The Wessex Novels are not
one book, but many.  They cover an immense stretch; inevitably they
are full of imperfections--some are failures, and others exhibit
only the wrong side of their maker's genius.  But undoubtedly, when
we have submitted ourselves fully to them, when we come to take
stock of our impression of the whole, the effect is commanding and
satisfactory.  We have been freed from the cramp and pettiness
imposed by life.  Our imaginations have been stretched and
heightened; our humour has been made to laugh out; we have drunk
deep of the beauty of the earth.  Also we have been made to enter
the shade of a sorrowful and brooding spirit which, even in its
saddest mood, bore itself with a grave uprightness and never, even
when most moved to anger, lost its deep compassion for the
sufferings of men and women.  Thus it is no mere transcript of life
at a certain time and place that Hardy has given us.  It is a
vision of the world and of man's lot as they revealed themselves to
a powerful imagination, a profound and poetic genius, a gentle and
humane soul.




HOW SHOULD ONE READ A BOOK?*


In the first place, I want to emphasise the note of interrogation
at the end of my title.  Even if I could answer the question for
myself, the answer would apply only to me and not to you.  The only
advice, indeed, that one person can give another about reading is
to take no advice, to follow your own instincts, to use your own
reason, to come to your own conclusions.  If this is agreed between
us, then I feel at liberty to put forward a few ideas and
suggestions because you will not allow them to fetter that
independence which is the most important quality that a reader can
possess.  After all, what laws can be laid down about books?  The
battle of Waterloo was certainly fought on a certain day; but is
Hamlet a better play than Lear?  Nobody can say.  Each must decide
that question for himself.  To admit authorities, however heavily
furred and gowned, into our libraries and let them tell us how to
read, what to read, what value to place upon what we read, is to
destroy the spirit of freedom which is the breath of those
sanctuaries.  Everywhere else we may be bound by laws and
conventions--there we have none.


* A paper read at a school.


But to enjoy freedom, if the platitude is pardonable, we have of
course to control ourselves.  We must not squander our powers,
helplessly and ignorantly, squirting half the house in order to
water a single rose-bush; we must train them, exactly and
powerfully, here on the very spot.  This, it may be, is one of the
first difficulties that faces us in a library.  What is "the very
spot"?  There may well seem to be nothing but a conglomeration and
huddle of confusion.  Poems and novels, histories and memoirs,
dictionaries and blue-books; books written in all languages by men
and women of all tempers, races, and ages jostle each other on the
shelf.  And outside the donkey brays, the women gossip at the pump,
the colts gallop across the fields.  Where are we to begin?  How
are we to bring order into this multitudinous chaos and so get the
deepest and widest pleasure from what we read?

It is simple enough to say that since books have classes--fiction,
biography, poetry--we should separate them and take from each what
it is right that each should give us.  Yet few people ask from
books what books can give us.  Most commonly we come to books with
blurred and divided minds, asking of fiction that it shall be true,
of poetry that it shall be false, of biography that it shall be
flattering, of history that it shall enforce our own prejudices.
If we could banish all such preconceptions when we read, that would
be an admirable beginning.  Do not dictate to your author; try to
become him.  Be his fellow-worker and accomplice.  If you hang
back, and reserve and criticise at first, you are preventing
yourself from getting the fullest possible value from what you
read.  But if you open your mind as widely as possible, then signs
and hints of almost imperceptible fineness, from the twist and turn
of the first sentences, will bring you into the presence of a human
being unlike any other.  Steep yourself in this, acquaint yourself
with this, and soon you will find that your author is giving you,
or attempting to give you, something far more definite.  The
thirty-two chapters of a novel--if we consider how to read a novel
first--are an attempt to make something as formed and controlled as
a building: but words are more impalpable than bricks; reading is a
longer and more complicated process than seeing.  Perhaps the
quickest way to understand the elements of what a novelist is doing
is not to read, but to write; to make your own experiment with the
dangers and difficulties of words.  Recall, then, some event that
has left a distinct impression on you--how at the corner of the
street, perhaps, you passed two people talking.  A tree shook; an
electric light danced; the tone of the talk was comic, but also
tragic; a whole vision, an entire conception, seemed contained in
that moment.

But when you attempt to reconstruct it in words, you will find that
it breaks into a thousand conflicting impressions.  Some must be
subdued; others emphasised; in the process you will lose, probably,
all grasp upon the emotion itself.  Then turn from your blurred and
littered pages to the opening pages of some great novelist--Defoe,
Jane Austen, Hardy.  Now you will be better able to appreciate
their mastery.  It is not merely that we are in the presence of a
different person--Defoe, Jane Austen, or Thomas Hardy--but that we
are living in a different world.  Here, in Robinson Crusoe, we are
trudging a plain high road; one thing happens after another; the
fact and the order of the fact is enough.  But if the open air and
adventure mean everything to Defoe they mean nothing to Jane
Austen.  Hers is the drawing-room, and people talking, and by the
many mirrors of their talk revealing their characters.  And if,
when we have accustomed ourselves to the drawing-room and its
reflections, we turn to Hardy, we are once more spun round.  The
moors are round us and the stars are above our heads.  The other
side of the mind is now exposed--the dark side that comes uppermost
in solitude, not the light side that shows in company.  Our
relations are not towards people, but towards Nature and destiny.
Yet different as these worlds are, each is consistent with itself.
The maker of each is careful to observe the laws of his own
perspective, and however great a strain they may put upon us they
will never confuse us, as lesser writers so frequently do, by
introducing two different kinds of reality into the same book.
Thus to go from one great novelist to another--from Jane Austen to
Hardy, from Peacock to Trollope, from Scott to Meredith--is to be
wrenched and uprooted; to be thrown this way and then that.  To
read a novel is a difficult and complex art.  You must be capable
not only of great fineness of perception, but of great boldness of
imagination if you are going to make use of all that the novelist--
the great artist--gives you.

But a glance at the heterogeneous company on the shelf will show
you that writers are very seldom "great artists"; far more often a
book makes no claim to be a work of art at all.  These biographies
and autobiographies, for example, lives of great men, of men long
dead and forgotten, that stand cheek by jowl with the novels and
poems, are we to refuse to read them because they are not "art"?
Or shall we read them, but read them in a different way, with a
different aim?  Shall we read them in the first place to satisfy
that curiosity which possesses us sometimes when in the evening we
linger in front of a house where the lights are lit and the blinds
not yet drawn, and each floor of the house shows us a different
section of human life in being?  Then we are consumed with
curiosity about the lives of these people--the servants gossiping,
the gentlemen dining, the girl dressing for a party, the old woman
at the window with her knitting.  Who are they, what are they, what
are their names, their occupations, their thoughts, and adventures?

Biographies and memoirs answer such questions, light up innumerable
such houses; they show us people going about their daily affairs,
toiling, failing, succeeding, eating, hating, loving, until they
die.  And sometimes as we watch, the house fades and the iron
railings vanish and we are out at sea; we are hunting, sailing,
fighting; we are among savages and soldiers; we are taking part in
great campaigns.  Or if we like to stay here in England, in London,
still the scene changes; the street narrows; the house becomes
small, cramped, diamond-paned, and malodorous.  We see a poet,
Donne, driven from such a house because the walls were so thin that
when the children cried their voices cut through them.  We can
follow him, through the paths that lie in the pages of books, to
Twickenham; to Lady Bedford's Park, a famous meeting-ground for
nobles and poets; and then turn our steps to Wilton, the great
house under the downs, and hear Sidney read the Arcadia to his
sister; and ramble among the very marshes and see the very herons
that figure in that famous romance; and then again travel north
with that other Lady Pembroke, Anne Clifford, to her wild moors, or
plunge into the city and control our merriment at the sight of
Gabriel Harvey in his black velvet suit arguing about poetry with
Spenser.  Nothing is more fascinating than to grope and stumble in
the alternate darkness and splendour of Elizabethan London.  But
there is no staying there.  The Temples and the Swifts, the Harleys
and the St. Johns beckon us on; hour upon hour can be spent
disentangling their quarrels and deciphering their characters; and
when we tire of them we can stroll on, past a lady in black wearing
diamonds, to Samuel Johnson and Goldsmith and Garrick; or cross the
channel, if we like, and meet Voltaire and Diderot, Madame du
Deffand; and so back to England and Twickenham--how certain places
repeat themselves and certain names!--where Lady Bedford had her
Park once and Pope lived later, to Walpole's home at Strawberry
Hill.  But Walpole introduces us to such a swarm of new
acquaintances, there are so many houses to visit and bells to ring
that we may well hesitate for a moment, on the Miss Berrys'
doorstep, for example, when behold, up comes Thackeray; he is the
friend of the woman whom Walpole loved; so that merely by going
from friend to friend, from garden to garden, from house to house,
we have passed from one end of English literature to another and
wake to find ourselves here again in the present, if we can so
differentiate this moment from all that have gone before.  This,
then, is one of the ways in which we can read these lives and
letters; we can make them light up the many windows of the past; we
can watch the famous dead in their familiar habits and fancy
sometimes that we are very close and can surprise their secrets,
and sometimes we may pull out a play or a poem that they have
written and see whether it reads differently in the presence of the
author.  But this again rouses other questions.  How far, we must
ask ourselves, is a book influenced by its writer's life--how far
is it safe to let the man interpret the writer?  How far shall we
resist or give way to the sympathies and antipathies that the man
himself rouses in us--so sensitive are words, so receptive of the
character of the author?  These are questions that press upon us
when we read lives and letters, and we must answer them for
ourselves, for nothing can be more fatal than to be guided by the
preferences of others in a matter so personal.

But also we can read such books with another aim, not to throw
light on literature, not to become familiar with famous people, but
to refresh and exercise our own creative powers.  Is there not an
open window on the right hand of the bookcase?  How delightful to
stop reading and look out!  How stimulating the scene is, in its
unconsciousness, its irrelevance, its perpetual movement--the colts
galloping round the field, the woman filling her pail at the well,
the donkey throwing back his head and emitting his long, acrid
moan.  The greater part of any library is nothing but the record of
such fleeting moments in the lives of men, women, and donkeys.
Every literature, as it grows old, has its rubbish-heap, its record
of vanished moments and forgotten lives told in faltering and
feeble accents that have perished.  But if you give yourself up to
the delight of rubbish-reading you will be surprised, indeed you
will be overcome, by the relics of human life that have been cast
out to moulder.  It may be one letter--but what a vision it gives!
It may be a few sentences--but what vistas they suggest!  Sometimes
a whole story will come together with such beautiful humour and
pathos and completeness that it seems as if a great novelist had
been at work, yet it is only an old actor, Tate Wilkinson,
remembering the strange story of Captain Jones; it is only a young
subaltern serving under Arthur Wellesley and falling in love with a
pretty girl at Lisbon; it is only Maria Allen letting fall her
sewing in the empty drawing-room and sighing how she wishes she had
taken Dr. Burney's good advice and had never eloped with her Rishy.
None of this has any value; it is negligible in the extreme; yet
how absorbing it is now and again to go through the rubbish-heaps
and find rings and scissors and broken noses buried in the huge
past and try to piece them together while the colt gallops round
the field, the woman fills her pail at the well, and the donkey
brays.

But we tire of rubbish-reading in the long run.  We tire of
searching for what is needed to complete the half-truth which is
all that the Wilkinsons, the Bunburys, and the Maria Allens are
able to offer us.  They had not the artist's power of mastering and
eliminating; they could not tell the whole truth even about their
own lives; they have disfigured the story that might have been so
shapely.  Facts are all that they can offer us, and facts are a
very inferior form of fiction.  Thus the desire grows upon us to
have done with half-statements and approximations; to cease from
searching out the minute shades of human character, to enjoy the
greater abstractness, the purer truth of fiction.  Thus we create
the mood, intense and generalised, unaware of detail, but stressed
by some regular, recurrent beat, whose natural expression is
poetry; and that is the time to read poetry . . . when we are
almost able to write it.


     Western wind, when wilt thou blow?
     The small rain down can rain.
     Christ, if my love were in my arms,
     And I in my bed again!


The impact of poetry is so hard and direct that for the moment
there is no other sensation except that of the poem itself.  What
profound depths we visit then--how sudden and complete is our
immersion!  There is nothing here to catch hold of; nothing to stay
us in our flight.  The illusion of fiction is gradual; its effects
are prepared; but who when they read these four lines stops to ask
who wrote them, or conjures up the thought of Donne's house or
Sidney's secretary; or enmeshes them in the intricacy of the past
and the succession of generations?  The poet is always our
contemporary.  Our being for the moment is centred and constricted,
as in any violent shock of personal emotion.  Afterwards, it is
true, the sensation begins to spread in wider rings through our
minds; remoter senses are reached; these begin to sound and to
comment and we are aware of echoes and reflections.  The intensity
of poetry covers an immense range of emotion.  We have only to
compare the force and directness of


     I shall fall like a tree, and find my grave,
     Only remembering that I grieve,


with the wavering modulation of


     Minutes are numbered by the fall of sands,
     As by an hour glass; the span of time
     Doth waste us to our graves, and we look on it;
     An age of pleasure, revelled out, comes home
     At last, and ends in sorrow; but the life,
     Weary of riot, numbers every sand,
     Wailing in sighs, until the last drop down,
     So to conclude calamity in rest,


or place the meditative calm of


     whether we be young or old,
     Our destiny, our being's heart and home,
     Is with infinitude, and only there;
     With hope it is, hope that can never die,
     Effort, and expectation, and desire,
     And something evermore about to be,


beside the complete and inexhaustible loveliness of


     The moving Moon went up the sky,
     And nowhere did abide:
     Softly she was going up,
     And a star or two beside--


or the splendid fantasy of


     And the woodland haunter
     Shall not cease to saunter
     When, far down some glade,
     Of the great world's burning,
     One soft flame upturning
     Seems, to his discerning,
     Crocus in the shade,


to bethink us of the varied art of the poet; his power to make us
at once actors and spectators; his power to run his hand into
character as if it were a glove, and be Falstaff or Lear; his power
to condense, to widen, to state, once and for ever.

"We have only to compare"--with those words the cat is out of the
bag, and the true complexity of reading is admitted.  The first
process, to receive impressions with the utmost understanding, is
only half the process of reading; it must be completed, if we are
to get the whole pleasure from a book, by another.  We must pass
judgment upon these multitudinous impressions; we must make of
these fleeting shapes one that is hard and lasting.  But not
directly.  Wait for the dust of reading to settle; for the conflict
and the questioning to die down; walk, talk, pull the dead petals
from a rose, or fall asleep.  Then suddenly without our willing it,
for it is thus that Nature undertakes these transitions, the book
will return, but differently.  It will float to the top of the mind
as a whole.  And the book as a whole is different from the book
received currently in separate phrases.  Details now fit themselves
into their places.  We see the shape from start to finish; it is a
barn, a pigsty, or a cathedral.  Now then we can compare book with
book as we compare building with building.  But this act of
comparison means that our attitude has changed; we are no longer
the friends of the writer, but his judges; and just as we cannot be
too sympathetic as friends, so as judges we cannot be too severe.
Are they not criminals, books that have wasted our time and
sympathy; are they not the most insidious enemies of society,
corrupters, defilers, the writers of false books, faked books,
books that fill the air with decay and disease?  Let us then be
severe in our judgments; let us compare each book with the greatest
of its kind.  There they hang in the mind the shapes of the books
we have read solidified by the judgments we have passed on them--
Robinson Crusoe, Emma, The Return of the Native.  Compare the
novels with these--even the latest and least of novels has a right
to be judged with the best.  And so with poetry--when the
intoxication of rhythm has died down and the splendour of words has
faded, a visionary shape will return to us and this must be
compared with Lear, with Phèdre, with The Prelude; or if not with
these, with whatever is the best or seems to us to be the best in
its own kind.  And we may be sure that the newness of new poetry
and fiction is its most superficial quality and that we have only
to alter slightly, not to recast, the standards by which we have
judged the old.

It would be foolish, then, to pretend that the second part of
reading, to judge, to compare, is as simple as the first--to open
the mind wide to the fast flocking of innumerable impressions.  To
continue reading without the book before you, to hold one shadow-
shape against another, to have read widely enough and with enough
understanding to make such comparisons alive and illuminating--that
is difficult; it is still more difficult to press further and to
say, "Not only is the book of this sort, but it is of this value;
here it fails; here it succeeds; this is bad; that is good".  To
carry out this part of a reader's duty needs such imagination,
insight, and learning that it is hard to conceive any one mind
sufficiently endowed; impossible for the most self-confident to
find more than the seeds of such powers in himself.  Would it not
be wiser, then, to remit this part of reading and to allow the
critics, the gowned and furred authorities of the library, to
decide the question of the book's absolute value for us?  Yet how
impossible!  We may stress the value of sympathy; we may try to
sink our identity as we read.  But we know that we cannot
sympathise wholly or immerse ourselves wholly; there is always a
demon in us who whispers, "I hate, I love", and we cannot silence
him.  Indeed, it is precisely because we hate and we love that our
relation with the poets and novelists is so intimate that we find
the presence of another person intolerable.  And even if the
results are abhorrent and our judgments are wrong, still our taste,
the nerve of sensation that sends shocks through us, is our chief
illuminant; we learn through feeling; we cannot suppress our own
idiosyncrasy without impoverishing it.  But as time goes on perhaps
we can train our taste; perhaps we can make it submit to some
control.  When it has fed greedily and lavishly upon books of all
sorts--poetry, fiction, history, biography--and has stopped reading
and looked for long spaces upon the variety, the incongruity of the
living world, we shall find that it is changing a little; it is not
so greedy, it is more reflective.  It will begin to bring us not
merely judgments on particular books, but it will tell us that
there is a quality common to certain books.  Listen, it will say,
what shall we call THIS?  And it will read us perhaps Lear and then
perhaps the Agamemnon in order to bring out that common quality.
Thus, with our taste to guide us, we shall venture beyond the
particular book in search of qualities that group books together;
we shall give them names and thus frame a rule that brings order
into our perceptions.  We shall gain a further and a rarer pleasure
from that discrimination.  But as a rule only lives when it is
perpetually broken by contact with the books themselves--nothing is
easier and more stultifying than to make rules which exist out of
touch with facts, in a vacuum--now at last, in order to steady
ourselves in this difficult attempt, it may be well to turn to the
very rare writers who are able to enlighten us upon literature as
an art.  Coleridge and Dryden and Johnson, in their considered
criticism, the poets and novelists themselves in their considered
sayings, are often surprisingly revelant; they light up and
solidify the vague ideas that have been tumbling in the misty
depths of our minds.  But they are only able to help us if we come
to them laden with questions and suggestions won honestly in the
course of our own reading.  They can do nothing for us if we herd
ourselves under their authority and lie down like sheep in the
shade of a hedge.  We can only understand their ruling when it
comes in conflict with our own and vanquishes it.

If this is so, if to read a book as it should be read calls for the
rarest qualities of imagination, insight, and judgment, you may
perhaps conclude that literature is a very complex art and that it
is unlikely that we shall be able, even after a lifetime of
reading, to make any valuable contribution to its criticism.  We
must remain readers; we shall not put on the further glory that
belongs to those rare beings who are also critics.  But still we
have our responsibilities as readers and even our importance.  The
standards we raise and the judgments we pass steal into the air and
become part of the atmosphere which writers breathe as they work.
An influence is created which tells upon them even if it never
finds its way into print.  And that influence, if it were well
instructed, vigorous and individual and sincere, might be of great
value now when criticism is necessarily in abeyance; when books
pass in review like the procession of animals in a shooting
gallery, and the critic has only one second in which to load and
aim and shoot and may well be pardoned if he mistakes rabbits for
tigers, eagles for barndoor fowls, or misses altogether and wastes
his shot upon some peaceful cow grazing in a further field.  If
behind the erratic gunfire of the press the author felt that there
was another kind of criticism, the opinion of people reading for
the love of reading, slowly and unprofessionally, and judging with
great sympathy and yet with great severity, might this not improve
the quality of his work?  And if by our means books were to become
stronger, richer, and more varied, that would be an end worth
reaching.

Yet who reads to bring about an end, however desirable?  Are there
not some pursuits that we practise because they are good in
themselves, and some pleasures that are final?  And is not this
among them?  I have sometimes dreamt, at least, that when the Day
of Judgment dawns and the great conquerors and lawyers and
statesmen come to receive their rewards--their crowns, their
laurels, their names carved indelibly upon imperishable marble--the
Almighty will turn to Peter and will say, not without a certain
envy when he sees us coming with our books under our arms, "Look,
these need no reward.  We have nothing to give them here.  They
have loved reading."



THE END




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